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Review of: Geyer Michael – Fitzpatricková Sheila "Za obzor totalitarismu. Srovnání stalinismu a nacismu" Academia, Prague 2012, 686 pages by: Ivo T. Budil
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Article promoting communist ideology about the activity of the Romanian Communist Party for mobilizing the peasant masses in the anti-fascist struggle, 1934-1940.
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A few selected and discussed documents of the fascist official provenance written in the period from 1925 to 1931,represent the essence of economic and social problems in Istria between the Wars, even if they refer to particular problems of the "ordinary" man. I consider it necessary to become more acquainted with these issues, in order to understand the complex economic and sociological trends in Istria in the period mentioned. The subordination of these issues to political processes is a fundamental characteristic of fascist government. Insistance on such a relation, of evidently opposed categories, giving priority to short-term political interests and favouring political solutions to economic and social problems, brought the Istrian society and economy between the Wars to a chronically chaotic and "apathetic"state.
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The paper focuses on the analysis of strategies of constructing images of Spain and Ukraine by the Ukrainian emigrants of the first wave who arrived in Madrid after World War II to study at the Central University (today Universidad Complutense) and the Polytechnic University. The Ukrainians looked upon themselves as discoverers of Spain for Ukraine and as spiritual ambassadors of their motherland in the Hispanic world. The visions of Spain and Ukraine created by the first wave of the Ukrainian emigration reflect their right nationalist ideology. Being Greek Catholics who served in the Division “Galichina”, the students continued their fight against the USSR in new forms and without any problem accepted the Francoist culture. As a result, the image of Spain disseminated by them contains such features as spirit of chivalry, of Catholic crusade; strong presence of Catholicism which impregnates everything; traditionalism, anticommunism, and anti-consumerism. In these terms, the image of Ukraine is a product of the worldview which is juxtaposed to sovietization, modernization, and globalization, to all those negative tendencies that, in their opinion, could change the eternal National-Catholic spirit. It is a vision of the Ukrainian as traditional, folklore nationalist, and anti-communist, which recognizes itself in the mythical and eternal past, and faces away from history.
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The paper presents authentic archival documents acquired at the Bundesarchives in Ludwigsburg (The Central Office for the Investigation of National Socialist Crimes) which document the pre-trial against SS Hauptsturmführer Günther Hausding. The defendant Günther Hausding was accused of crimes against humanity during the period 1941-1944, which he had conducted in Serbia, Albania and Kosova. He was specifically accused of being involved directly or indirectly in the execution of around 40,000 men in the region of Belgrade – Kragujevac, his involvement in the civilian killings in Tirana in February 1944, and his involvement in the impromptu execution of Silvira Tomasini, who was arrested on charges of being involved in propagandistic activity for the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The documents present the testimony of Harry Laturnus, Otto Peter, Karl Berger and Dr. Lehmann as the appointed state prosecutor to the case.
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Review: Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialis-tische Deutschland 1933–1945. Bd. 13: Slowakei, Rumänien und Bulgarien. Hrsg. von Barbara Hutzelmann, Mariana Hausleitner und Souzana Hazan. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2018. 800 S. ISBN 978-3-11-036500-9. (€ 59,95.) (Beáta Márkus)
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The study addresses the changes experienced in Turkey- Germany relations as a result of the domestic political developments experienced in Germany after World War I, when the National Socialist German Labor Party (Nazis) came to power in 1933. The change experienced in Germany with the Nazi rule reflected itself also in the relations with Turkey and changed the course of Turkish-German relations. Under the light of the archive documents of the State Archives of the Presidency of Turkish Republic, the study analyses Turkish-German relations especially in 1933 which is the first year of the rule of Nazis when the bilateral relations made a new start. The year 1933, when important developments were recorded between two countries, has been a year when a set of important economic and political steps were taken in line with the start of Turkey-German relations. In this framework, during the period between two world wars which is an important period in Turkish political history, the study assesses the Turkey-Germany relations peculiar to the year 1933 when the Nazi Party came to power and is analyses how the relations between two countries were evaluated by Turkish foreign policy. The study is evaluated in accordance with archive documents and other sources obtained by documentary source scanning method.
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The article presents the emergence and rooting of the concept of ‘fascism’ in Polish right-wing discourses, especially in the widely understood local nationalist movement of the 20th century (National Democracy, Endecja). According to the author, the early 1920s, and above all the period of Mussolini’s gaining power in Italy, was a decisive time (Sattelzeit by R. Koselleck) for the reception and transfer of both fascist concepts and ideas as a transnational phenomenon. Still, it also significantly influenced the radicalisation of the native right-wing identity in interwar Poland. However, the author proves how vital the role of radical anti-Semitism was in forming indigenous right-wing discourses and their subsequent political practices.
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With Adolf Hitler coming to power in January 1933, the National Socialists staged their dominance in the city center of Breslau by using various visual and auditory elements – including swastikas, singing, marching, dispersing rumors – to spread their influence and keep the people under control. How were these changes in the city soundscape used for social exclusion and territory-marking? How were they experienced by the Jewish population and how can they be related to questions of identity and (non-)belonging? Addressing these questions with the corpus of autobiographical writings – both diaries and autobiographies – from Jewish victims from the city of Breslau will be the main aim of this article. This study of literary testimonies will focus on the constant and changing sounds of propaganda in Breslau, sound technologies such as radio and loudspeakers used for propaganda, and the relation between sound, identity, and trauma.
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The article is a summary of the knowledge so far about the war fate of Jerzy Kluger, a Jew from Wadowice, the son of the last president of the Wadowice Jewish community and a school friend of Karol Wojtyła. The fate of Kluger in 1939-1945, who finally reached Rome via the Soviet Union, Central Asia and the Middle East, was presented against the broader background of the events of World War II.
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The study was devoted to the legal opinion drawn up in the post-war trial against the German judge Albert Michel on the activities of German courts in Polish territories during the Nazi occupation. The scope of the opinion is broader than it appears from the title – Professor Władysław Wolter covered the entire German occupation including the actual German invasion in 1939. The text of the source was preceded by a discussion in which the circumstances of the opinion were explained, the author’s profile was presented, and its most important theses were characterised. The statements of the opinion were related to other views of the doctrine and jurisprudence, as well as the decisions issued in the Michel case.
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Although the contemporary Italian memory war originally stems from a debate around the trauma of the 1943-1945 civil war between Italian Fascists and the Resistance, its almost equally crucial aspect remains that of the two conflicting narratives of the early Cold War period (1945-1948). One of those is the dominant memory pattern, imposed by the ruling Christian Democratic Party (pro-American and anti-Communist), opposed by the alternative and marginalized view promoted by the Communists (anti-American and pro-Communist). Giorgio Gaber (1939-2003), a famous Italian cantautore (singer-songwriter), is one the exponents of anti-American trauma and nostalgia for communism within the latter narrative. In his two famous texts, America and Some used to be Communists, he offers precious insights into these aspects of his generation’s own memory and their ancestors’ post-memory of the post-war period.
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This paper offers a post-memory oriented analysis of the movies Bent (1997) and Paragraph 175 (2000), both referring to the so-called pink triangles—homosexual men persecuted by the Nazis. The author reverses Marianne Hirsch’s key concept in order to introduce a new one, “the generation of homosexual post-memory”. Theoretical categories of dignity, shame, and profanation are used contextually, to comment on the main themes of the movies and their common interpretations. Seen through the post-memory perspective, films under discussion become substitutes of direct, familial narratives, which for years remained inaccessible due to binding law, social taboos, “institutional homophobia”, and sustained “days of masquerade”. Even though it may not seem obvious at first, the text presents that both titles have the potential to activate the process of trauma transfer and create homosexual post-memory as such.
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Eighty years since their appearance, the Muslim Resolutions of 1941 have not ceased to attract the attention of both professional historians and the wider academic and social public. While some older literature and publicist writing have promoted mostly typical, extra-contextual and emphatically affirmative views on their content, the recent critical historiography has raised many questions about the real substance, meaning and scope of these important historical documents. In this paper, the author seeks to shed light on the broader background of the resolutions, analyzes their content, makes questions about the credibility and sustainability of some of their claims and assesments, deals with the told and unspoken matters in their messages, and portrays the contested views and controversies that have been following the appearance of the Muslim resolutions to the present day.
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The review of: Krieg und Zwangsmigration in Südosteuropa 1940–1950. Pläne, Umsetzung, Folgen, ur. Mathias Beer. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag (Schriftenreihe des Instituts für donauschwäbische Geschichte und Landeskunde, 22), 305.
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The article describes life and political ideas of Aleksander Trzaska Chrząszczewski, one of the most distinctive political scientists and conservative thinkers of the interwar period in Poland. The essay contains many – earlier unknown – biographical details and Chrząszczewski’s political, international and historiosophic conceptions. In his essays Chrząszczewski criticised political system based on the democratic constitution from 1921 and political practise of authoritarian regime ruled after 1926 r. He precisely pointed out inconsistency of Pilsudski’s camp, which declared strengthening of the State as an aim of political activity and on the other hand very often ruled by informal instruments. In the international relations’ area Chrząszczewski was a follower of pro-French orientation. He observed evolution of German political system during Nazi regime and warned against rising of political and military power of Third Reich. “Przypływy i odpływy demokracji” (The Tides of Democracy), written in 1939, is still the most recognizable Chrząszczewski’s work. The Author proposed original vision of political changes stimulated by increasing or decreasing activity of masses. Chrząszczewski’s theory is one of the most interesting attempts to analyze social and political events of 1930s, that could be compared with the ones made by Jose Ortega y Gasset or Florian Znaniecki.
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The author here deals with military and political circumstances on the territory of Senj during WWII and some time after. Based on poor archival materials and literature and for the part on memory of the participants of those war events, the author speaks about sixty five places where mainly the soldiers of the Independent State of Croatia armed forces perished or killed and buried. So, according to the respective pieces of information, more than 112 Croatian soldiers, mainly from Lika, lost their lives on the territory of Vratnik, Krasno and mountainous part of St. Juraj. The total number according to different locations amounts to one hundred sixty eight. Among them were also the soldiers of partisan formations and civilians from territory. They were killed for the most part between 7-15 April 1945. Among them was a number of prisoners of war, but they were executed as well. These, however, are not the and definitive figures.
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L'ouvrage se réfère à certaines actions des masses ouvrières du département de Prahova dirigées par le Parti Communiste Roumain, pour les droits et les revendications démocratiques, contre le fascisme et contre le périle de guerre. La mécontentement de la classe ouvrière a été déterminé par l'agravation de la situation matérielle des travailleurs, par la baisse des paies, par la hausse des prix des articles de première nécessité, par le grand nombre de congédiements et d'autres. Cette situation a eu pour effet le déclenchement de nombreux conflits et actions grévistes entre 1938—1940, qui par la fréquence, par la combativité et par le grand nombre de participants ont constitué l'une des principales formes de manifestation de l'opposition/de la classe ouvrière du département de Prahova envers la politique de la dictature royale. Tous les conflits et les actions grévistes ont été accompagnées par de nombreuses réunions et manifestations révolutionnaires des travailleurs du département de Prahova, dans plusieurs localités et ayant un profond caractère antifasciste et antiguerrier, pour la défense de l'indépendance et de la souveraineté nationale.
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l'appel adressé par le Parti Communiste Roumain en septembre 1944, la population qui habitait la zone du nord-ouest de la Transylvanie indiféremment de-sa nationalité s'est engagée avec toutes ses forces dans la lutte contre l'armée hitlérienne et contre l'occupation des fascistes de Horthy. Mobilisées par le Comité régional du Parti Communiste Roumain, dont le siège était à Cluj, et par le Conseil national du Front National Démocratique, les masses populaires de Transylvanie ont fait le preuve d'un veritable héroïsme dans leurs actions pour la réfection de l'économie détruite par la guerre, contre le sabotage et la spéculation illicite, pour la démocratisation de la vie économique, politique-et administrative, pour le triomphe de la révolution populaire en Roumanie.
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The researchers of National Socialism (NS) and Holocaust often emphasize the apparently direct link between Nazis’ ideology and their crimes. They tend to interpret ideology (racial antisemitism in particular) as the foundation and key implication of Holocaust / Shoah. The article argues that the link between ideology and genocide is drawn too fast and too carelessly, and therefore attempts to provide a critical analysis of the explanatory potential of NS ideology, based on primary NS sources and historiographic examples. Nazis themselves post hoc explained many things (including their own actions) as ideologically driven – the outcomes of which we today perceive as Holocaust or Shoah. However, if we truly want to understand and explain these phenomena, instead of following Nazis’ (ideo)logical explanations, we ought to understand the reality of National socialist destructive actions in a more nuanced manner: namely, by differentiating between different types of “destructors”, their motives and self-consciousness, as well as their later explanations of “what happened because of that”. The article is based on Hannah Arendt’s research of totalitarianism and her reflections on evil, as well as Hermann Lübbe, Odo Marquardt and others’ critique of the optimistic historical epistemology.
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