Képmelléklet
List of illustrations to the articles of the following authors: Pozsony Ferenc, T. Szabó Csilla, Tőtős Áron, Ferenczi Szilárd, Wellmann László, Murádin János Kristóf.
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List of illustrations to the articles of the following authors: Pozsony Ferenc, T. Szabó Csilla, Tőtős Áron, Ferenczi Szilárd, Wellmann László, Murádin János Kristóf.
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In April 2019, an unusual group of artists and international legal academics gathered on an elegant square in The Hague to visit the former American Embassy. This brutalist icon, designed in the 1950s by Marcel Breuer, was recently abandoned by its original inhabitants. The ongoing transition of the building from highly secured embassy to public cultural centre makes for a moment to reflect on the meanings this space inspires. In this special section, we posit the building as a prism through which we probe the connections between art, architecture and international law. In line with the tradition of (re)invention embodied by Breuer’s design, the section breathes experimentation. The contributions are eclectic, unconventional and rough round the edges. The section is structured as a route through the building with no particular order or hierarchy. The ‘fac¸ade’ functions as a somewhat natural starting point, thereafter, the reader is invited to choose her own route. All spaces that can be visited are actual spaces in the building and echo the source of inspiration of the contributor. We invite you to join us on our journey and to explore the special issue as you would explore and make sense of an abandoned building where traces of international law abound.
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The annual reports published by Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) on Russia and the state of world affairs act like the rings on a tree, measuring changes over time by offering a snapshot of a particular instant. This report is no different but comes at a time that could scarcely be more unlike earlier years. The COVID-19 pandemic has acted like a savage beam of light, illuminating processes that were apparent yet not fully revealed. The pandemic has also intensified many of these processes, accentuating what had already been observed to be ‘the great acceleration’, the speeding up of historical processes in recent years. Drawing on the analysis presented in the IMEMO report, this comment identifies three key interrelated issues that are now subject to accelerated change: first, the broader retreat of the post-1945 ‘Yalta’ international system established at the end of the Second World War, focused above all on the United Nations (UN); second, the decay of the post-1989 settlement, which turned out not to be a settlement in any meaningful sense; and third, the return of a certain type of great power relations in the COVID era. The emergence of the rudiments of bipolarity signals the onset of a new era of confrontation, with few of the guardrails of the First Cold War and none of the clear ideological markers of the earlier era, rendering this period more dangerous than that of the post-war conflict and more akin to the period leading up to the First World War.
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1. La conference nationale sur la formation du peuple albanais, de sa langue et de sa culture; 2. Acquisitions de la science albanaise; 3. Symposium sur l’epopee heroique legendaire; 4. Preparatifs pour le festival folklorique national; 5. Reunion commemorative sur le centenaire de la naissance du prof. Dr. Maximilien lambertz; 6. Preparation du corps des agglomerations et des habitations populaires albanaises; 7. Travaux du laboratoire chimique de l’ICP; 8. Activites des departements de l’institut de culture populaire; 9. Sessions scientifiques dans les districts.
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The study presents the strategies of France and Italy to intensify trade with China in the years after Mao Zedong as a starting point for the development of their cultural influence and vice versa; of Great Britain – to increase humanitarian contacts as a prerequisite for its larger trade supplies. As the topic is very broad, the examples that illustrate the described processes are mainly in the field of music and cinema. More attention is paid to China’s acceptance of Western European initiatives. The text traces and analyzes the development of China’s official positions regarding the foreign cultural presence in the country, and could serve as a guide for developing a successful diplomatic practice.
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The paper shows an American model of the participation of the society in the administration of justice. It is crucial for the Polish discussion about the involvement of public factor in that manner. The analysis is divided between the constitutional right to trial by jury and the institution of justices of the peace, which is unique for the Anglo-Saxon legal system. Research conducted here is the result of a detailed analysis of the case law of the Supreme Court of the United States and selected state courts that shaped the views of the American academia on this issue. Hopefully, this brief study will help to reform the Polish judicial process.
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By all accounts, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan has the strictest “blasphemy laws” among countries with a majority Muslim population. The controversial amendments to the provisions of the Pakistan Penal Code on “offences relating to religion” go back to General Zia ul-Haq’s top-down policies of Islamization. Despite their flaws, doubtful legitimacy, and negative repercussions, the “blasphemy laws” have neither been reformed nor abolished under subsequent governments. This contribution will shed light on the complex political, economic, and social factors that have led to both the emergence of the laws and to the continuous escalation of the situation in terms of increased sectarian and religiously-motivated violence that the ongoing debate about the “blasphemy laws” has engendered. It may be asked, to what extent the controversy on the laws can be taken as indicative of problems with which the country was confronted since its formation, and to what extent shifts and transformations in the socio-political structure of Pakistan, the inability or unwillingness of the authorities to deal with the challenges in a systematic way, and also external factors have exacerbated these deep-rooted problems.
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The paper aims to provide an analysis of the question of violations of human rights during the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983) and the impact of this problem on bilateral relations with the United States. The article will focus mostly on the presidency of James “Jimmy” Earl Carter. The political line he adopted, known as “the Carter doctrine” or “human rights policy” was the basis of restrictive attitude towards the Argentine dictators. In order to provide a complete analysis, the topic of the paper was treated broadly, covering not only bilateral, American-Argentine issues, but also multilateral forms of exerting pressure on Argentina, mainly from the United Nations and Organization of American States. The article also provides an analysis of the human rights policy itself, as well as of the state terror introduced by the Argentine military, known as the “Dirty War””.
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This paper deals with the relations between the Republic of Serbia and the European Union, with special attention to the key issues in the process of its accession to the EU, as well as the political moods of the Serbian citizens towards that membership. There are many problems and misunderstandings in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union which are expressed through conflicts of different interests, the EU’s asymmetrical and ultimatum based relationship with Serbia, a different perception and assessment of reality in Serbia, the value system and other cultural factors. These problems are manifested through many issues, and essentially, they stem from the consequences of the break-up of Yugoslavia and the political conditions for Serbia’s admission to EU membership, such as: the support of the secessionist processes in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, first in case of secession of Montenegro from the FR Yugoslavia and then of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia, as well as in the issues of Serbia’s cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. The core standards for EU membership from Copenhagen and Madrid remain in the shadow of these problems. This is one of the reasons why in Serbia the skepticism towards its membership in the European Union has been on the rise.
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The island of Malta has served as a strategic colony since the dawn of history. Since Phoenician and Roman times, the island has been an important base in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea. Its last colonisers, the British, spent about 180 years using the islands for their imperial needs. The official closing of the British base on 31 March 1979 heralded a new economic and social reality supposedly unhampered by the exigencies of foreigners. Two major post-memory reactions kicked in – nostalgia and aversion to ex-colonial life. The postcolonial Maltese generations exhibit a range of reactions oscillating between love and hate for the British. On the other hand, British ex-service personnel and their families have continued to feel an affinity with the island base which they had come to acknowledge as a second home. This allows for a new type of relationship between the Maltese people and their British visitors where issues of colonial post-memory are negotiated. These are seen at their best in the local tourism industry. Malta woos British tourists and goes to great effort to attract them. It uses to its advantage the colonial affinity to create an attractive destination for the British which benefits the locals and the Maltese economy. In Malta post-memory has evolved in line with necessity and expediency, where animosity, though manifestly tangible, has gradually morphed into a rather benign residue in the collective reaction to the colonial past.
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In this article devoted to the independent culture in Polish People’s Republic, I put into dichotomic doubt the concept based on the clear division between the official and independent culture. The forms of creative activity that escaped the state censorship between 1976 and 1989 radically disrespected the directives of the state’s cultural policy, yet many years before the emergence of ‘the second circulation’, there were already numerous initiatives that sparked a rich spectrum of independent activity. The authors’ strategies to remain independent changed over time, to varying extent distanced the authors from the official artistic life and differed depending on the character of the authors’ intellectual activity. In the article, I attempt to prove the relatively weak influence of the ‘official dependent culture’ that fully respected the authorities’ instructions, and I propose a classification of creative strategies that also emerged in the official culture and allowed for a relatively free development of art and science. Using multiple examples from literature, cinema, visual arts, music and science, I discuss ‘controlled culture escaping the ideological instructions’, ‘official niche culture’, ‘culture confronting the limitations’, ‘licensed Catholic culture’, ‘second circulation culture’ and ‘third circulation culture.’ The practice of searching for a way out of the official one-dimensionality allowed Polish cultural identity to continue and save its most valuable intellectual and artistic values.
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The 20th century was a very difficult period of time for the Greek-Catholic Church in Ukraine. In the year 1946 new communist invaders started to fight religion in Western Ukraine. They have organized so called “council” in Lviv in order to suppress UGCC. Despite that Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church did not seized to exist. Bishops, priests and faithfuls have survived the time of persecution in the underground. This was the time of great testimony to the faithfulness of our people to the Catholic Church and to the Holy See. That testimony was strengthen by blood of many martyrs: bishops, priest, religious and faithfuls. In the year 1989, when Soviet Union was about to collapse, UGCC has raised from underground to the new life. In 2001 saint pope John Paul II has acknowledged the great sacrifice of Ukrainian martyrs and has beatified 27 of them.
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Andreea Croitoru`s new book is an important contribution for the Romanian naval historiography.
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La communication se propose de souligner le rôle dinamique permanent et constructif de la politique étrangère roumaine joué dans l'activité d'unes des institutions spécialisées de l'Organisation des Nations Unies: UNESCO, ONUDI et FAO. Participante active à la vie et à l'activité de ces organisations, notre pays, conséquent à une politique de paix, amitié et collaboration avec toutes les nations du monde, contribue à la consolidation du rôle de l'ONU, pour la réalisation du principe de l'universalité et pour l'accomplissement d'une égalité réelle des droits des états membres de la plus importante organisation intérnationale gouvernementale.
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This article deals with defining and analyzing the experience of dialogue and interaction of the founders of the Kyiv philosophical school, as a leading participant in the philosophical life of the Ukrainian SSR from the Khrushchev’s “thaw” to the Gorbachev’s “perestroika,” with the human rights and national-cultural movement of the 1950s and 1980s, also represented, in particular, by its figures V. Lisovyi and Y. Pronyuk. Academicians S. Krymskyi and V. Horskyi, founders both of this school and, at the same time, its main academic center, namely the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, were long-term employees of its two most nonconforming Departments – Logic and Methodology of Science and History of Philosophy of Ukraine, and left a lot of evidence on this topic. In their final autobiographical reconstructions of the past two decades, they left a number of recollections of their long-term friendly relations with the known ideologists of the Ukrainian human rights movement I. Svitlychny, I. Dziuba, E. Sverstiuk, L. Plyushch, including their colleagues, prisoners of conscience V. Lisovyi and Y. Pronyuk. At the same time, they provided much evidence of similar relations with well-known in the USSR and the world Russian Soviet dissidents: the philosophers A. Zinoviev and A. Esenin-Volpin, and the writer V. Nekrasov. Other no less important sources of the topic of the article, apart from the memoirs of the mentioned and other figures of the Kyiv philosophical school, as significant achievements of the first domestic projects on the oral history of philosophy of T. Chaika and Student Society of Oral History of Philosophy of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, are used below. These are scientific works, memoirs, and correspondence of the said well-known academic human rights scholars: dissident philosopher V. Lisovyi and his colleague from the Institute of Cybernetics of the Ukrainian SSR Academy of Sciences, also dissident philosopher L. Plyushch. They reflected the formation of a new type of Ukrainian intelligentsia of the post-Stalin era of the generation of the sixties as postmodern thinkers-visionaries of democratic Ukraine
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International order is one of the key concepts of international relations of the 19th and 20th centuries following the wars and the shifting of major paradigms. When the Cold War ended it became more relevant for the Balkans since the balance of power was no longer the most suitable model for regional peace, following the dangerous ethnic tensions, and new realities. The paper intents to explain the main values and characteristics of the contemporary international order, specifically since the collapse of the balance of power; and to analyze what this means for the Balkans, both in terms of international involvement in the Balkans, and the positioning of Balkan states in the system of international relations? The study identifies the main patterns that shape contemporary international order, noting the increased impact of globalization, and shifting of the models of international order towards the stability, geopolitical relevance, and development of the Balkans.
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Review of: Dariusz Jarosz - Bruno Kamiński, Fear Management. Foreign Threats in the Post-War Polish Propaganda. The Influence and the Reception of the Communist Media (1944–1956), Berlin 2019, Peter Lang, ss. 385, Studies in History, Memory and Politics
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Jesen je 1969. godine, tek sam došao na studij iz Splita u Zagreb; pasionirano obilazim zagrebačka kazališta, najčešće sam jer nitko od mojih prijatelja, koje tih dana upoznajem, ne može podnijeti toliku količinu teatra u tako kratkom vremenu. U Zagrebačkome dramskom, koje se još ne zove po Gavelli, gledam Minigolf, čitao sam već o mladom autoru te drame u novinama, znam da je samo tri godine stariji od mene, bio je jedan od glavnih zagrebačkih šezdesetosmaša, iako tek dvadesetogodišnjak; u Minigolfu bavi se zbivanjima u jednom omladinskom listu šezdesetih godina (na način koji dosta podsjeća na »predigru « Krležina Vučjaka, koja se odigrava u redakciji novina Narodna sloga, neposredno nakon 1. svjetskog rata).
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The article seeks to analyse clientelistic practices in Croatia and to determine the elements of (dis)continuity between these practices and the related practices in socialism. We define clientelism as the conditional exchange of political support, influence, and goods within a network, aimed at the achievement of political hegemony and selective distribution of material benefits. Clientelistic networks are reproduced through rent-extracting instruments, which bring larger benefits to their core, and through political legitimation instruments, which distribute smaller benefits to wider segments of the electorate that support hegemonic power. The first group consists of personnel policy and management of material resources in the public sector and instrumentalization of public institutions, whereas the second group comprises social policy and ideology. State capture in Croatia has some roots in socialism. This applies to the personnel policy in the public sector, instrumentalization of public institutions and ideological legitimation of the system. But the markets and private property were then limited in scope, and social policy aided by an egalitarian ideology distributed some benefits of economic development. The shift towards a multi-party system and market economy in the context of war, state independence and dysfunctional institutions has strengthened existing mechanisms of state capture and encouraged the formation of new ones.
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