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Između kralja, poglavnika i maršala
4.50 €

Između kralja, poglavnika i maršala

Author(s): Tvrtko Jakovina / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author attempts to situate that watershed year that concluded the Second World War in the context of world history and show what it meant for the development of Croatia and Yugoslavia. He focusses on the relations among the Allies regarding the disagreement concerning Tito, especially the plans from the end of 1943 to the beginning of 1944 in which Ivan Šubašić was to be inserted in Croatian territory in order to influence Croat Peasant Party sympathizers to transfer their allegiance to the ≪Partisan flag≫, as recorded in the documents of the British Foreign Office. From 1944, Ivan Šubašić was the key element in the British and American governments≫ attempt to decommunize the character of Josip Broz’s Partisan movement and ensure a multiparty, democratic and federal consitutional monarchy in Yugoslavia. Josip Broz Tito determined matters on the ground; he was unwilling to accept the decisions made between Moscow and London, or those in Yalta, although he was not entirely negative. In addition, the author points out the Soviet strategy for the gradual communization of Eastern Europe, as well as the American consent to Moscow obtaining a security zone along the borders of the USSR, and how this pertains to the circumstances in Yugoslavia. The relations within the Independent State of Croatia and the relations of Hitler and Pavelić were unimportant to the political solution of Croatia’s or Yugoslavia’s future.

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Politika komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji prema vjerskim zajednicama 1945. godine
4.50 €

Politika komunističkog režima u Jugoslaviji prema vjerskim zajednicama 1945. godine

Author(s): Miroslav Akmadža / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

During 1945 important changes in the status o religious communities occurred, first in the territories under Partisan control, and after the conclusion of the war, in the whole territory of the newly established communist state of Yugoslavia. Compared to the previous regime, the policy of the communist government toward religious communities changed in important ways, which resulted in distrust among religious communities toward the new leadership. Fear of the new regime’s policies as far as religion and religious communities were concerned was quickly realized, as it set about making a harsh account of the leaders of the most numerous religious communities, along with the clergy in general.

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Saveznički izbjeglički logori počeci otpora hrvatske političke emigracije komunističkom režimu u domovini / logor Fermo/
4.50 €

Saveznički izbjeglički logori počeci otpora hrvatske političke emigracije komunističkom režimu u domovini / logor Fermo/

Author(s): Berislav Jandrić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

After the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia and the unsuccessful surrender to the Allies at Bleiburg, many Croats found safe shelter in the Allied refugee camps in Austria, Italy, Germany, and so on. After getting over the initial period of shock, the Croatian political emigration began to organize, drawing up plans to take action to bring down the communist regime in the homeland and reestablish the Independent State. Camp Fermo in Italy, even if by land the furthest distance from the homeland, was the center which held the greatest number of Croatian intellectuals, emigrants, and also individuals of other social classes who were the first proponents and organizers of opposition to the existing communist regime in Yugoslavia.

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Izvještaji Zemaljske komisije za utvrđivanje zločina okupatora i njihovih pomagača na području Bjelovara od 1944. do 1947. godine
4.50 €

Izvještaji Zemaljske komisije za utvrđivanje zločina okupatora i njihovih pomagača na području Bjelovara od 1944. do 1947. godine

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Moscow Conference at which the Decree concering war crimes was tabled, as well as the creation of the International Commission for War Crimes, spurred the establishment of the State Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and their assistants on 20 October 1943 in London. Its mandate was to control the work of the National Commissions. This article is based on archival materials which analyze the organization and activity of the National Commission for the Confirmation of the crimes of the Occupiers and Collaborators in the environs of Bjelovar in the period from 1944 to 1947. The documents collected attempt to establish the crimes committed against Serbs, Jews, Roma and other individuals from the environs of Bjelovar during the time of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Many functionaries of the NDH regime and members of judicial institutions are named as perpetrators responsible for the crimes.

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Uloga muzičkog folklora u spoljnoj politici Socijalističke Jugoslavije 1950–1952.
6.00 €

Uloga muzičkog folklora u spoljnoj politici Socijalističke Jugoslavije 1950–1952.

Author(s): Ivan S. Hofman / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The conflict with Cominform in 1948 was a turning point in the history of socialist Yugoslavia. In complete isolation and difficult economic crisis, after initial vacillation and desire to prove its Stalinist orthodoxy Yugoslavia has started to seek new ways in the development of socialism, on the basis of its own revolutionary experience. On the foreign policy plan, its diplomatic activity was aimed toward restoration of previously severed ties with the West, in an effort to get necessary aid from this side and thus free itself from the heavy pressure of the USSR and its satellites. Musical folklore got its place in the new foreign-policy orientation of Yugoslavia. In the 1950–1952 period the Government of the FPRY sent leading professional and certain amateur folklore groups to competitions and tours in the West lasting several weeks, and in September 1951 organized an international congress of ethnomusicologists in Opatija. The government of the FPRY regarded tours of folklore ensembles and the international congress as one of the means to overcome isolation of the country, as well as a way to present Yugoslavia as a new leader of international labour movement, after the Soviet communists, as it was believed, betrayed fundamental principles of Marxism and international proletarian solidarity.

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Három az egyben: hősi halott, áldozat, felelős

Három az egyben: hősi halott, áldozat, felelős

Author(s): András Gerő / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

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A világháborútól a világválságig

A világháborútól a világválságig

Author(s): Béla Háda / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

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Magyarország helye Közép-Európában

Magyarország helye Közép-Európában

Author(s): Béla Borsi-Kálmán / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

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Ausztria és a dél-tiroli autonómia

Ausztria és a dél-tiroli autonómia

Author(s): Zoltán Maruzsa / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

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National report on the crimes of communism in Slovenia

National report on the crimes of communism in Slovenia

Author(s): Andreja Valič,Damjan Hančič,Boštjan Kolarič,Jernej Letnar Černič,Renato Podbersič / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For six centuries the Slovenian lands had been the part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which disintegrated aft er the WWI. According to the will of the Paris Peace Conference and the world super powers the majority of the Slovenian lands in 1918 entered the first Yugoslavia. Th e western part belonged to Italy and the west-northern part belonged to Austria. During the WWI in Slovenia (1941–1945) there were occupation, resistance, revolution, collaboration and the civil war. After the Axis attack on Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, Slovenia was occupied by Italy, Germany and Hungary. After the Italian capitulation in September 1943, Germany added the Italian Slovenian territory into the Operational Zone Adriatic Littoral. After the German occupation of Hungary, the Third Reich occupied the whole of Slovenia. All three occupying countries had the same goal: to Italianize, Germanize and Hungarize the Slovenians and assimilate the occupied territories.

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Életről, pályáról

Életről, pályáról

Author(s): Péter András Tóth / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

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Egy 80 éves történet

Egy 80 éves történet

Author(s): Márton Maczák / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

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Edvard Kocbek

Edvard Kocbek

Author(s): György Lukács B. / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The purpose of this study is to examine the political career of Edvard Kocbek (1904–1981), the internationally recognised Slovene writer, poet, Christian Socialist thinker and politician. Kocbek became well known in 1937, after publishing a long article about the Spanish Civil War, in which he raised his voice against the fact that the main Slovenian party and the Church leadership supported Francisco Franco. In World War II he and his Christian Socialists cooperated with the communists in the Liberation Front and Kocbek has received high ranking positions after the war, but as a Christian, he had no place in the new regime and was forced to resigne. After a decade, he could publish his literary works again. In the afternoon of his life, he raised a particularly unpleasant question for the regime regarding the massacres committed by the Yugoslav Communists after World War II, which was a taboo subject till then.

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Diktátorok árnyékában

Diktátorok árnyékában

Author(s): Gábor Székely / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949) Bulgarian communist leader, head of state after 1945. His international recognition was acquired in 1933, follo-wing the German Reichstag–fire trial in Leipzig, where he was acquitted of Hitler's judges, accused by Herman Göring and Joseph Goebbels. He moved then to Moscow, where he became secretary general of the Communist International, wich controlled of the communist parties aro-und the world. He had a role in the elaboration of the popular front policy - successful in France and Spain. At the same time he had to suffer of Sta-lin's dictatorship, he had to experience the execution of. After 1945, with the Yugoslavian Joszip Broz Tito, many of his associates they saw the op-portunity in the Balkan Federation to loosening the dependence on Sta-lin. What Tito did, he did not succeed: the presence of Soviet troops in Bulgaria had decided the outcome.

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Egy hiányzó fejezet Erdei Ferenc életútjából

Egy hiányzó fejezet Erdei Ferenc életútjából

Author(s): Zsuzsanna Varga / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

This paper focuses on a person being both a scientist and a politician who played a key role in socialist Hungary in the initiation of the opening towards the West. Ferenc Erdei (1910–1971) started his career as a soci-ologist in the early 1930s and was mainly involved in politics after 1945. Following the revolution in 1956, he drew back from his active political role. He established the Research Institute of Agricultural Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences which became the the most import-ant background institution of the Agrarian Lobby. My paper argues that the experience Erdei gained from his study trips in Western Europe in the 1930s served later as a basis for the „bridge-building” between the socialist East and the capitalist West. In my paper I investigate which western countries Erdei launched the opening towards and through which channels he started to build a network as well as the political and professional debates that followed this process.

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A trianoni békeszerződés magyar aláírói:

A trianoni békeszerződés magyar aláírói:

Author(s): László Tamás Vizi / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Life, later destiny, political and public work of Dr. Ágost Benárd, minister of welfare and labor and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár, extraordinary ambassa-dor and authorized minister, who were the signatories of the Peace Trea-ty of Trianon, on 4th June 1920 were beyond the scope of examination of the researchers and historians in the recent time. Present study is aiming to fill this gap, with presenting the two signatories’ political and public ca-reer. It covers their education, role in the First World War and their work between the two wars. It definitely refutes the allegations that Dr. Ágos Benárd and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár were weightless politicians who were willing to leave politics and who were voluntarily signatories of the peace treaty. By contrast, the study describes both politicians’ work after the signing of the peace treaty, and proves with persuasive arguments that they were two honest gentlemen, who were suffering of and said to be victims of the events, they were the formers of the 20th Century Central Europe.

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Uklanjanje 1945/46. grobalja i grobova "okupatora" i "narodnih neprijatelja" poginulih 1941-45. na području Nezavisne Države Hrvatske
6.00 €

Uklanjanje 1945/46. grobalja i grobova "okupatora" i "narodnih neprijatelja" poginulih 1941-45. na području Nezavisne Države Hrvatske

Author(s): Vladimir Geiger / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duration and intensity of WWII in the territoiy of the Independent State of Croatia, the presence of occupation forces of the German Reich and the Kingdom of Italy, armed forces of the Independent State of Croatia, as well as the activities of the Yugoslav monarchists and communist-led partisans, caused direct clashes between the belligerent parties. This led to a number of casualties both among soldiers and civilians. Irreconcilable ideologies and military and political interests of the conflicting parties in the general and civil war increased the number of casualties. The communists reckoning with real or purported enemies alike in Yugoslavia during WWII and especially at its end and right after it, was massive and without mercy. Part of the radical and total reckoning of the Yugoslav communists with their enemies immediately after WWII was the order of the Interior Ministry of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia of May 18, 1945 about removal of graves of "occupiers" and "enemies of the people" that targeted graves, tombstones of German, Italian and Hungarian armies, as well as those of the ustasha, chetniks and Slovenian home guards. The fact that the order was systematically implemented in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia is proven by surviving documents and testimonies of eyewitnesses, as well as by the state of the graveyards themselves. The graves of fallen partisans and victims of "Fascist terror" were protected by law, put in order and well maintained in Yugoslavia after WWII, whereas the graves of "enemy" soldiers and "collaborators" remained outside of the pale of the law. This remained so until the break-up of Yugoslavia.

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Српско грађанство између Истока и Запада (1944–1945)
4.50 €

Српско грађанство између Истока и Запада (1944–1945)

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Serbian bourgeoisie found itself in a particular social and political situation in 1944–1945. Apart from the victory of the People’s Liberation Movement in the liberation and civil war and the take-over by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, it was determined by the division into two worlds, East and West, socialism and capitalism. The Serbian bourgeoisie, like that in other East European countries, found itself between those two worlds. On the one hand, according to the basic ideological values it espoused, it was turned westwards, whereas, on the other hand, geographically and politically it found itself in the area in which the new political and social forces headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia strove to establish the values which canceled the very basis of the existence of the bourgeoisie. Particular attention was devoted to democracy, as one of the great ideas of the Serbian bourgeoisie. In meeting and clashing with the revolutionary forces it was defeated and virtually “disappeared”, together with the bourgeoisie as political and social class. After difficult crucible with it met during the previous decades – for instance crucible connected with the fulfillment of the national ideal, i.e. the creation of a democratic state in which all Serbs would live, or temptations occurring within the multiethnic state, or those, particularly hard, created by wars, particularly WWII - the Serbian bourgeoisie was weak, divided, without the aid of a strong monarchy, army and support of the Western democratic powers in that historical moment to defend and save the achievement in which it invested political, economic and intellectual capacity and innumerable human losses. The older generation of the Serbian bourgeoisie which had experienced democratic political life was biologically, politically and in every way tired and spent. It couldn’t understand the new times which demanded changing one’s ideological and political views and opinions, as well as moral values and their adaptation to the new times. Neither did the younger generation of bourgeoisie which was supposed to take over and lead the struggle for democracy have enough strength, unity or capability. It ripened in the years leading to WWII and had no opportunity to realize what the real democratic and parliamentary life looked like. The new times draw them partly into the ranks of the Communist Party in whose ideals they saw beacons for better life and arrangement of social relations.

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O drugima

O drugima

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević,Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Latinka Perović, by Olivera Milosavljević.

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“TURKISH-GERMAN” FAMILIES: AN INSIDER VIEWPOINT ABOUT WAR, MIGRATION AND THE TRANSNATIONAL FAMILY BUILDING EXPERIENCE
4.50 €

“TURKISH-GERMAN” FAMILIES: AN INSIDER VIEWPOINT ABOUT WAR, MIGRATION AND THE TRANSNATIONAL FAMILY BUILDING EXPERIENCE

Author(s): Oya Topdemir Koçyiğit / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The destructive effects of the Second World War, which resulted in great loss and suffering in the not so distant past, still has an important place in the lives of countless people living in different geographical locations. German families constitute a population whose members witnessed the bitter outcomes of the war in no small measure. War-related memories of families have been handed down from generation to generation up to the present day. Despite many of the generation who actually lived through the war preferring to erase the traces of it from their day to day lives, their children and even their grandchildren have taken on board this memory (Koçyiğit, 2016).

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