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4.50 €

Ustrojowe uwarunkowania działalności archiwalnej w Polsce w wieku XX

Author(s): Władysław Stępniak / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Sources discussing archival activities in Poland in the 20th century do not give due significance to the systemic conditions governing the operation of archives. Similarly understated is the relationship between the law and regulations concerning the protection of national heritage on the one hand and archival standards on the other. The present article does not aim to make any final judgements in this regard but to point to the challenges in the research which are significant for a comprehensive discussion of archival science. In case of Poland, the activity of archives was initially regulated primarily by the legislation and practices resulting from the first Constitution of Poland, proclaimed in 1921, after the country had regained independence. As a state based on the system of liberal democracy, Poland was adopting progressive standards, which in case of archival sciences provided an appropriate level of protection to archival heritage and ensured conditions beneficial to its growth. After World War II, former regulations were gradually abandoned. This continued until 1983, which saw the implementation of the State Archives Act remaining in force until the present day. The law has since been amended several dozen times in order to adjust the operation of archives to the changing systemic, political, and social conditions. This process has illuminated significant issues which still affect archives and archivists.

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Rozmieszczenie i struktura zasobu archiwalnego w archiwach państwowych okresu międzywojennego

Author(s): Irena Mamczak-Gadkowska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The article discusses the issue of the distribution and structure of archival funds in Polish state archives in the period between the restoration of Poland’s independence and the outbreak of World War II. The author lists the basic factors which determined the final shape of the archival network and structure of archival funds in the period under discussion, including factors independent from the management of the State Archives Department, such as financial struggles, lack of sufficient space, and staffing issues. Established under the decree of 7 February 1919, the state archive network overseen by the State Archives Department did not comprised a varying number of facilities over the course of the interwar period – from 11 facilities right after the war to 21 archives in 1924 to the final number of 16 archives (five of which were located in Warsaw) in the 1930s. Designed according to historical criteria, the archival network of the Second Polish Republic was not distributed evenly and did not correspond to the administrative divisions in the country. Some provinces, mostly those located in the east of Poland, did not have their branches of state archives. The author also points to significant changes introduced to the structure of archival funds in Polish state archives in the interwar period, motivated by such factors as the dissolution of certain archival facilities, recovery of archival materials, and collection of contemporary records produced by the offices and institutions of the Second Polish Republic. The article also provides data on the size and structure of the resources held in individual archives and the overall state archival funds in the interwar period.

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Sieć archiwów państwowych w Polsce po 1989 roku

Author(s): Hubert Mazur / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The network of state archives in Poland started to form in 1919, although first historical archives in Polish lands had been established as early as the 19th century. The organisation of state archives in Poland after World War II was influenced by pertinent legislation, the strategy of increasing the density of the archival network, and administrative reforms introduced in the country. As a result, the turn of the 1960s saw the state archive network comprising the largest number of units in history. After 1989, the network of state archives did not undergo any major transformations. There were only sporadic cases of changing the names of some units. Several state archives lost their autonomous status and became branches, while other underwent the opposite changes. The most significant trend has been the liquidation of remote branches of state archives and their agencies, which has resulted in a gradual decrease in network density. Certain branches were dissolved due to financial hardships and resulting difficulty in securing premises to house them. A certain role was also played by staffing and organisational issues. The dissolution of remote branches was an attempt to improve the efficiency of the management of archives in economic, spatial, and personal terms. Following the liquidation of remote branches and agencies, their archival resources were transferred and assembled in a single place. For the local communities of towns and counties, this resulted in limited access to archival materials. There were some attempts to combat the trend of remote archive branches closing down, taken by local municipal governments, regional bodies of state administration, deputies to the Sejm, media, and cultural and scientific organisations. Unfortunately, the state archive network in the Third Republic of Poland was not developed according to a conscious, planned, and consistent strategy of the Chief Directors of State Archives or in line with any well-thought-out conceptual framework. The state archive network in Poland has been effectively shaped exclusively by the ongoing economic and spatial conditions of these institutions.

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Archiwa wyodrębnione centralnej administracji rządowej

Author(s): Rafał Galuba / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The archives of the central government administration hold the most important part of contemporary state archival resources, both “public” and classified. In order to ensure the external and internal security of the Polish state, it is necessary to implement an effective system of managing classified information, documentation, and archival materials in both traditional and electronic formats. Classified archives are an important part of this system. Their operation also determines the preservation of archival resources for the future.

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Archiwum Chmarów – jego historia, rozproszenie i potencjalne znaczenie dla badań nad dziejami państwa polsko-litewskiego w XVIII wieku i ziem polskich zaboru rosyjskiego

Author(s): Dariusz Rolnik / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

It is difficult to unequivocally determine the significance of the Chmara Archive in the research of the Commonwealth in the 18th century and the territory of the Russian Partition in the 19th century. The records are undoubtedly worth exploring by anyone looking to analyse political ties in the aforementioned eras. The archive certainly holds greatest value for the study of the last years of Augustus III’s reign, the period of the rule of Stanisław August Poniatowski, and the turn of the 20th century. Referring to the introduction, it bears emphasising that the collection is of considerable importance to the research of the mentality and identity of provincial elites in the period of Old Poland and the first half of the 19th century. Taking a broader look at these issues helps shed a new light on various smaller threads. The archive includes many materials concerning issues related to the economies of noble estates, for example escapes of peasants or floating goods to Königsberg. In terms of geography, the Chmara Archive may prove useful in studying the public life of the Minsk Province and later the Minsk Governorate. While the records are of marginal importance for the 18th century and the politics of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, some materials, for example the accounts of J.N. Chęcki, clarify certain issues or help look at seemingly obvious matters from a new perspective.

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İstanbul Hisse Piyasasının Evrimi: Galata Bankerlerinden Borsa İstanbul’a Yolculuk

Author(s): Nuri Volkan Kayaçetin / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

The trading of capital assets in İstanbul, which has begun in the second half of the 19th century with the trading of debt securities among Galata merchants in the process of transitioning into a financial bourgeoisie, continues today under the roof of the modern Borsa İstanbul campus in Sarıyer, İstinye. This study discusses the evolution of capital asset trading activity in Istanbul from the late Ottoman period to the present day in the light of socioeconomic developments and events that have affected the economy. In this process, the exchange survived three moratoriums (1875, 1895 and 1958), two world wars (1914-1918 and 1939-1945), and more than a dozen economic crises and managed to emerge stronger from the bottlenecks experienced. Our modern stock exchange started its operations in its Cağaloğlu building with only 19 listed shares under the name of Istanbul Stock Exchange (ISE) on January 3, 1986, and merged with the Futures and Options Exchange and the Istanbul Gold Exchange on April 3, 2013, under the name of Borsa İstanbul (BIST). With 501 listed shares, a total market capitalization exceeding 1 trillion Turkish liras, and a monthly trading volume in excess of 100 million lots, BIST globally ranks thirty-seventh in terms of its market capitalization and first in terms of its average share turnover today.

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Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Author(s): Gül Çakır / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Cyprus fell out of the hands of the Ottoman Empire after a series of crises towards the end of 19th century, which originally had been under the rule of the empire since 1571. Lands of the Ottoman Empire, defeated in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War known as the 93 War, came under Russian danger with the Treaty of San Stefano. The fact that the capital of the Ottoman Empire and eastern lands were under Russian threat, and the Russian pressure in the Balkans alarmed England. The British Administration, considering a new mission for the future of India, the Mediterranean and Europe, created a great sensation with the request to use Cyprus as a military base. Britain led the convening of the congress in Berlin to nullify San Stefano and entered a new era in its policies regarding Ottoman Empire. With the Cyprus Convention of June 4, 1878, the British promised to help Ottomans against a possible Russian attack on the Ottoman lands, and aimed to use Cyprus as a base to fulfill this promise. On July 1, 1878, the British gained the right to temporarily settle in Cyprus with an additional agreement. Through this process British Prime Minister Beaconsfield was subject to criticism by liberal wing at the British Parliament. The general arguments of the liberals were as follows. The Cyprus Convention imposed responsibilities on Britain that were difficult to fulfill. It was not a proper method to finalize the agreement secretly before it was presented to the British public. It was believed that the settlement of the British in Cyprus was not a peaceful policy. This project would bring costs and serious liabilities to England. It was believed that there was not enough research before decisions on the island were made. It was implied that the administration added territory to its lands with an imperialist motivation. These were some of the common points of the parliament and the press. When the British landed on the island, the opposition's accuracy in these predictions emerged one by one. They could not achieve their goals. Due Liberals taking power in 1880, and the occupation of Egypt, Cyprus was no longer suitable for British goals. However, the Liberals neither left Cyprus when they came to power, nor they give it back to the Ottoman Empire.

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Ermeni Mezaliminin Kars’taki İktisadi Boyutu

Author(s): Nurhan Aydın,Kübranur Öztürk Derici / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Armenians lived in an environment of peace, trust and tolerance for centuries under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. However, in the 18th century, these privileged positions of Armenians in the empire attracted the attention of European states, and they wanted to create a new area where Armenians could rule in the Caucasus by taking advantage of this situation. As of the 19th century, Armenians took action to become independent. This thought of the Armenians was the result of the Russian provocation of the Armenians against the Ottomans. In particular, the use of Armenians in the Russian army against the Ottoman army during the 93 War also brought the Armenians' betrayal to the Ottoman Empire by contacting the Armenians in the Ottoman army. Armenians took action against the Ottoman Empire with their desire to be independent, and with the support of the European States, they took action in order to get what they wanted and to establish a state of their own in Eastern Anatolia. In this direction, they first started to work to cleanse Eastern Anatolia from Muslims and to establish an Armenian state in the region. Due to their excesses in the region, they were subjected to forced migration by the Ottoman Empire. The Armenians showed their deportation as a massacre against the European states and tried to gain a place in the world public opinion. Armenians began to massacre the people of Eastern Anatolia in order to become independent and establish a state in Eastern Anatolia. This study reveals the economic dimension of the massacre committed by Armenians in Kars and its surroundings.

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Bayburt Müdafaa-i Hukuk-u Milliye Cemiyeti’nin Kuruluşu ve Faaliyetleri

Author(s): Serdar Göktaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Bayburt ve çevresi, Türklerin Anadolu’da ilk yerleştikleri bölgelerdendir. Şehir, fethedildiği 1072 yılından 1202 yılına kadar bazen Saltuklular’ın, bazen de Dânişmendliler’in hâkimiyetinde kalmıştır. (Miroğlu, 1992: 226) Karakoyunlu ve Akkoyunlu dönemlerinde Bayburt, Türkmenler için önemli bir merkez olmuştur. (Dayı, 2019: 30) Osmanlı hakimiyetine girdikten sonra zaman içinde tamamen Türkleşen Bayburt, özellikle XIX. ve XX. yüzyıllarda büyük tehlikeler atlatmıştır. Bu yüzyıllarda iki defa Rus işgaline uğrayan şehir, esaretin bütün acı yönleriyle karşılaşmıştır.

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Добри Чинтулов и неговите два вековни юбилея в родния Сливен

Author(s): Ivan Rusev / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The article presents the two centenaries of Bulgarian national poet Dobri Chintulov, celebrated in his hometown of Sliven. On October 29, 1922, a great celebration was held in the city center, since then the poet has been designated as the patron of the Sliven High School, and an anniversary collection book has been published. One hundred years later, Sliven again became the center of celebrations dedicated to Dobri Chintulov. Now the emphasis is on a large scientific conference, the reports of which, reworked as scientific articles, are included in the present book-collection. A presentation of the contents of the collection book was made in this article.

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Българската фолклористика и етнография – формиране и развитие

Author(s): Maria Marinova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The period, which is under review, is marked by two main trends: the publication of folklore and ethnographic materials, on one hand, and theoretical justification, on the other hand. A series of publications until the end of the 19th century laid the foundations of Bulgarian ethnology. At the same time, Rakovski’s “Indicator” and Ivan Shishmanov’s paper provide a scientific justification for the need to collect, record and store ethnographic materials. The article examines the works on Bulgarian folklore of Yuriy Venelin, Ivan Bogorov, Zahariy Knyazheski, Petko Slaveykov, Dimitar Miladinov and Konstantin Miladinov, Lyuben Karavelov, Kuzman Shapkarev, Dimitar Marinov, etc. It should be noted that a large number of collectors of folklore materials do not have a university education. However, by the end of the 19th century, the foundations of the sciences of ethnology and folkloristics were formed in Bulgaria.

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Сведения за археологически паметници в района на Сливен по пътеписи и описания от XVII до средата на XIX век

Author(s): Georgi Kovachev / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The article examines the reports for the archaeological monuments on the territory of the city of Sliven and her vicinity, left in the travelogues and descriptions by Evliya Çelebi, S. Sayger, Dr. С. F. Pоyet, August Jochmus and Georgi Rakovski, from the 17th – to the middle of the 19th century. Evliya Celebi, Sayger, Dr. Pоyet and Rakovski mention the remains of the Early Byzantine and Medieval fortress of Hisarlka, north of the city. Johmus describes the remains of one ancient road in the mountain north of Sliven, and Rakovski notes some other fortifications in the area near the city.

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Педагогическата дейност на Добри Чинтулов в Сливен

Author(s): Viktoria Mihneva / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The article examines Dobri Chintulov’s pedagogical activity during his teaching in Sliven. It traces the period from 1850 to 1875 when the poet lived and worked in the city. It shows the changes that occur at the school and the education of the students under the guidance of Chintulov.

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Шуменци, възпитаници на италиански учебни заведения (края на XIX – началото на XX век)

Author(s): Rositsa Angelova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The historical narrative presents the youth of Shumen who received education in Italian educational institutions at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. They studied in today's cities of Turin, Milan, Pisa, Pinerolo and Naples. In the period from 1879 to 1912, ten young people born in Shumen studied in Italian educational institutions. Among them are the girls Penka Preslavska and Manya Dimitrova. A significant part of the Shumen graduates are realized in various spheres of activity - veterinarians, generals, professors in higher schools, artists, actors, and teachers. Graduated or not, they return to their homeland having mastered European languages and the achievements of Western European civilization. This large number, as well as the specialities chosen by them, are a vivid testimony to the aspiration of the Shumen youth to obtain higher education and to make efforts for the modernization of the Third Bulgarian State and their native Shumen.

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Crime Rate/Criminal Acts in the City of Zagreb from 1887 until 1912. Based on the Report of the City Council

Author(s): Zoran Grijak,Milan Vrbanus / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The following paper analyzes the structure of crimes committed in the city of Zagreb from 1887 until 1912 based on the annual Reports of the City Council of the Free and Royal City of Zagreb. The abovementioned reports provide a detailed insight into the structure and number of criminal offenses and misdemeanours, as well as the type of these misdemeanours, offenses, and other criminal acts reported to the police authorities according to the Criminal Law of the Kingdoms of Croatia and Slavonia. In the course of the authors’ analysis of the collected data on criminal and minor offenses, quantitative methods were applied which in turn provided valuable insights into the trends pertaining to their number during the observed period. With the use of quantitative methods, it has been established that there were no major effects of the increase in population on the trends of the number of criminal and minor offenses, which means that rapid urbanization of the city did not have a significant impact on the rise of law-breaking. Further analysis of the gender of the perpetrators of criminal offenses and misdemeanours has confirmed existing observations on the inferior position of women in society of that period as a contributing factor to their smaller representation among perpetrators of most felonies. Furthermore, with the use of quantitative methods, a decrease in efficiency of the Police Service in terms of discovering most of the felonies has been determined, even though a high degree of efficiency was still maintained in detecting certain categories of felonies.

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Sudbina posmrtnih ostataka kralja Stjepana Tomaševića 1463. – 1888. – 1992. – 1999.

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In the course of his lifetime, King Stjepan Tomašević was frequently nothing but a object in political conflicts within and around medieval Bosnia. For this reason his (alleged) posthumous remains became an instrument in political clashes in modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. The exhumation in 1888 was conducted to prove symbolically the continuity of the rule of Roman Catholic monarchs in Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Habsburgs followed the Kotromanićs. In the latest war of 1991-1995, royal remains became an important symbol used and appropriated by the warring sides. Towards the end of the war the skeleton became a motive in serious political and diplomatic conflicts between Croats and Bosniaks that continued into the peacetime. Today the king’s remains continue to provoke occasional fervent polemics between Croats and Bosniaks concerning the ethnic affiliation of the late king, and the related origins of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN IZMEĐU POLITIKE I POVIJESTI: POVIJESNA PREDODŽBA O HRVATSTVU I JUGOSLAVENSTVU, SLAVENSTVU I INTERNACIONALIZMU

Author(s): Nikša Stančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian history and the changes of Croatia’s political position in the tides of European history, in particular in the 19th and 20th centuries, were in the focus of Franjo Tuđman’s historical research, wherein he paid special attention to political ideas and programs in the period that had shaped the identity of the modern Croatian nation and the program of its political independence, the period in which different variants of pan-Slavism and the ideas about Southern Slavic/ Illyric/ Yugoslav unity had played an important role in the formation of political programs and their implementation both in Croatia’s political forces and the political forces in Croatia’s immediate environment. He noted the continuity of Croatia’s struggles for a higher level of independence in multinational states, first in the Habsburg Monarchy, and later in Yugoslavia, and felt that the different variants of pan-Slavism and idea about Southern Slavic unity in Croatian politics had emerged from the political position of the Croatian territories in individual periods or from political situations (political dividedness and exposure to denationalization attempts in the Habsburg Monarchy, danger of the Croatian territory being divided at the time of World War I, and so on). On the other hand, Tuđman observed how these ideas were used for imperial purposes, for instance, how pan-Slavism was used in the service of Russian imperial politics, and how the idea about the unity of Southern Slavs was used to implement the program of Great-Serbian hegemony. He tracked the continuity of the existence and the political implementation of different forms of pan-Slavism and South-Slavic ideas to the time when he wrote his research papers, mostly the 1960s, a period in which Croatia was a part of the Social Federalist Republic of Yugoslavia, and the world was in the middle of the Cold War between two social, political, and military blocks. Tuđman felt that both the Universalist idea about world integration on the foundations of modern technological accomplishments, advocated by «Western democracies», and the Soviet insistence on socialist internationalism and limited sovereignty of the socialist countries were manifestations of imperial goals at the expense of small and dependent nations. He contrasted these two ideas with the activities of the Nonaligned Movement and the idea about coexistence in a world divided into blocks, the activities of the United Nations, the process of colonial territories establishing their national independence, and the headway of the idea about a united Europe, which he felt to be Europe’s way of distancing itself from both the United States and the USSR.

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STJEPAN RADIĆ U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman covered Stjepan Radić’s activities in most detail in the context of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and in papers for the most part written in the 1960s. The papers basically approached their topics from the Croatian point of view and reconstructed the repressive system of Serbian centralist and hegemonist rule. It had been a novelty in historiography that introduced some new views on the matters in question, and his approach still holds its value today. Tuđman agreed with certain judgments about Radić that had already been made in historiography, but he also made a considerable headway in the understanding of his personality with his detailed study of Radić’s work. The detachment from the prevalent ideas of the time that saw the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) as a party of landlords that had played its most important role in preventing clericalism among the peasantry, and that saw Radić as a naïve and opportunistic politician whose only concern was being in power, was certainly a considerable contribution on Tuđman’s part. Franjo Tuđman was particularly interested in the consistency of Radić’s fight for Croatian sovereignty, which had always rested on the idea about Croatia’s independence. Statehood options in Radić’s mind progressed from federalism to confederalism, depending on different political and historical contexts, but they had always been a part of the context of Slavic solidarity. In addition to their Pan-Slavism, Franjo Tuđman drew attention to two other important features of Radić and his HSS: the idea about a folk enlightenment movement with a broad basis in the peasantry, and the politics of peaceful resistance. Even though he felt some of Radić’s moves had been less than prudent, his overall judgment of Stjepan Radić was positive, mainly due to Radić’s commitment to Croatian sovereignty.

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“Planinsko hrvatstvo”: slovensko-pravaške teze i veze

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

From the time of Ivan Tavčar’s youthful greeting of Croatian state right ideas and his declaration of being an “alpine Croat” in the 1880s, Slovene politics was based on an emphasis of cooperation with Croatian ‘Rightists.’ Thanks to Tavčar this cooperation was first prevalent among the Slovene National Progressives, but after the turn of the century, the initiative shift ed to the Catholic nationalists. In 1898, at the well-known congress in Trsat, they accepted Croatian State Right as the basis for the constitutional unification of the South Slavs of the Habsburg Monarchy. At the outset the majority of Croatian Catholic nationalists remained sceptical toward “clericals” from Carniola, despite the comments made in Croatian lands by the rather popular Christian Socialist ideologue Janez Evangelist Krek about Slovene-Croat fidelity. But because the Slovene People’s Party under the leadership of Ivan Šusteršič indisputably developed into the strongest South Slavic political party in Cisleithania, in the eyes of the Croatian ‘Rightists’ it was also a welcome partner in the struggle to establish Trialism in the south of the Habsburg Monarchy. Slovene national Catholics emphasized the commonality in views between the Slovene Catholic camp and the constitutional programme of the Croatian Party of Right. In this regard, for example, they referred to the decision of the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) of 9 March 1712, in which the Croatian estates accepted the Croatian Pragmatic Sanction under the condition that Croatia would be ruled only by those daughters of the Habsburg dynasty who ruled Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. On the eve of the First World War the Slovene Catholic nationalists with all their effort attempted to tie their party to the ‘Rightists’ in some sort of a Trialist power bloc, so much so that in their statements of party programme they tried to prove the compatibility of Starčević’s ideas with those of Christian democracy. The height of the building of the Slovene-Croat political alliance was undoubtedly the “First Croat-Slovene parliament,” which met on 20 October 1912 in Ljubljana. The assembly was certainly a shining manifestation of Slovene-Croat alliance in the struggle for Trialism, and Mile Starčević and Ivan Šusteršič were selected as co-presidents of the Croat-Slovene Party of Right. Its foundation was personally welcomed, as a sign of South Slavic loyalty to the dynasty, by none other than heir apparent Franz Ferdinand in his memorandum directed to the Emperor and King Franz Joseph. However, the Balkan Wars which broke out that autumn wrecked the optimism of the adherents of Croatian State Right in Ljubljana: Slovene political fate was increasingly becoming subject to the growing activity of Serbian diplomacy, and less so that of cooperation with the programme of the Party of Right.

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Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian priest, theologian, and politician Dr. Fran Barac (1872–1940) has to be counted among those prominent individuals attached to the Church who at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century began their work in the social and political life of Croatia. He used his position as a public figure, a professor of the Theological Faculty and Rector of the University of Zagreb, as well as editor of numerous Church publications, to broaden his public activities. During the First World War he actively involved himself in political life as an adherent of Starčević’s Party of Right, but he did so also as a person who enjoyed the confidence of the Archbishop of Zagreb at the time, Antun Bauer. At this time Barac’s political activity was very instrumental as he maintained the link between representatives of some of the political parties in Croatia with the members of the Yugoslav Committee and the representatives of the Serbian government in Switzerland. During the war years Barac took part in a series of meetings with politicians of ‘Rightist’ orientation (V. Spinčić, M. Laginja, A. Pavelić sr., I. Peršić, M. Drinković, and others). He continued his cooperation with pre-War ‘Rightists’ following the war in Monarchist Yugoslavia, working within the framework of the political platforms of the various parties – the Croatian Union and the Croatian Federalist Peasant Party – in whom leading roles were played by former members of the Party of Right (A. Trumbić, M. Drinković, I. Peršić, and others). At the time of the 6th of January dictatorship, Barac’s curia in Zagreb was used to hold political meetings of like-minded politicians in which former members of the Party of Right took part.

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