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This study reflects on questions of a beginning and an end in the view of St. Thomas Aquinas and Dante Alighieri. Critical and comparative analysis will show: (1) in what ways the authors perceived the ultimate goals of humanity; (2) what impact doing so had on their political outlooks.
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Artykuł stanowi przewodnik po pierwszych dwóch księgach Komentarza Hugona de Sancto Caro do Sentencji Piotra Lombarda. Prezentuje on transkrypcję serii krótkich ustępów z Komentarza,które razem tworzą szczegółowy spis treści tego dzieła. Cel spisu jest dwojaki: po pierwsze, wobec braku edycji dzieła, ma on pomagać w odnalezieniu poszczególnych tematów poruszanych w Komentarzu; po drugie, spis stanowi ilustrację skomplikowanej struktury dzieła, gdyż zawiera transkrypcję divisiones textus oraz ukazuje przeplatanie się różnych form literackich, które składają się na Komentarz. Wewnętrzna struktura Komentarza została uwypuklona dzięki systemowi numeracji, który porządkuje poszczególne sekcje. Transkrypcja została przygotowana w oparciu o jeden główny rękopis (Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, B II 20); niemniej jednak niektóre błędy manuskryptu zostały skorygowane dzięki dodatkowemu źródłu (MS Assisi, Biblioteca comunale, Fondo Antico, 131). Transkrypcję dopełniają trzy poziomy aparatu, które zawierają, między innymi, niektóre noty marginalne oraz diagramy pochodzące z obu rękopisów.
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This paper describes the content of the seven manuscripts of Robert Holkot’s Commentary on the Sentences preserved in Paris : BnF, lat. 14576 (olim S. Victor ; a. 1389) ; 15884 (olim Sorbonne) ; 16399 (olim Sorbonne, 1374 emptus) ; Bibl. Mazarine 905 (olim Paris, OP Sancti Jacobi) and 906 ; BnF, latin 3115 and 3087. It reveals several hereto-unknown witnesses of the dubium de obiecto credendi and of the Sex Articuli. The “dubium” De obiecto credendi, shorter than the developed “Prologus” edited by O. Grassi in 1994, is present in two manuscripts : Paris, BnF, lat. 14576 (unknown of Grassi) and 15884. The Sex Articuli are copied after the question de iteratione confessionis and aggregated to it in five manuscripts (Mazarine 905 and 906 ; BnF lat. 14576, 15884 and 16399). BnF, lat. 3087 stops at the explicit level of the question de iteratione confessionis and can be considered as incomplete. In BnF, lat. 3115, the Sex articuli are copied at the very end of the commentary. F. Hoffmann’s edition of the Sex articuli (1993) does not exhibit knowledge of any of these new witnesses. The numbering of the questions in the margins of the tabula of manuscript BnF, lat. 15884 reflects an order that does not appear in any manuscript described here, placing book III before book IV and de beatitudine at the end of the corpus.
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The leading role in the debate on the existence of “indivisibles” was played by the then Chancellor of Oxford University, Henry of Harclay. Taking part in the famous debate on the eternity of the world, Harclay postulated the existence of infinitely small indivisible beings that constitute every real thing. This postulate was in fact a consequence of accepting the possibility of the existence of actual, different infinities on the one hand, and of the cosmology of the first Chancellor of Oxford University, Robert Grosseteste, on the other. The special advantage of Harclay’s “indivisibilism” was that his theory was deeply rooted in a philosophical tradition (esp. Aristotle’s and Grosseteste’s opinions), while at the same time contradicting some basic, commonly accepted rules of logic and geometry (e.g. “A whole is greater than its parts”). This most probably was the reason why Harclay’s theory encountered many critics. In short, there were two main ways of criticizing “indivisibilism:” logical and geometrical. First Harclay’s adversaries — William of Alnwick, Adam Wodeham and William Ockham — employed the then-popular terminist logic in order to refute “indivisibilism.” Yet, in his critiques, Ockham also used geometrical proofs and rules, borrowed in fact, from his older confrère, John Duns Scotus. John Duns Scotus’s geometrical proofs against “indivisibilism” are another excellent testimony to the “subtlety” and greatness of his intellect. These proofs reveal deep knowledge and understanding of Euclid’s “Elements” as well as a great mathematical imagination behind them. Indeed, all the geometrical proofs against “indivisibilism” that appeared in works of Oxford thinkers after Scotus should be considered as either repetitions or simplifications of Scotus’s arguments.
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In the article one of Stephen Langton’s Quaestiones theologiae is published in a critical edition. Ļe quaestio is devoted to the problem Vtrum homo licite possit uelle contrarium eius quod scit deum uelle and occupies position n° 18 in an index of Langton’s Quaestiones found in MS Cambridge, St. John’s College Library, C 7. In fact, if we were to order Langton’s Quaestiones as if they were discussing the topics found in Peter Lombard’s four books of Sentences, this quaestio would belong to Book I, more precisely to a section of the work where some attributes of the one God are discussed (after an account of the mystery of the Trinity has been given). Ļe problem arises from the consideration of the divine attribute “will”, where such questions occur as whether divine will is always fulŀlled, or whether man is bound to will all that God wants (given that God’s will is known by man). Ļe article consists of a text-critical introduction followed by an edition of the three preserved versions of the quaestio. In the introduction it is argued that the three versions transmitted in the manuscript tradition all depend upon a unique disputation presided over by Langton in his school. Ļe presence of three versions is explained by assuming that the disputation was recorded by two different scribes (reportatores), giving origin to two different written records of it (reportationes). Ļe ŀrst reportatio (= reportatio b) has been elaborated into a text transmitted by a ŀrst textual family (= family φ); the second reportatio(= reportatio a) has been elaborated into two different texts, one transmitted by a second textual family (= family ψ) and one transmitted by a single MS. Ļe different versions are published according to the strict rules of critical edition, without trying to produce a unique text harmonizing the three reportationes, but rather leaving them as the manuscript tradition has delivered them to us, in the conviction that each version represents a reception of the single oral performance that, in its actual wording, is irreparably lost.
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The interest of scholars toward the medieval notion of modus is mainly focused on the so called Grammatica speculativa. There are some other philosophical contexts where modus plays a very important role. This paper is focused on the importance of this notion in some XIIIth and XIVth Century philosophers beginning with St. Thomas Aquinas, who deals with modus in some texts where Augustine’s threefold expression ordo, species, modus is quoted and discussed. St. Thomas resorts to modus either for confirming God’s transcendence and infinity or to state the difference inside the category of quality. According to Remy of Florence modus can be considered a sort of quality, and on this basis he relies on this notion to strengthen the power of language in rendering the complexity of beings. For Remy modus refers not only to the finite nature of created beings, but also to their different dispositions, which permit to enlarge the ontological panorama without increasing the number of the Aristotelian categories. Giles of Rome turns to modus for solving some crucial problems such as the real distinction between esse et essentia, the plurality of forms and the transubstantiation. The partecipatio formae has to be considered for him not a third ontological state in addition to form and matter, but only a modus. Godfrey of Fontaines blames Giles’ solution as untenable, because there is no need to add a third element to matter and to form in order to deal with substances. The importance given to the modi risks according to Godfrey to attribute the main role in ontology to an accidental aspect the; he thinks that many problems raised by such position could be solved applying to semantics, reducing the modi essendi to modi significandi. Gerald from Siena support Giles’s solution and replies to Godfrey’s censures, to which Alphonsus Varga seems well inclined in his criticism against Gerald’s interpretation of Giles’ philosophy.
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1. Le commentaire anonyme des Sentences, dit Utrum Deus gloriosus, avait été rédigé à Prague dans les années 1377–1387. Tout au long du XVe et du XVIe siècle il a servi de manuel à l’enseignement théologique de Cracovie, où cependant il eut quelques rivaux appartenant, comme lui, à l’école réaliste. 2. L’UDG représente la théologie réaliste praguoise de la période préhussite. Cela se voit par la solution du problème des Idées divines qu’il souhaite harmoniser avec la doctrine du Pseudo Denys connue directement ou/et par l’intermédiaire d’Alexandre de Halès et de Bonaventure. 3. On a prétendu que l’UDG accuse quelques tendences nominalistes. L’analyse détaillée des arguments et celle de la situation historique de l’Université de Prague ne confirment pas cette opinion. 4. La théologie de l’UDG est déclarative. En effet, l’anonyme ne cherche pas à construire une science théologique selon les rigueurs de la logique aristotélicienne. Tout comme Matthieu de Cracovie, son contemporain, il remplace les raisons nécessaires par des arguments probables venus de la rhétorique.
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The article analyzes the causes of 13th century university crisis which was provoked by Averroes’s commentaries on Aristotle’s treatises studied in the Faculty of Arts of Paris University. Translated from the Arab sources, Latin texts of Aristotle were quite popular in cathedral and monastic schools. Albert the Great fought the Latin Averroists attempting to Christianize the teachings of Aristotle. In the Latin Aristotelianism the majority of theologians saw danger to the foundation of Christian doctrine. As an ardent partisan of Augustinianism the bishop of Paris Stephan Étienne Tempier was strongly opposed to any studies of Aristotle’s philosophy. In 1270 he issued ordinance prohibiting thriteen statements to be promulgated in the university. In 1277 Tempier published Syllabus listing 219 prohibited statements and naming Sigerus of Brabantia and Boethius of Dacia as Averroist leaders. The appearance of Syllabus revealed the crisis of Scholasticism.
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The Treaty of Christburg (or, more precisely, a copy of the original Treaty of Christburg signed by the Teutonic Knights and the Prussian clans in 1249) is the only written source providing the knowledge of the performers of the Prussian burial rites, called tulisonys and lygashonys, in the 13th C. Up to the present time, tulisonys and lygashonys were defined by researchers as magicians, sign interpreters, bards - spirit seers, priests, lamenters, mourners over the deceased, or even the judges of the dead. Reflections of the rites performed by tulisonys and lygashonys have survived in the burial customs, beliefs, or folklore of a later period (and in some cases, up to the present time). Functionally, tulisonys and lygashonys are to be identified with the warriors mourning over their noble chiefs, subjects, and barons, as witnessed by the written sources of the 13th–14th c., or the lamenters described in the writings of the 15th c. In the times of Christianity, the lamenting tradition in the burial rites of the nobility (and later, of the common people), as well as the lamenters, i.e tulisonys and lygashonys, were ousted by Catholic and Protestant hymns and sermons preached at the burial liturgy.
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The creed of Giles of Rome had been formatting in the tumultuous 13th century when popes politically confronted kings; hierarchs of the Church competed with each other for the greater influence; and the academic atmosphere in Paris University was stifling because of oppressive censorship. As a disciple and follower of Thomas Aquinas Giles was interested in the problems of political power. Relaying on the Aristotelian- Thomistic tradition he had written the treatise De regimine principium dedicated to the prince, later king Philip IV. In 1270, when bishop Etienne Tempier condemned fifteen philosophical statements, of which thirteen was related to the followers of Averroes, Giles, remaining faithful to the position of Thomas Aquinas, expressed his opinion by the treatise The Errors of Philosophers. But the greatest part of his efforts he directed towards Arab philosophers. In 1277, when the syllabus, which was directed not only against pagan and Arab Aristotelianizm but also against its Christian version elaborated by Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas, was repeatedly announced, Giles started fierce fight. He issued the polemical treatise Liber contra gradus et pluralitatem formarum, in which he charged the position of bishop Tempier as incompatible with the truths of Christianity. Because of that he was made to leave Paris and could return there only after the bishop’s death. The article brings to light the surroundings of Giles of Rome and analyzes the treatise The Errors of Philosophers.
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The article treats the approach of the Byzantine and Italian historians and chroniclers of the 14th–17th centuries to the problem of claims of the Republic of Genoa to establish its monopoly in trade and navigation in the Black Sea area. It seemed to be one of the causes of the war between Venice and Genoa in 1350–1355 that dramatically affected the Byzantine Empire. The author studies terminology of various writers defining political aspirations of the Genoese Republic.
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Obično se smatra da je vrijeme nastanka svete krunice zaokruženo između 12. i 16. stoljeća. Na Zapadu se početkom 12. st. počela širila praksa recitiranja molitve Zdravo Marijo, iako je taj anđeoski pozdrav još od prije bio poznat u kršćanstvu kao dio evanđelja koji se koristio kao darovna antifona četvrte nedjelje došaš ća koja je imala osobit marijanski naglasak. Ponavljanjem te antifone kanilo se postići ono isto što je u samostanima već bilo uobičajeno ponavljanjem molitve Očenaš za redovnike koji su bili nepismeni te su tako nadomještali raznim molitvama (najčeš će Očenašima) 150 psalama. Od molitve Zdravo Marijo je bio poznat i recitiran samo njezin prvi dio anđeoski pozdrav i Elizabetin blagoslov. Tek pred krajem XV. st., kada se raširio običaj moljenja “Sveta Marijo”, pridodano je izgovaranje imena Isus i završni Amen. Taj način moljenja krunice, koji se nazivao moljenjem “Psaltira”, uvijek je bio razdijeljen na tri dijela bez obzira da li se molio tip Očenaša ili Zdravomarije. Njemački kartuzijanac Henrik Kalkar (1328.-1408.) podijelio je 150 Zdravo Marija na 15 desetaka između kojih je umetnuo molitvu Oče naš.
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The Albanian noble family named Bruti originated from Durazzo has a long history. It begins with their origin in Durazzo in the 13th Century and ends in the 19th Century in the western-Slovenian City of Capodistria. In this article I am trying to bring an overview of their rich history, focusing especially in the ties, which this family had with other noble Albanian families during the Middle Age. As second I want to give information’s about several personalities belonging to this family. As an example I can mention here the Bishop of Capodistria (Koper) Agostino Bruti, who played an important role in the early modern History of Church in Capodistria.
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This paper primarily focuses on the Croatian-Venetian relations during the Middle Ages, more precisely until the beginning of the 15th century. It is based on the present historiographical knowledge and the original archival materials (both published and unpublished), especially those preserved at the Archivio di Stato di Venezia. The first part briefly presents the general political circumstances that influenced the Croatian-Venetian relations in the said period (military conflicts over navigation rights in the Eastern Adriatic, alternation of Croatian-Hungarian and Venetian rule over the area, Zadar’s anti-Venetian uprising, the reign of Louis I of Anjou, and other political factors). The central part of the text focuses on trans-Adriatic migrations and the Croatian presence in Venice from the 11th century until the very beginning of the 15th, with regard to the exact origins of Croatian migrants to Venice, their professions, economic activity and success, places of residence, and integration in the new setting. Along with various other examples, special attention is paid to the life and activity of Hrvat Dobromir, a former slave who became a successful Venetian entrepreneur (12th century). Another case study is the last will of Sergio Turturosi, a priest from Bar, written in the late 14th century. The final part of the study indicates the earliest Croatian contributions to Venetian culture, such as the activity of Croatian artists, primarily those linked to glass production on the island of Murano. The conclusion is that the Croatian migrations to Venice before the 15th century were, on the whole, individual. It was only the 15th century that marked the turning point, after which Croats would become a significant minority in Venice and gain social visibility as a recognizable and esteemed ethnic group in the lagoon city.
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The article discusses several issues linked to the Abjuration of Bilino Polje, suggesting a different historiographical interpretation than the prevalent one. Special attention is paid to the ecclesiastical-legal position of the papal chaplain John de Casamaris in order to establish to which class of papal representatives he actually belonged. The paper also discusses the attitude of Pope Innocent III and the papal curia towards the question of orthodoxy of the Bosnian church and considers the Abjuration of Bilino Polje from the Roman aspect, as a result of compromise between the political situation in the Balkans and the theological tenets of the Krstjani church, between the pope’s pastoral concerns for the salvation of the faithful and the position of Ban Kulin as a secular protector indispensable for achieving this goal.
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This article stresses evidence of the devotion of the Venerable Euphemia of Raciborz, a Dominican nun who lived in the fourteenth century Silesian monastery. The results of the analysis are based on the seventeenth century work by Abraham Bzovius which were deemed insufficient, mainly because they did not take into account the collection of sermons de tempore et de sanctis written by Peregrine of Opole, a fourteenth century Polish Dominican, the Confessor of Euphemia and the other Dominican nuns from Raciborz. The information included in this paper seems to verify the existing arrangements. They confirm the image of spirituality of the Venerable Euphemia, based on piety, well-known in the Middle Ages, as devotio moderna, characterized by the veneration of the Passion of Christ, veneration of the Eucharist, devotion to the Holy Spirit and to Our Lady. Despite certain thematic analogies included in the sermons of Johannes Tauler and of Peregrine from Opole, the hypothesis developed by contemporary historians, about the influence of the Rhine school of mysticism on the spirituality of the Dominican nuns in Raciborz, must be rejected.
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Review of: Andra Nikolić "Ekonomsko stanje Srbije u XIV veku"; Society for Economic History; Belgrade 2012; by: Milan Petrović
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In Silesia colonization with German law began in the 13th century and radically redesigned the structures of the country contributing significantly to demographic changes. This process can be observed particularly well in the duchy of Nysa (Neise), where the sources are outstandingly abundant. The starting point for the development of the country Neiße was the castellany Otmuchów (Ottmachau) where archaeological finds dated before the 13th century are concentrated north of the eponymous castle. A tax roll called Liber fundationis from around 1300 shows in this space a complex of about 40 small villages with Polish place names, whose inhabitants lived under Polish law and gave tithes by the Polish habit. In contrast, the areas situated above 250 meters above sea level are dominated by settlements in forest clearings with Waldhufen having almost exclusively German place names. Between these two clearly distinguishable zones the same source records over 60 villae Teutonicales that had obviously been inhabited not only by Germans. Th e mapping of archaeological remains, types of place names and further information provided by the written sources allow not only to seize more precisely the changes in economy, law and in the settlement pattern, but also the coexistence and cooperation between the Polish and German settlers in the process of colonization in the duchy of Nysa.
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