Bilino Polje primjer jedne historiografske kontroverze

Author(s): Ante Škegro / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Ein wichtiges Ereignis aus der frühesten Geschichte des mittelalterlichen Bosnischen Banats war die Entsagung der Ketzerei sowie die Annahme der Normen des Mönchslebens der Römischen Kirche seitens der Kirchenfürsten. Laut der lateinischen Quelle geschah das am 8. April 1203 im Ort Bolino Poili in Anwesenheit des Bans Kulin (1180-1204), des Gesandten vom Papst Inocentius III. (1198-1216) namens Iohannes de Casemaris und in Anwesenheit des Archidiakons Marinus. Er war der Vertreter des bosnischen Metropoliten Bernardus (1197-1203), welcher auch der Erzbischof von Dubrovnik war. Die meisten Autoren lozieren Bolino Poili in Bilino Polje (das heutige Zenica am linken Ufer des Flusses Bosna), wofür es keinen Grund gibt. Die lateinische Quelle beschreibt diesen Ort nämlich auf folgende Weise: apud Bosnam, iuxta flumen loco qui vocatur Bolino poili, was wiederum bedeutet: neben (der Siedlung) Bosnia, am Fluss, im Ort namens Bolino Poili. Dieses Ereignis inizierte der Fürst Vukan von Duklja (Doclea), der auf das Bosniche Banat und den Fürstentum von Hum (Herzegowina) prätendierte. Die Voraussetzung für die Erreichung dieses Ziels war das Ausschalten des bosnischen Bans Kulin. Er klagte ihn deshalb beim römischen Papst wegen der Ketzerei, der Aufnahme der aus Dalmatien vertrieben Ketzer, sowie wegen ihrer Bevorzugung im Vergleich zu den katholischen Untertanen an. Um sein eigenes, sowie das Leben seiner Familie zu retten, seine Macht nicht zu verlieren und den Kreuzzug zu vermeiden, forderte Kulin vom Papst Inocentius III. eine Abordnung, die seine Rechtgläubigkeit, sowie die der Mitglieder seiner Familie, der nächsten Verwandten und der Untertanen prüfen sollte. Der Papst delegierte den Kardinal Iohannes de Casemaris und der Erzbischof von Dubrovnik seinen Archidiakon Marinus. Von ihrem Bericht hing das Schicksal aller, sowie die Zukunft des Bosnischen Banats ab. Es konnte sich nicht günstig auf Kulin auswirken, den Gesandten eines Papsts sowie den Vertreter des bosnischen Metropoliten aufs Gebiet des heutigen Zenica zu schicken, weit vom politischen und kirchlichen Zentrum des Bosnischen Banats, wo es weder einen wichtigeren Ort noch ein Objekt gab, das solche Gäste aufnehmen konnte. Andererseits erwähnen etwa zwanzig mittelalterliche Quellen die Siedlung Bosnien im Gebiet des heutigen Visoko. Hier befand sich der Sitz des Bans Kulin und der Kirchenfürsten, die ihre Rechtgläubigkeit beweisen mussten. Es wäre deshalb logisch, dieses Ereignis im Gebiet von Visoko zu lozieren. Da es um eine kirchlich-politische Sache ging, scheint es richtig vorauszusetzen, daß dieses Vorkommnis in einem geeigneten Objekt geschah, und zwar in der Residenz des Bans oder in einem Kloster.

Dominikanci i bosansko-humski krstjani

Author(s): Slavko Slišković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Dominicans meet the phenomenon of krstjani in Bosnia and Hum in two ways. According to their intellectual orientation, they try to familiarize themselves with krstjani on a theoretical level, however, due to the conventional beliefs that the Church of Bosnia is an integral part of different European heretic movements, the Dominican authors also impute on it the misconceptions that are the characteristic of heretics in the first half of the 18th century. However, confronted with the Bosnian reality they re-think this complex issue and provide answers that could serve as guidelines for concrete research. Soon after their founding, as early as the twenties of the 18th century, the first Dominicans arrive to Bosnia and encounter the krstjan movement of Bosnia and Hum. Even though their initial aim was to preach, they could not resist political malversations with the medieval Bosnian territory, so their efforts met only a lack of understanding and persecution. Nevertheless, they greatly contributed to consolidation of the Catholic religion as Bosnian bishops and through their monastic life. However, they expected that organizing their missions from a free region, such as Slavonija, would be less complicated and they unconsciously opened up a space for krstjan activities. Due to tragic lack of understanding between the two mendicant orders, the Dominicans withdrew from Bosnia, which thus became “franciscana”, however, the Turkish occupation did not allow them to leave a deeper mark on Bosnian history.

Белошева опатија архиђакона Стефана - рефугијум Домбо и Баноштор

Author(s): Janko Maglovski / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In scientific treatise so well as in readings held by occasion on feasts it was considered as most probable, by now even regarded as a proved fact, the Monasterium Bani (Banov Manastir) had its site in area of contemporary village Banoštor. Recently granted statements about history and archeology of this part countryside of Srem the possibility to discuss those opinion again. In this article the author points some remarkable mistakes out. As main one seems to be related to the origin of the name for contemporary village Banoštor. Its name, as it was helden with, derives not from the name of the Benedictine abbey founded by Ban Beloš mentioned in Hungarian historical sources as Monasterium Bani. In fact its name comes from notion, economic one, willa monasterii Bani, i.e. the village with man contributed to the Monasterium Bani. One other misleading mistake was about the archeological site Gradina in Novi Rakovac, correctly recognized as refuge Dombo but quite wrongly identified with abbey of St. George of Dombo (St.Georgius de Dombo). The name Dombo for this small refuge for local peasants, proofed by documents and geographical maps, came in fact after its builders, inhabitants of nearest village Dombovo being obligated to erect it in hurry. After elimination of this two cardinal misunderstandings in interpretation of Hungarian documents author pays attention to well known historical sources of Turkish Empire serving to show that the oldest findings on the site Gradina were remains of abbey of Archdeacon Stephan founded by Ban Beloš. Revised reading of Hungarian sources dictates the necessity for making a clear difference of old term Monasterium Bani (1309.) from the Hungarian toponym Banmonostra (1476). Shoves that in historical note in proprio fondo suo, qui appellatur Keu (1198) so well as in Civitas de Ku que alio modo Monasterium Bani nominatur (1309) the name Ke (Keu, Ku) is to be understood as name of a region. Not as the name for a place within that region. This area Ke (Petrik) extended somewhere from Sremska Kamenica to Banoštor or Koruška on the very bank of Danube, right one. The kind of rough mistakes, recognized in papers, required an exact proof of significance of few single terms of mediaeval Latin language. It was necessary, as the first, to grasp real meaning of the phrase in proprio fondo suo as well as the fundo suo, written down by the very end of 12. century. Then, it was necessary too, to understand in a correct way the words civitas, castrum and villa. An acceptable and trustworthy explication of them will result with better explanation of since long times used historical sources. More than one century ago, Hungarian scholar D. Csanky extracted some twenty sentences or parts of them in order to testify the old existence of contemporary village Banoštor. His understanding of the terms villa and civitas in sense of classical Latin as denotation for village and town was due to many mistakes. The term civitas was written down in a document at the year 1309. The exact meaning of both terms offers Glossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, Auctore Carolo Dufresne, Domino Du Cang. Correct acceptance of mediaeval phrases containing the word civitas was explained with: “Civitas, Urbs Episcopalis, cum cåterå Castra vel oppida dicerentur…”. In this explanation some difficulties can be caused by understanding of phrase Urbs Episcopalis, if the notion urbs is accepted in other way than as centrum, seat, residence (of episcope, episcopate) as Csanky did. Another phrase brought by Csanky in his capital work about Hungarian mediaeval topography is Villa monasterii Bani, from a document dated in the year 1309 too. In Glossarium of Du Cange one can find a correct explanation for the mediaeval Latin word villa. After quoted examples for older meanings of word he adds a citation: “Villas, hodie, non quomodo Latini praedia rustica; sed complurium in agris mansionum vel ådium collectionem appellamus”.

Представе светог Климента Охридског у зидном сликарству средњовековне Србије

Author(s): Dragan Vojvodić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Images of St. Kliment of Ohrid seem to have already appeared in the monumental art of medieval Serbia from the first decade of the 14th century. There are more of them than it was thought earlier and they were represented in the churches of the old lands of Rascia as well as in Macedonia. Probably the earliest presentation of St. Kliment of Ohrid in Serbian wall-painting is preserved in the altar of the Church of the Ascension in Žiča. The wall-painting in that part of the church in Žiča, which is marked by certain archaic features of style, should be dated to the time of the Archbishop Jevstatije II, or more precisely, a little before 1309. St. Kliment of Ohrid was also depicted in some of King Milutin's endowments, which were decorated with frescoes by the zographs from his “royal workshop”. It is highly probable that the portrait of the said saint was represented in the programs of our Lady of Ljeviša in Prizren (1309–1313), the King's Church in Studenica, in Gračanica (around 1320) and in Hilandar (1320–1321). In all those churches, presentations were painted of the saintly bishop bearing the name Kliment, with the facial features of the patron of Ohrid. The presentation of St. Kliment in Staro Nagoričane (1316) was painted next to the presentations of St. Constantine Kabasilas and the Serbian archbishop Sava, within the framework of the composition with Officiating bishops. This presentation of Kliment, like those in Žiča, is inscribed with the definition “of Ohrid”. It is much less certain that the holy patron of Ohrid was represented in St. Nicholas ton Orphanon in Thessaloniki. The topographical definition “of Ohrid” also accompanies the images of St. Kliment in some churches of the Serbian donors from the period of the king and emperor Dušan, such as the Bela Crkva (White Church) of Karan (1332–1337), the Virgin Hodegitria in Pe} (until 1337), and Mateič (around 1350). A little later in Psača, the Markov Manastir near Skoplje and Andreaš (St. Andrew's church) on the River Treska, St. Kliment was painted without a topographical definition in the inscription but with all the essential physiognomical features of the patron of Ohrid. It is likely that St. Kliment of Ohrid was also depicted in the Church of St. George in Rečane near Prizren (around 1370), as well as in some other Serbian churches dating from the 14th century. Where 15th century Serbian painting is concerned, it was possible to reliably identify his portrait only in the recently destroyed church of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin in Dolac near Klina (Metohija), dated to around 1450, and in Poganovo (1499).

Лична побожност на подручју Охридсе архиепископије у светлу археолошких налаза од XI до XIII века

Author(s): Perica Špehar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Within the process of the reorganization of the Byzantine Empire, after the defeat of the Bulgarians in 1014, the Archbishopric of Ohrid, with 33 dioceses, was established in 1025. Christianizing missions on the Balkans, originating from Constantinople, which started in the second half of the 9th century, could be traced through the literary sources, changes in the funeral character and through the remains of church architecture. Also, after the archbishopric was founded, the massive use of items of personal religiosity began. Those items can be divided into encolpia, cross-pendants, small icons, medallions, ampoules and rings. So far, from the territory of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, more than 600 items of personal religiosity have been published. Since the original archbishopric covered the territories of several modern countries, these types of finds were not published. Although their number is not final, it can be said that this is a small amount of items of personal religiosity, used by the relatively numerous Christian population on the broad territory during the two centuries. The items of personal religiosity, which had an apothropaic use, represented also a sign of belonging to a new social group. According to the available data, the most numerous are finds of encolpia and cross-pendants, certain types of which are characteristic just for some parts of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, while the other groups of items of personal religiosity are much less represented. Most of the finds with a certain archaeological background were discovered in the rural cemeteries, where inhumation according to the Christian funeral ritual was practiced. In most of the cases those finds were sporadic, with the exclusion of the necropolis near the Church of St. Panteleimon in Niš, where a large amount of finds was found. The quantitative analysis of the items of personal religiosity indicates that, most probably, for the use of those finds, the level of the urbanization of a certain town and religious centre, such as Ohrid, Prilep, Niš, Braničevo and Durostorum, had great importance. The Archbishopric of Ohrid played a significant role in the process of the Christianization of the Balkans, since during the first two centuries of its existance the new religion was firmly established. The completely Christian funerary practice, the development of the church architecture and the use of the items of personal religiosity testify to this. However, relicts of pagan customs were also registered. Those were explained mainly as the consequence of the low level of the Christianization, although it could also be explained by the necessity of the people to reach out for all the available assistance of “higher forces” during hard times.

Средњовековни Цариград у старим српским родословима, летописима, записима и натписима

Author(s): Radivoj Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, was one of the most important cities in the Middle Ages, a city resembling a giant lighthouse shedding light on all of Christendom. As it was also a very important city in Serbian history, it was mentioned in the old Serbian genealogies, annals and inscriptions. In reference to the medieval Constantinople, the first news about the city on the Bosphorus relate to the 4th century, and then, after an interval of several centuries, the 9th, then 13th, 14th and 15th centuries. It refers to various events primarily connected with Byzantine-Serbian relations in the Late Middle Ages, but not only those. If we look at the individual mention of medieval Constantinople, by centuries, then the following scenario exists: 4th century — two events, 9th century — three, 13th — five, 14th six, 15th century (concluding the year 1453) — six events. Speaking about the way Constantinople was referred to, the term most frequently used was Constantine’s city, then Constantinople, followed by the term “Imperial City.” The old Serbian genealogies, annals and inscriptions, besides Constantinople, also mention cities like Belgrade, Skopje and Ni{ less frequently, and then Vienna, Budapest and Moscow in the centuries following the Middle Ages.

Проучавање "централних насеља" у историјској географији византијског царства на Балкану и могућности примене нове методологије

Author(s): Jelena Mrgić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper aims to further promote the historical-geographical studies of urban centers in the medieval Balkans, by highlighting the results achieved by Johannes Koder in the field of Byzantine studies, and pointing out further possibilities of applying his research methodology. In his numerous works, Koder both improved the methodology of historical geography, and in practice, conducting the project Tabula Imperii Byzantini (TIB) for over four decades proves how it is possible to enlarge our knowledge of medieval social and cultural landscapes. Those works for me were the ‘gate’ to obtain a proper insight into this particular scientific discipline and showed me the prospects of yielding new results in the field of my own research — medieval Bosnia. By applying his methodology of combining various historical sources (narrative, diplomatic, travelogues, topographical, cartographical etc.) with certain theoretical concepts, such as von Thunen’s location theory and ‘central place theory’, it was possible both to establish a much denser urban settlement network in the regions of Western and Northern medieval Bosnia, as well as to analyze correlations between the city and its agrarian hinterland, with or without the centers with a lesser impact, i.e. lower hierarchical level. Therefore, there are numerous future prospects of improving the research methodology of urban studies in medieval Serbia, together with more extensive archaeological research.

Страх од Турака у писмима Димитрија Кидона (1352'-1371)

Author(s): Bojana Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The letters of Demetrius Cydones, one of the greatest intellectuals of late Byzantium, represent a very valuable source for the history of the Empire. They have proven to be a real treasury of significant information which make our knowledge and understanding of the situation within the Byzantine Empire, as well as the issues of its foreign affairs, more complete and elaborate. Having occupied a very high position at the court of both John VI Kantakouzenos and John V Palaeologos, Cydones was able to participate in the politics of the Empire at a time of the great crisis his country was undergoing. Cydones witnessed the rise and fall of Kantakouzenos, the turbulent years of John V Palaeologos’ reign, and, most importantly, the failure of the Byzantine negotiations with the West of which he himself was a strong supporter. As a witness of the turmoil Byzantium was facing in the 14th century, Cydones left very thorough accounts about the almost constant threats to the Empire caused by the Ottoman Turks. The fear and terror of an unknown future made the lives of Cydones and his countrymen hard and uncertain. Those, who, at the beginning of the 14th century were nothing but one of the many tribes on the eastern borders of the Empire of Constantine the Great, soon turned out to be very dangerous “allies” and fearsome conquerors of its territories. The battle of Didymoteicho in 1352, of which we find the accounts in two of Cydones’ letters, is certainly one of the most important battles in the civil war between John VI Kantakouzenos and John V Palaeologos. The muslim “allies” of the elder emperor prevailed over the Serbian allies of Palaeologos. As it is known, this battle paved the way for the further penetration of the Ottomans into the Balkans, and opened the gates to the conquerors of the Balkan Peninsula. It is at this point that Cydones’ interest in the Turks and his almost constant appeals to the Byzantines and the Westerners to find a way for mutual actions against the “infidels” started. In the letters Cydones’ wrote to his friends (John Laskaris Kalopheros, Georgios Synadenos Astras, John Kyparissiotes, Simon Atoumanos), we find numerous warnings that the gates of the Great City might soon become a prison for its inhabitants. Therefore, according to Cydones, a serious defense had to be undertaken with the help of the Westerners in the form of a crusade. The negotiations turned out to have led to small crusades of the Cypriot king, Peter I Lousignan, and Amadeo VI, the count of Savoy, but they brought no true relief to the Empire. The danger was becoming ever more serious and fear was spreading very fast. The great disappointment of the “Roman journey” 1369–1371, led to an even greater disillusionment after the battle at the Maritza. The bloody outcome of this decisive battle was, as we presume, recorded in one of the letters of Cydones’ correspondence. The “Turkish threat” together with Cydones’ appeals to both the Byzantines and the Westerners for cooperation in the fight against the “infidels” is one of the central themes of Cydones’ correspondence. These letters reveal a man of action, an intellectual who, unlike most of his contemporaries who searched for eschatological explanations for the misfortunes that befell their country, tried to find realistic answers and a solution to the problem of the Turks. They provide us with an insight into the discrepancies between the three different worlds and uncover Cydones’ personal views on the foreign policy of Byzantium.

Срби у опсади Филаделфије

Author(s): Marko Šuica / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Soon after the Kosovo battle (1389), new Ottoman sultan Bayezid I Yildirim moved in rush from the region of Balkan Peninsula to Anatolia in order to consolidate his authority and reign. In the next two years, he had led several war campaigns against the Turkish emirates which he had wanted to conquer and include in Ottoman state. At the same time Bayezid I didn’t want to give up on the results of Europe conquest achieved by his father, trying to provide financial and military resources from already subordinated Balkan Christian states. The heirs of prince Lazar have accepted Bayezid’s supremacy by the year 1390. The exact chronology of referral Serbian legation to Ottoman ruler, headed by prince Stefan Lazarević who sworn allegiance and handed over his sister Olivera, as vassalage forfeit, has not been confirmed yet. The crucial argument for taking in consideration the year 1390 as a date when Serbian legation could have come to sultan Bayezids’ camp, could be traced in the Hagiography of Stefan Lazarević by Constantine the Philosopher. According to this source, the Byzantine emperor Manuel II and Serbian despot Stefan Lazarević at certain point have shared the same war experience in Bayezid’s campaigns. If the meeting of vassals in Serres in 1393 is excluded, which could not be considered as the military event, the reconstruction of possible joint participation in Ottoman campaigns leads us to two potential war episodes. The first is related to the siege of Philadelphia in 1390, the last Byzantine town in Anatolia. The second refers to the Ottoman conquest of Synope and Kastamonia from the year 1391. Stefan Lazarević’s possible presence in the Ottoman war camp during the siege of Philadelphia, indirectly constructed from the text of Byzantine historian Duca, some historians have used as the unquestionable fact. On the other hand, one letter from 1391, written by Manuel Paleologus during the mentioned Bayezids’ campaign leaves the hypothetical possibility that Serbian vassal troops, who had been fighting in Anatolia, were recruited from the Stefan Lazarević’s territory. Although it is impossible to give complete and fully reliable testimony of Stefan Lazarević’s formal participation in the conquest of Philadelphia, the confirmed presence of Serbian vassal troops in Anatolian campaigns show that political and social processes derived from the acceptance of Ottoman supremacy among the Balkan states were rampant. In the next historical phase of Ottoman conquests those changes brought to the complete breakdown of Christian states in the Balkans.

Брачне одредбе Жичке повеље између црквеног и народног концепта брака

Author(s): Stanoje Bojanin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The marriage provisions of the second charter of the Žiča monastery issued by King Stefan the First-Crowned and his son Radoslav (around the middle of the 1220s) are considered as a source for the research of the existing models of marriage in the society of medieval Serbia. Two of them could be recognized as primary models (according to George Duby) — the church and official model of marriage, prescribed in the royal charter and the popular or lay one, deeply rooted in the traditional medieval society. The intention of the legislator was to conform the existing lay marriage traditions to the basic concepts of church marriage introducing the idea of a lifelong indissoluble marriage according to the New Testament (Matt. 5: 32 and 19: 9). For this reason, fines were prescribed as well as the threat of excommunication for the person who would persist in his/her decision to divorce or leave his/her spouse. Nevertheless, local customs can be recognized in many places in the royal charter, mainly in relation to age and gender differences. The marriage was an agreement of two families, the bride was given to her groom by her father, but the father could also break up the marriage and take his daughter back to his home. Instead of data about the church rite of a wedding (“venčanje”), the charter of the Žiča monastery contains terms, such as “take”, “leave”, “let go” and suchlike which describe the popular and lay concept of marriage. The influences of local traditions on the legislator are also recognizable in a provision which declares that the wife, who has left her husband without the support of her parents or family, ought to be punished with corporal punishment by her husband if she is not able to pay a fine. In this case, the husband is also allowed to dissolve the marriage and “sell” his wife to “anybody he wants”. The issue of forbidden marriages is documented only in the prohibition of marriage with the sister-in-law. This issue is closely connected with the matter of kinship which is considered in this essay in the context of the existing different methods for the calculation of kinship (Jack Goody): one according to degree (“stepen”) and another to generation (“koleno”, knee). Those systems are clearly noticeable in the sources of the time, if not in the charter then in the glosses of the contemporary Old Slavonic translation of the Nomokanon done through the efforts of St. Sava of Serbia. Anyway, the popular and lay model of marriage designated in other contemporary sources as “the law” (in Domentian’s writings) or “marriage law” (in the writings of King Stefan the First-Crowned) represented a system which was incorporated in diverse social relations of the lay and popular culture. The provisions of the charter of the Žiča monastery give evidence of the intertwinement and cohabitation of the said models of marriage in the social life of individuals and communities in Serbia at the beginning of the XIII century.

О једном особеном моделу распоређивања сцена циклуса великих празника: Студеница - Градац

Author(s): Dragana Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Првобитно сликарство Цркве Св. Николе у Челопеку код Тетова

Author(s): Smiljka Gabelić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Having come under the scientific spotlight almost half a century ago, the Church of St.Nicholas at the village of Čelopek, westward of Skopje, has remained unpublished up to the present day, with just scanty research so far undertaken (notes 2–4). There are no historical data preserved on the said church that was repaired in the 19th century. The original fresco-paintings of this small, single-nave church include fragments preserved in the pendentives (part of the figures of four evangelists), the apse (Old-Church Slavonic scrolls as fragments of the scene of the Officiating Prelates) and in the second register of the side walls, the reduced programme of major iconographic wholes, the Great Feasts and the Passion Cycle: on the south wall are the Nativity of Christ, the Presentation in the Temple, the Baptism, and the Resurrection of Lazarus and on the north wall — the scene of Christ before Pilate, the Way to Calvary, the Crucifixion of Christ and the Resurrection (fig. 1–6). A couple of scenes are of singular iconography. An interesting conception of the Nativity of Christ — iconographically created by the modification of its model — expresses a powerful parallelism between the birth and the death of Christ (notes 6–27). The fresco abounds with allusions of predominantly poetic inspiration, aiming through the scenes of Christ’s coming, to present in a seemingly paradoxical way, a simultaneous emphasis on His (role and) death (the manger as a stone sarcophagus, the Magi offering myrrh, a shepherd playing the flute alluding to a heavenly hymn, the Angels' adoration, the posture of Joseph reveals rather grief than anxiety, and Christ, in the arms of the chief midwife, wrapped up in a burial shroud, with a dark-colored aureole, who looks like the personification of the soul of a deceased person, not a new-born). The fresco is rather uncommon for its time, since the midwife (the apocryphal Salome) faces Christ in the cave whereby she is deprived of her regular iconographic role (pouring water into the basin). Christ before Pilate (fig. 4, note 32–42) stands out from the other examples for its depiction of the tent in which Pilate sits; the judge’s desk is omitted and the servant, bringing the dish and holding the jug — a boy commonly depicted as a young bareheaded man — wears a pinkish-white cap that is sometimes given to Pilate himself. Two events are combined within the composition the Way to Calvary — an advancing procession with Christ and Simon, carrying the cross, and the one presenting Jesus with the vinegar -the episode that does not belong to a standard iconography of the scene the Way to Calvary (fig. 4, n.43–50). The strange figure, standing before Christ and presenting the vinegar, is of an excessive height and ugly appearance, with a head resembling a bearded angel, probably intended to mark a negative person within the scene i.e. the person being mocked. The Crucifixion of Christ is characterised by the agitated posture of the clustered figures gathering around the Virgin, who has a completely languishing body posture (Fig. 5, notes 51–61). The motif of Mary's accentuated pain in this composition has not been commonly applied; however, it seems it was often used within a certain period, in the middle of the 14th century (Staro Nagor~ino, Pološko, Lesnovo, Marko’s Monastery and Čelopek). The motif complies with the laments of the Holy Mother in Byzantine works of literature, specifically in the liturgical drama of the Passion of Christ; still, it might have originated under the influence of contemporary art pieces in the West. As for the characteristics of style, the frescoes of Čelopek have been directly compared with the works of the so-called Skopje workshop, works of which may be registered in a certain part of the programme in the Lesnovo Monastery (the painter of the pendentives and vaults) and in Marko’s Monastery (the artists that painted the mid-area of the naos and the narthex). The painting of this workshop greatly resembles the work of the artist in the narthex of the De~ani Monastery (the painter of the Calendar, after 1343); it also bears a similarity to the iconography in St. Athanasius at Lešak. Their art constitutes a part of a movement of expressionism in Byzantine painting during the Palaeologan era; the term relates to the style characterized by powerful and intense expressions.

Сцене Пилатовог суда у Марковом манастиру

Author(s): Marka Tomić Đurić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The group of scenes of Pilate’s Court in the Monastery of King Marko represents the most developed example of this iconographic theme in the fresco painting. It consists of seven episodes. They are part of the Passion cycle and are painted in the third register of the western wall of the naos. The first scene illustrates the verses of John 18:33–38, Matthew 27:11, Luke 23: 3, Mark 15:2 : ‘Are you the King of the Jews?’ The second is described in John 18:38 and Luke 23:5. Pilate says to the Jews: ‘I find in him no fault at all.’ The third scene is also according to John 19:10, describing Pilate when he said to Jesus: ‘Are You not speaking to me? Do You not know that I have power to crucify You, and power to release You?’.The fourth depicts the moment when Pilate said to the Jews, "You take Him and judge Him according to your law," (John 18:31). In the fifth scene Pilate brought Jesus out and sat down in the judgement seat in a place that is called ‰TheŠ Pavement, but in Hebrew, it is Gabbatha (John 19:13). For the previous scenes there are no analogies which could enrich the iconographic analyses. They demonstrate a narrative attitude and a close connection to the Gospels — their textual source. The most prominent iconographic elements are the depictions of Domus Pilati, Gabbatha and Lithostraton, which indicate the interest in the Loca sancta of Jerusalem. The next scene is the Flagellation of Christ. Its iconography extends over the limits of the textual sources of the Gospels and Apocrypha. The closest parallel is the depiction of the Flagellation in the Church of St. George in Re~ica, near Ohrid. The key motive of the scene is the the coloumn of Christ’s Flagellation. If we compare this type of composition with three figures, it can be seen that it was disseminated in Byzantium as well as in Western Europe. Some of the examples which confirm this are: the icon with Passion scenes from the Vlatadon Monastery (c. 1370), the diptych with miniatures of the Passion from the Chilandar Monastery (beginning of the 14th c.), the engraved scene at the bottom of the Cross from the treasure of Conques (the first half of the 14th c.), the triptych in Namur (c. 1320–1330) etc. The last scene is Pilate washing his hands (Mattew 27:24–25). The most important elements of the iconography are the depiction of the table and implements for writing. According to the Late Roman and Early Byzantine sources, such as Notitia Dignitatum and John the Lydian, these elements represented the insignia of the governmental authorities. This is well illustrated in the Trial miniatures in the Rossano Gospels. Their depiction in the Byzantine monuments of the Palaiologan period is founded on the iconographic experience of the Early Byzantine examples, as well as their administrative context during the Middle Byzantine period and also on contemporary practices. Pilate’s Court in the Church of St. Demetrius reflects the strengthened interest in the trial process. It is represented according to the elements of the Roman juridical process-cognitio. Another important question concerns the reason for devoting so much attention to the Trial scenes in the fresco programme of the Monastery of King Marko. In an attempt to come closer to the answer, we found it useful to bear in mind what the image of Pilate was in Byzantine tradition. The second part of the paper is devoted to the comments and characterization of Pilate in the historical, dogmatic, hymnographic and juridical sources. The subject also included the categories and meanings of the law and justice. The elaborately presented scenes of Pilate’s Court in the Monastery of King Marko are an isolated instance, which, in the absence of analogies, raises numerous questions about the establishment and development of the iconographic themes. However, its contents indicate that the persons, who were responsible for designing the fresco programme, had a knowledge of the doctrinal, historical, political and legal significance of this topic.

Сакос црквених достојанственика у средњовековној Србији

Author(s): Tatjana Starodubcev / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The sakkos of ecclesiastical dignitaries is festive attire of a rectangular cut, joined at the sides, with very short sleeves. Previous researchers have pointed out that only three Byzantine writers wrote about it. They were Theodore Balsamon, chartophylax of St. Sophia in Constantinople and the Patriarch of Antioch (second half of the 12th century), Ohrid Archbishop Demetrios Chomatenos (first half of the 13th century) and Archbishop Symeon of Thessaloniki (first decades of the 15th century). There is no preserved written source that would testify which Serbian church dignitaries wore the sakkos and when they received the right to wear it. The only sources on the use of the sakkos in the Serbian Church are the preserved representations of its highest dignitaries. St. Sava of Serbia and his successors — archbishops and later, patriarchs — were depicted wearing the sakkos. The oldest paintings date back to the reign of King Milutin (Figs. 1–2). Some time later, in 1334, the ancient city of Ohrid was included in the Serbian state. Its archbishops enjoyed the right assigned to them much earlier, to wear the sakkos, and they retained that right. So in the Serbian Church, the sakkos was worn by the archbishops and later patriarchs, and the Ohrid archbishops, as well. The oldest preserved pictures of the Serbian archbishops clad in the sakkos are the representation of St. Sava of Serbia in the narthex of the Virgin Ljevi{ka church (Fig. 1), decorated between 1307 and 1313, and the portrait of Archbishop Sava III in the illustration of the Christmas sticheron in the passage that leads to the narthex in @i~a (Fig. 2), painted between 1309 and 1316. That means that awarding the right to wear the sakkos occurred in 1313, at the latest. It certainly was not only a religious but also a political gesture. Byzantine state policy toward Serbia and probably church policy as well, significantly changed for the better during the reigns of Emperor Andronicus II and King Milutin. That created fertile ground, enabling the Serbian church dignitaries to receive the honor to wear the most festive ecclesiastical vestments. The Byzantine emperor, apparently, could have had a major influence on the process of bringing such a decision. However, the question arises as to which patriarch of Constantinople granted this right to the Serbian archbishops. At the beginning of the 14th century, the ecumenical patriarchs were John XII Cosmas (January 1, 1294 to June 21, 1303), Athanasius I (second time, from June 23, 1303 to September 1309) and Niphon I (May 9, 1310 to April 11, 1314). At that time, the throne of the Serbian archbishops was occupied by Eustatius II (1292–1309) and Sava III (1309–1316). Very little is known about these Serbian archbishops. On the other hand, there are numerous sources about the Church's policies and attitudes of the mentioned Constantinople patriarchs. Eustatius II could have received the right to wear the sakkos from John XII Cosmas or Athanasios I. For a long time, the former was fiercely opposed to the marriage of the Serbian king and the daughter of the Byzantine emperor. The latter maintained a very strict attitude. He left data on almost all of his moves in numerous letters, in which such a decision is not mentioned. Therefore, the probability that the first Serbian archbishop who received the sakkos was Eustatius II is negligible. Sava III could have obtained that right from Niphon I. That patriarch, along with an inclination for the easy life, pursued a conciliatory policy and pragmatism. So it is possible that, on the initiative of the emperor, he made the decision that the successors to the throne of St. Sava of Serbia should have the right to wear the sakkos. If this assumption is correct, then the Serbian archbishops received the honor to wear the most festive ecclesiastical garments after the appointment of Niphon I to the throne of the Constantinople patriarchs, which was performed on May 9, 1310. Anyway, this occurred after many changes in the political relations between the Byzantine and the Serbian state during the reigns of Emperor Andronicus II and King Milutin. In those crucial years the Serbian Church advanced from an organization whose canonical foundation was denied at the time of Michael VIII Palaeologos, to the archbishopric whose leaders received the right to wear the festive sakkos, like those worn by the ecumenical patriarchs at the time of Andronicus II.

Српски преписи химнографских састава Григорија Синаита

Author(s): Tatjana Subotin-Golubović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In a number of Serbian manuscripts, mainly from the Serbian Athonite monastery of Chilandary, there are some Canons that are ascribed to Gregory of Sinai (1255–1346). The oldest one of them was copied at the end of the 14th century (No. 640). In an older manuscript (No. 342, dating from 1364/74) there are three Canons (dedicated to the Holy Cross, to the Holy Fathers and to the Virgin/Theotokos) however, this one is not of the Serbian, but Macedonian recension. In the Serbian manuscript (Hil.87) there are five Canons considered to be composed by Gregory. The Canon dedicated to the Christ is composed in the 5th tone, and it is also thought to be written by Gregory. In the manuscript Dečani 136 it is clearly noted that Canon dedicated to the Christ is Gregory’s. In the Canon dedicated to the Holy Fathers (Hil. 342) there is even an acrostic containing Gregory’s name. Out of the number of eight Canons registered among the Serbian manuscripts, only three can be considered Gregory’s compositions with a great probability: Canon (suplicatory) to our Lord Jesus Christ, Canon to the Holy Cross and Canon to the Holy Fatrhers. A major impediment to the study of this hymnographic material presents the absence of Greek originals of these texts. There are widespread doubts regarding Gregory’s authorship of the hymnographic texts ascribed to him. Published as a supplement to this paper there is the Canon to the Christ (mss Dečani 136, which is the oldest serbian transcript of this canon) and the Canon of the Holy Cross (mss PMH 59).

Богослужбени списи посвећени светом Јоаникију Девичком

Author(s): Irena Špadijer / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Evidence of the existence of the cult of St. Ioanikkios of Devi~, the Serbian hermit who lived in the first half of the 15th century, can be found in the texts written several centuries after his death and in his rise to sainthood. These texts were preserved in the 18th century manuscripts — one sinaxar life of the saint and two completely independent church services — the first copied in the Devi~ monastery in 1757, and the second one, written by Antonije, a monk from the Grabovac monastery in Hungary, in 1759. Antonije’s Grabovac service was written, as it were, in a ‘new’ spirit. It portrays a rather generalized character, a saint devoid of individual characteristics and who has very little in common with Ioanikkios’ real personality, not even to the degree that is customary in this type of poetry. The Grabovac service has very little to do with the saint it was dedicated to, both in terms of time and its essence. On the other hand, the text written in the Devi~ monastery is the copy of an older text which may date back to the time when the service was created. For this reason, the Devi~ text is analyzed more closely in this paper and within the context of old Serbian liturgical poetry. The paper examines the structure of the Devi~ service (and sinaxar life of the saint in it) and tries to determine, on the basis of text analysis, the time when the service was written. Judging by the immediate poetic images used to describe the saint, which are indicative of the period in which he lived, as well as by the predominantly hesychast atmosphere of the text — the period when this work was written may have been the fourth decade of the 15th century at the latest. This was the period when hesychasm was strong, and poetry emanated hope and peacefulness. The next decade already marked the unfolding of unfortunate historical events: the fall of Constantinople (1453), the death of Despot Djuradj Brankovi} (1456), the fall of Smederevo (1459) and the Turkish massacre of the Orthodox population, such as the one in Novo Brdo in 1477. Such events added to Serbian literature a tone of sincere desperation, a painful doomsday feeling and expectations of the ‘end times’ that were non-existent in the church service dedicated to St. Ioanikkios. The Appendix contains the issue of the sinaxar life of St. Ioanikkios from the Devi~ service, according to the manuscript written in 1757, which is kept in the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences Archive, No. 71.

Псеудо-Методијев спис и реактуализација пророчких текстова у Срба крајем средњег века

Author(s): Smilja Marjanović-Dušanić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper presents an analysis of the impact that the apocalyptic texts had in the Serbian environment in the 15th and 16th centuries, a period which saw an increasingly important re-actualization of prophetic texts—most of all those attributed to Methodius of Patara and Leo the Wise—characteristic of the time of the fall of the Byzantine Empire and the subsequent Venetian plans for the colonization of the late medieval Mediterranean. In view of the changed historical situation as a result of Ottoman expansion, the purpose of the new versions of prophetic texts, particularly popular in the 16th century, was to foretell the future or second coming of the last liberator king who would re-establish the empire of the Rhomaioi. It was at that time that Byzantine apocalyptic literature rode a new wave of popularity, and that illuminated prophetic manuscripts were created in monastic scriptoria in the conquered Serbian lands. It was no accident that one such manuscript could be found at the monastery of Mileševa, just as it is not surprising that this particular milieu, where the tomb of St. Sava of Serbia was enshrined and which, consequently, was the focus of his cult, attributed the authorship of the prophecy to St. Sava. The paper offers the analysis of a report of Cornelius Duplicius Schepper, the imperial secretary and envoy of the Viennese court, claiming that he saw an illuminated Slavic manuscript of prophecies attributed to St. Sava at Mileševa in 1533. There is no doubt that the manuscript related the prophecy of the fall of Constantinople, because it contained the illustration of a city with seven towers (“seven hills”) and an iron gate. The chancellor also mentions illuminations depicting a fox, an eagle, a crowned lion, and a ship carrying the emperor and soldiers. This incidental information about the now lost manuscript suggests echoes of Pseudo-Methodius’s prophecies or the Oracles of Leo the Wise, whose Slavic translations are known to have appeared quite early. The Mileševa apocalyptic manuscript arose against the background of an already developed literary and genre tradition of prophecy and related writings such as “lamentations” and prayers which contained prophetic elements, possibly in emulation of popular Byzantine models. The earliest illustrations of prophetic texts about the end of the world do not appear until the second half of the 15th century, usually in Late Byzantine manuscripts. The best example is a rare 16th century manuscript kept at the Biblioteca Marciana (gr. VII, 22), a singular compilation of various Byzantine apocalyptic narratives. The text contains 410 illuminations, which are relevant to the topic discussed here insofar as they may shed some light on the enigmatic manuscript referred to by Schepper. Namely, the surviving compilations of Byzantine prophetic texts show that illustrated texts of this type are rare and relatively late, or not earlier than the time of Schepper’s visit to Mileševa. For several reasons, the centre of their origin was certainly Venice, with which Mileševa maintained special relations. As early as the 1530s, which is the time of Schepper’s visit, Božidar Vuković, a publisher and printer who had started his Venetian printing house in 1519, was in close contact with the monastery through its monks. The manuscript known to us only from Schepper’s report may have been the result of direct contact with Venetian models, which, by the way, were widespread in the Venetian colonies in Greece, notably Crete and Cyprus. The 16th century saw the emergence of a number of pseudo-prophetic texts accommodated to the political plans of the Habsburg and Hungarian courts. One of them, known as the Prognosticon, penned by the court astrologer of Matthias Corvinus at about the time of Schepper’s visit to Mileševa (1534), was focused on recent events such as the Ottoman conquest of Belgrade and Rhodes, the fall of Hungary and the failed siege of Vienna. An inevitable subject matter of the illustrations of prophecies created at the scriptoria such as that at Mileševa is the Pseudo-Methodian theme of the fall of the “city of seven hills”, which assumed layered meanings in the given context. Essentially, it is the archetypal Christian fortress which, in the reality of the 1530s, seemed increasingly close to the popular apocalyptic vision

“Slavni dvor kraljevstva u Trstivnici” (Ponovno o proglašenju Bosne kraljevstvom 1377.)

Author(s): Dubravko Lovrenović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The act of proclaiming the Bosnian Kingdom in 1377, which had been preceded by the reform of the royal chancellery of Tvrtko I Kotromanić in the spirit of the diplomatic norms of the ruling Serbian chancellery, resulted in applying these norms in the field of sacral and political representation in the creation of the new state and to its end in 1463. This is particularly apparent in the arengae of Cyrillic charters related to the correspondence between Bosnian rulers and Dubrovnik, the closest and most important ecclesiastical, political and economic partner of the Medieval Bosnian State. Of course that ecclesiastical-law terminology was not mechanically adopted, and was not a decorative element of documents, but rather had the goal of serving a fundamental purpose: to describe the new juridical, ecclesiastical and ideological reality that had emerged with the transformation of Bosnian bannats in the kingdom; this is most completely represented in the arenga as a key part of the document containing political actuality and propagating state ideas and the virtue of monarchy. Th e introduction of the Raška arenga with its ecclesiastical language and new system of ecclesiastical political ideas indicates the transformation of the ruling ideology of Kotromanićes from the ruler-autocrat model represented by the identification of ban Stjepan II, Prince Vladislav and Tvrtko I Kotromanić with Saint Gregory Wonderworker in the ruler-autocrat model, whose foundation was in the dynastic holiness of Serbian Orthodox Nemanjićes. This new system of state ideas was supported by the syntagms which, with the greater part of them copied from Serbian diplomatic material as of 1377, embellished the Bosnian royal and governmental documents: „...“ Nevertheless, this does not mean that the Medieval Bosnian Kingdom became only a “branch” of the Serbian Kingdom and did not have its own political and cultural identity. On the contrary, the endeavors are still present attributing this specific Slavic political formation first to the embodiment of the national spirit, the Croatian people – the so-called Ruler Trpimirovićes – and then even to the Serbian ruling dynasty of Nemanjićes before they were painted over by the integral political programs of the second half of the XIX century, when the question Whose is Bosnia? was asked; rather, the stronghold is in the historical science conducted under the principle: Sine ira et studio. Th us, without hatred and biasness, fairly, objectively and justly. For the historiography of the open horizon to the past and to the future. Of course, this is within the premises which Ryszard Kapuściński discusses.

European Level of Serbian Medieval Legislation

The 1349 (1354) Tsar Stephan Dushan’s Code

Author(s): Đurica Krstić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

A legislative Act and the most significant legal monument of Serbian medieval history – Code of Tsar Stephan Dushan was enacted in 1349 and amended in 1954. Its original has never been found, but some twenty five transcriptions in different editions were by now known to our history of law. The oldest ones are the Struga and Prizren copies. For decades this monument has been and still is the subject of research both in the country and abroad. Emperor Stephan Dushan was probably the most powerful rulers in Europe of his time, with real prospects of taking Constantinople and inheriting thus the declining Byzantine Empire. This position involved also his imperial duty to introduce peace and order in ethnically and religiously different countries under his rule. This had to be achieved by legal unification on the grand model of Byzantine law which has in this way definitely introduced in the foundations of Serbian medieval law. The Code is a complementary act completing and refining the existing system, providing a unified basis for regulation. Its content is a genuine indication of high level of legal and general culture of Serbian medieval State, reflecting also economic conditions and developed relations of Dushan’s Empire in all aspects of life. In a way it is a written proof of the rise of State which, unfortunately, did not continue due to sudden death of Stephan Dushan in 1355. Included in the Code are the following matters: position of Church as a crucial factor of State order with provisions of constitutional character, rights and obligations of feudal aristocracy and dependent layers of population, State order and economy, inheritance and particularly, system of penalties, procedure and administration of justice emphasizing the rule of law in most modern sense of the word, civil law matters, etc.

K zájmu Přemysla Otakara II. o města

Author(s): Josef Žemlička / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Málokterý z českých panovníků staršího období se tak výrazně zapsal do středoevropské historie jako Přemysl Otakar II. (1253 – 1278), „pátý král Čechů“ (quintus rex Boemorum), jak se leckdy v listinách tituloval. Co musí fascinovat každého, kdo se Přemyslem jen trochu detailněji zabývá, je nezměrná energie, pohyblivost a organizační aktivita. Pražská diplomacie, jejíž kapacita se před polovinou 13. století souběžně vyčerpávala ne víc než jedním dvěma tématy, náhle spektrum svých zájmů a styků dramaticky rozšířila. V jednom čase mohl být král (i skrze své vyslance a pověřence) ve styku s polskými Piastovci a vést jednání s bavorskými vévody, papež- skou kurií, arpádovským dvorem, patriarchou v Aquileji, německými biskupy nebo říšskými knížaty. Králův itinerář – to je jedna dlouhá nepřetržitá řada výjezdů, inspekcí, válečných kampaní.