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In the multi-ethnic pattern of Plovdiv during the Middle Ages the Armenian had a constant and marked presence, testified in the sources mostly for the period 8th-13th c. They appeared in the town already in the middle of the 8th c. as a result of the resettlement policy of the Byzantine emperors who moved large masses of Anatolian heretics, including many Armenians. The emigration campaigns went on until the 10th c., and・ afterwards the sources report an Armenian population traditionally living in the town. Speaking about the Armenian present in medieval Plovdiv, one should bear in mind that this population, although of the same ethnic origin, was not united in a compact and homogeneous fashion as a community. In the large Bulgarian catholic community there was a considerably big group of Armenians who were the chief and original exponents of this teaching in the total mass of Anatolian immigrants. These Armenians lived in the community of the Bulgarian catholics who had their own quarter. In Plovdiv existed also a strong monophysite community of anti-Chalcedonian Armenians who obeyed the Catholicos in Cilicia and did not recognize the Chalcedonian decrees. They also lived in a quarter of their own with their own place of worship. These Armenians should not be identified with the Armenians among the Plovdiv catholics although in Constantinople they were also regarded as heretics, and the Orthodox Church made great efforts, in the same way as with respect to the Bulgarian catholics, to bring them in the bosom of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The ethnic Armenians in Plovdiv also comprised a small group of their representatives, but confessionally they were bound to the Church of Constantinople, i.e. to the Chalcedonian decrees. These representatives were included in the imperial high dignitaries and the church elite and were gradually denationalized, becoming representatives of the Byzantine aristocracy.
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Dans cet article on met en évidence quelques moments importants de la continuité dans l’espace géographique et spirituel tchèque (bohème) de la tradition cyrillo-méthodienne dans la Principauté de Grande-Moravie, disparue de la scène d’histoire en 906. Un événement majeur a eu lieu vers l’année 879, quand à la cour morave de Svatopluk l’archevêque Méthode a officié le baptême de Bořivoj – le premier monarque mentionné dans l’histoire de la Principauté Tchèque. De retour au pays accompagné par un groupe de disciples de Méthode, Bořivoj a promu une politique de conversion au christianisme parmi ses sujets, a fait construire des églises, a organisé l’activité ecclésiastique d’après le modèle morave et a introduit dans l’église le vieux slave. Son œuvre a été continuée par ses successeurs, dont le plus marquant a été son petit-fils Václav, sanctifié peu après sa mort en martyre. Dans la première moitié du X-ème siècle sa figure a été éternisée dans une légende en vieux slave, dont le protographe glagolitique non-conservé, dû à un intellectuel anonyme, a circulé en Russie et en Croatie. Bien que l’utilisation du vieux slave fût sensiblement diminuée, le service divin dans cette langue continua à être pratiqué dans quelques centres isolés du pays. Un témoignage en ce sens constituent l’hymne religieux Seigneur, aie pitié de nous, datant de la fin du X-ème siècle et Les feuilles glagolitiques de Prague du XI-ème, marquées par les bohémismes qu’elles contiennent. Une recrudescence de la culture vieux slave s’est produite en 1032, quand l’abbé tchèque Procope a fondé à Sázava un monastère, dont les moines copiaient des textes et officiaient la liturgie en vieux slave. En 1347, à l’ordre du roi des Pays Tchèques Charles IV a été fondé à Prague le monastère « Aux slaves » (plus tard redénommé Emaüs), où le roi a installé un nombre de moines croates qu’il a amenés de Dalmatie, qui ont conservé dans leurs textes l’alphabet glagolitiques.
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The population of the central Thracian town of Plovdiv was distinguished by its variegated ethnic composition during the Middle Ages. In the late 11th c. in the town took shape a Latin quarter, specifically mentioned in the Chronicle of Odonis de Deogilo in connection with the passing of the knights of the Second Crusade (1147–1149). It was outside the wall of the stronghold and was perhaps fortified. During the campaign in a church dedicated to St. George and also situated outside the citadel was buried the Atribatic Bishop. In the travel notes of the German traveller Stefan Gerlach, who passed through Plovdiv in 1578, is discovered information about eight churches functioning at that time in Plovdiv and their patrons are mentioned accurately. Six of them are used as places of worship now as well. It is most probable that these churches existed also during the Middle Ages, bearing in mind the stable tradition in inheriting the places of the shrines and their patrons saints. One of these churches that are mentioned is “St. George”. At the very foot of the Three Hills in a northwestern direction is located the now functioning Armenian shrine “Surp Kevork” (“St. George”). There is a table here with an inscription which indicates that the church was handed over to the Armenian community in Plovdiv in 1675 and was renovated in 1828. The information and the comparisons allow with great certainty to express the view that on the spot of the modern church “Surp Kevork” stood the mediaeval church “St. George” which received the mortal remains of the Western Catholic bishop. The canonical closeness between the Roman Church and the Armenian, headed by a Catholicos, supports the view that the church originally was used by worshipers of Western descent and then by the Armenian population in the town. On the basis of the comparisons made with certainty cab be localized the Latin quarter in Plovdiv at the foot of the acropolis in the areas around the modern Armenian church “Surp Kevork”.
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The work considers the mediaeval settlements in the region of the Middle Strouma in the period from the 7th to the 14th century. Use is made of the available information from mediaeval Bulgarian and Byzantine sources, as well as of archaeological material. For some settlements are given important data from Turkish inventories for the 15th and 16th centuries.A review is made of the mediaeval settlements the existed at Blagoevgrad (Gorna Djoumaya), the villages of Gradeshnitsa, Dobursko (Nedobursko), Dolene, Drenkovo (Drenovo), Katountsi, Kroupnik, Koulata, Leshko, Levounovo, Lyubovishte, Mitino (Mitinovo) and Palat, the town of Petrich, the villages of Petrovo, Razloshki Popove and Rozhen, the town of Sandanski (the former village and town of Sveti Vrach), the settlement on the hill “Samouilova Krepost”, the mediaeval fortress at the village of Gorno Spanchevo, the Tserovo ruins of an ancient settlement and the village of Cherniche.
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In the beginning of IX c. Northern Thrace was an object of attacks of the Bulgarian rulers who attempted to widen the borders of their state. A Central city of that region was Philipopolis, the inclusion of which in the Bulgarian state, is ascribed by some authors to the marches of Khan Krum in Thrace, or it is believed it was annexed by a peace treaty during the reign of Khan Omurtag. Most probable seams the opinion published in the literature, that happened during the reign of Khan Malamir around 836. Most probably during Kniaz Boris, Philipopolis has passed again to the Byzantine Empire. As a result of the continuous and successful military campaigns lead by Czar Simeon Thrace, Macedonia, Epir, Thessalia and Albania were included within the wartime borders of Bulgaria. Philipopolis made no exception in that regard and was also included in the administrative borders of the state. It was included probably as a result of a voluntary surrender of the state, since there are no evidences of the fall of the city. During the rule of Czar Peter, the city probably went to the Byzantium again, close to the Bulgarian borders. The first rulers of the Asen dynasty always showed a life interest to the city, during their successful campaigns in Thrace. During the reign of Czar Kalojan the city was again included in the Bulgarian lands in 1203. The ceremony in Tarnovo in November 1204 for the unia signed with the Pope prevented Kalojan to go to Thrace and the Bulgarian garrison there fell to the knights of the Latin Empire, lead by Renie de Tri, who took the city during the same month. After the troops of Kalojan and the Kumans defeated the Crusaders army of the Emperor Baldouin I in April 1206, the previous Greek-Bulgarian unity was shaken, but Czar Kalojan again succeeded to impose his rule over Philipopolis during the summer of the same year with the co-operation of the non-Greek ethnicities, and mostly the Bulgarians in the city. When the Greek aristocracy managed to impose as a ruler of the city the notable Greek Alexi Aspiet, Czar Kalojan stormed and devastated the city.
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The emergence of the Slavic nations in the Carpathian-Danube area and in the Balkans in the late 5th and especially 6th century had a huge impact on both the Eastern Roman and the Proto-Romanian world, which was reflected in the works of the Empire’s contemporary historians. The works of Marcellinus Comes, Pseudo Caesarios of Nazians, Iordanes, Procopius of Caesareea, Menander Protector, Mauriciu provided us valuable, very little known information on the emergence of the Slavs at the border of the Eastern Roman Empire, on their ambivalent nature and the impossibility to use them as Empire’s allies and last but not least on their contact with the local Proto-Romanian population.
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Initially the author follows the life in the settlements in the period VI–VII century and ascertains that the Black Sea cities Odesos, Tomi, Dionisopolis and Istria were inhabited before the arrival of Asparuh. In the period of the First Bulgarian Kingdom a dens settlement network was established. The remaining of over 60 settlements, fortresses, monasteries and necropolises were registered between Varna and Kilia. By the end of VII and the beginning of VIII century the hinterland of the big ports of the antiquity – Odesos, Tomi, Istria and Dionisopolis was settles, in order to prevent a possible landing of the Byzantine troops. During the IX–X centuries the settlement network became even denser and the Dobrudla coastline became one of the densest populated areas in Bulgaria. Due to the events of the end of the X century some settlements were abandoned and the fortresses near Durankulak and Constantsa were destroyed. Byzantium restored the ports of Varna, Balchik, Kalatis, Kavarna, Konstantsa where in introduces high ranking clergy and military garrisons. The barbarian invasions between the 30s and the 60s of the XI century lead to the destruction of most of the fortresses were desolated and by the end of the XI century and during the XII century the only settlements with registered life were Varna, Balchik, Kavarna and possibly Kilia. The restoration of the settlement network began in the XIII centuries with the restoration of the Bulgarian kingdom. The life in Balchik and Kavarna was activated, Kaliakra was restored, new settlements sprung, such as Kranea, Kestry Enisala and others. On some portulans and maps XIII–XIV were marked the ports of Shabla, Mangalia, Konstantsa, Vadu and Istria, but the researches show that until the end of XIV century there were not permanent settlements, only temporary ports. The restoration of the settled life along the Dobrudja coastline during the XIII century was connected with the migration of Bulgarians from the Northern slopes of the Balkan mountain and with the infiltration of many Kumans after 1240. They are widely believed to be the ancestors of the Gagauses.
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Unter den spezifischen Eigenschaften der staatlichen Einrichtungen im mittelalterlichen Bosnien, nimmt die Versammlung der Gross Würdenträger, beziehungsweise das Kollegium - die Barones Regni Bosnae - eine besondere Stellung ein, die einen klar abgesonderten Stand in der feudalen Hierarchie als Gesamtheit den Staatsrat und das höchsten Organ der Macht im Staate repräsentierte.
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The ethnic picture in Philippopolis in Late Antiquity and the Early Byzantine Epoch showed a relative stability of the Thracian ethnic substrate, the presence of immigrants from the Asian provinces, a Hellenized urban population and relatively weak penetration of barbarians. There are no convincing data on the penetration of Slavs in the citadel of the city and the level space next to it unlike the environs of the city. In the 5th – 6th c. according to an archaeological monument there was a Jewish community in Philippopolis. In the 8th c. the imperial authorities carried out mass resettlements of American and other Asian population in Philippopolis and its outskirts which continued in the following centuries to result in the 12th and 13th c. in a considerably numerous Armenian community. The first mass Bulgarian penetration in Philippopolis is referred to 836 when it was seized by Khan Malamir. During the reign of King Simeon this presence certainly consolidated. Particularly favourable conditions for the penetration and settlement of Bulgarians in Philippopolis were created after the fall of Bulgaria under Byzantine rule. This transpires from the sources referring to the early 13th c. and attesting to a considerable Bulgarian population in the city. During the centuries indicated, all the cities of the Empire suffered the invasions by Uzes, Cumans and Pecheneges, while Philippopolis in particular endured the passing of the first three Crusades. In the city emerged quarters on ethnic differentiation: Latin, Armenian, probably a Bulgarian, etc. During the wars of King Simeon and King Kaloyan the population of Philippopolis passed through major demographic perturbations. In the 13th and 14th c. the Bulgarian population in the city became one of the largest ethnic groups and the opinion may be expressed that it was not only equal to the Greek in size but in the second half of the 14th c. it became even predominant. Throughout the Middle Ages Philippopolis was a variegated ethnic centre, and it has preserved this character up to now.
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Gottlieb Söhngen (1892-1971) is a figure of no small significance: he directed both Joseph Ratzinger’s (now Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI) dissertation and habilitation, and his writings on Anselm of Canterbury’s theological contri- butions illustrate the struggles of a then still nascent theological discipline: fundamental theology. Söhngen’s explorations occur within the context of National Socialist rule, while he teaches theology at Akademie Braunsberg in the eponymous city located in East Prussia (1937-45) during the dark years of the Third Reich. This investigation shows how very much Söhngen does justice to both Anselm’s oeuvre and the Roman Catholic statement, while nevertheless introducing pointers to pre-Christian, Germanic notions in order to flatter the Nazi rulers, but more importantly to underscore how pagan concepts ultimately indirectly prepare the ground for the implantation of the Gospel.
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It has so far been generally accepted that the one-face gold medallion from Veliko Tarnovo should be ascribed to Khan Omourtag and be read as KANE СУВНГI СОМОРТАГ. The iconogfaphy of the Khan, however, is purely that of a Christian ruler with all his attributes of Christian symbolism. It is well known however, that Khan Omourtag was the most violent persecutor of Christians. This contradiction made me question the correct reading of the circular inscription. After the most careful study of the original and appropriate analysis of the letters I arrived at the following conclusions: First, where YBHH was read, I established, on the basis of a comparison with the inscription of another seal of the same type, that in this place it is more correct to read Y(l) ON. Three vertical hatches follow, making the letters П I, and after them follows U). This is the Latin verb pio in a Greek transcription. The last word is MORTA - a hybrid formation of the Greek MOROS and the Latin MORTUUS. The letter hitherto read as gamma (Г) is actually part of the plait of hair falling dawn the left shoulder of the bust. The inscription should, therefore, read as follows: CANES Y(l)ON П10) MORTA. The person depicted could only be a Christian martyr, and this, no doubt, was the heir to the throne Enravotas-Boinos who died a martyr’s death at the hands of his brother Malamir for his fanatical devotion to the Christian faith. Most probably the medallion was fashioned during the reign and the initiative of the pious Prince Boris, at a time when in the country were still the legates of the Papal Court in Rome, headed by Formosus, a fact which also explains the observed hybrid formations in which the Latin language also played an active role.
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Background: The subject of the study is Japanese corporate governance during the formation of the centralised Yamato state and the development of its specific features. Little has been written about the structures and characteristics of governance in ancient Japan. Thus, the article may contribute to reducing the gap that exists in this field in the Polish literature. Research purpose: The aim is to try to show Japanese corporate governance in Yamato (until 645) and to identify those unique features and their roots that have not lost their relevance to this day. The paper verifies the thesis that the model of corporate governance developed in the Yamato period is a product of uji traditions and customs, as well as the hybridisation of culture and rights of the Japanese clans and Chinese Empire. Methods: The analysis is carried out at macro and microeconomic levels based on a review of the literature on the history of Japan and corporate governance. The most important political, social, and economic events in the early Yamato are presented in building the centralised state, its governance, control, and incentive structures. The uji, the be, and the uji-kabane system are shown as mechanisms of governance. Conclusions: The analysis confirmed the thesis that the Yamato corporate governance model is the result of the hybridisation of cultures and the laws of Yamato and China and that it created the foundations of Japan’s unique contemporary model of corporate governance.
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The author analyses the selected 12th and 13th-century French Arthurian romances as an example of locus medicinalis, i.e., the meeting place of literature and the medical knowledge of the time, where literary fiction intersects with the medical reality, for which melancholy was one of the major challenges. Like medicine, literature takes up the challenge, by seeking to describe the symptoms of melancholy, to define its causes and above all to propose an effective treatment to relieve it. In the romances analyzed, the concept of melancholy is similar to that of acedia, the vice of the soul manifested by boredom, indifference, fatigue, and exhaustion of the heart. The condition was attributed to the activity of the demon of acedia, called daemon meridianus by Cassian and Evagrius of Pontus. In the Arthurian romances analyzed in the article, in which acts of psychological and spiritual nature are of main importance, the treatment of melancholy is based on the holistic Christian vision of man, according to which the state of mind, soul, and body influence each other. Cathartic tears, memory healing, friends’ support, the presence of the beloved, joy that chases away sadness, prayer, conversion, confession, and pilgrimage prove to be more efficient than theriac, electuary, or any medicine.
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The article describes pagan objects of Ryazan Finns found on the ancient fortified settlement of Old Ryazan. The first of them is located on the Northern Cape of the settlement and represents the remains of a circular sanctuary with a repeatedly used central sacrificial pit, several altars and pillar pits. The dating of the sanctuary is narrowed to 8th—10th centuries. The article also publishes new materials obtained during the study of the neighboring site — the Northern fortified settlement, where the remains of a burial ground with cremations in urns were found under ancient Russian layers. It has been established that the burial ground is culturally and chronologically linked to the sanctuary on the Northern Cape. Thus, a new type of late I millennium AD Middle Oka archeological sites has been identified. Previously, ritual structures were known only on burial grounds, but the complex of the sanctuary and the burial ground located nearby is revealed for the first time. Also, the nearby object of the first half of the 12th century — the altar next to the foundation of the Old Russian Spassky Cathedral, studied at the end of the 19th century, is re-examined. The authors examined finds from the altar, including the image of an anthropomorphic idol. The current selection of its analogues is given, its connection with the steppe zone antiquities of the 8th—10th centuries is established. The comparison of the data allows the authors to hypothesize about the possible origin of the idol from the sanctuary on the Northern Cape.
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Radial temporal rings (earrings, head pendants) serve for some direct aesthetic purposes, but also for ethnic identification, status-ranking and have a symbolic-sacred value. The article addresses one of the least studied group in this category of jewelry. Dents on the inside of the handle here are replaced by some cast ornitomorphic figures. A typological correlation analysis made it possible to highlight 3 insulated variants and 4 types. The defining feature is the iconography and semantics of the image associated with a certain layer of mythology. The motives of Iranian and Byzantine art are traced (some motives find analogies in Volga Bulgaria). Some of the images go back to the Perm beast style and Finno-Ugric mythology. One variant has some contrast versions for the explanation of its semantics: Oriental, Christian and Scandinavian (the plot “Odin and crows”), transformed through the Perm animal style. All this complex picture can find an explanation in the geopolitical and cross-cultural situation of the bearers of this jewelry at the end of the 9th — mid 10th centuries. These items were found on the lands of the late Romenskaya and final Luka-Raykovetskaya cultures (Vyatichi, Severians, Radimichi, Drevlyane, and in borderlands populated by the Tivertsi and White Croats).
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This article examines a range of problems related to the formation of the military-political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire in the X century and the role of the Byzantine Emperor Leo VI the Wise in these events. The impetus for the appearance of this article was the publication in 2018 of M. Riedel’s monograph ‘Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity’ (Riedel M. L. D. Leo VI and the Transformation of Byzantine Christian Identity. Writings of an Unexpected Emperor. Cambridge, 2018). The monograph is distinguished by a non-standard approach to the writings of the Byzantine emperor, the desire to study them together in order to discover the idea that unites them all. The author, indeed, manages to show how, with the help of the religious idea, Leo VI the Wise builds a completely new military-political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire and responds to the challenges of modernity. The monograph shows that the problem of the relationship between the Christian and Muslim worlds, considered in the categories of “us” — “them”, is relevant not only for the era of the Crusades, but manifests itself much earlier, shows the need to study these images, special vocabulary, mental stereotypes, etc. Therefore, this monograph can be the beginning of a whole trend in modern Byzantine studies. At the same time, the authors point to a number of aspects which are addressed only in part or not dealt with at all by the British researcher, while their study could contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of Leo the Wise’s personality and his reign.
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