Neke zablude i istine o slici u starim i novim medijima
U ovom tekstu htio bih objasniti značenje aspekata koncepta slike Jean-Paula Sartrea za shvaćanje slike u mnogim područjima, uključivši digitalno, te područje novih medija.
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U ovom tekstu htio bih objasniti značenje aspekata koncepta slike Jean-Paula Sartrea za shvaćanje slike u mnogim područjima, uključivši digitalno, te područje novih medija.
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Prior studies intensively rely on lifestyle segmentation to investigate the patterns of purchase and consumption decisions. However, the literature does not specifically relate lifestyle profiles with the types of consumer decisions (i.e., purchasing vs. consumption decisions). Therefore, this research analyzed the issue by surveying 626 residents of Salatiga city, Indonesia, as the participants through self-administered questionnaires. By analyzing the data with factor, cluster, and chi-square analysis, this paper demonstrated that purchase decisions (i.e., the choice of brand name and country of origin) are not associated with lifestyle segments, while consumption decisions differ among the segments. Meanwhile, lifestyle is more likely associated with enduring (i.e., consumption decisions) than occasional behaviors (i.e., purchase decisions) such as the purchase of a mobile phone and its related services
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Media are essential actors in transmitting, contesting and embedding the attitudes towards climate change, yet media performance in post-communist countries has been relatively little researched. Informed by conceptual frameworks of strategic narratives, agenda-setting and framing, this paper investigates the media coverage of climate change and environment related issues in Latvia. The paper demonstrates the representation of climate change and environment related issues in Latvian and Russian-speaking traditional and online media, using quantitative data analysis of 3753 media articles, video and audio broadcasts from August 2020 till January 2021, as well as qualitative content analysis of seven peaks. The findings reveal a significant amount of climate change and environment related articles and broadcasts in Latvian media. News agencies and public broadcasters are the most important media segments in terms of publishing, whereas online media are prior in terms of the audiences reached. International efforts emerge as a dominant theme in the media coverage, while climate change per se receives a minor journalist attention. Both observations confirm a low level of climate change domestication in the Latvian media. Media reliance on political and government information sources and prepackaged material suggests a high potential for official political narratives to spread, yet the persuasive power of strategic narratives remains blurred as the perception side is highly underreported.
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This article analyzes the portrayal of the USA and NATO as Kosovo’s friends in the Kosovan media discourse. The research will use the Critical Discourse Analysis based on the model by Van Dijk to demonstrate the production and continuity of the friendship discourse in the Kosovan media. Two daily media outlets are analyzed: Koha Ditore and Epoka e Re, focusing on the strategies used to construct the image of Kosovo’s friends for the countries that have supported the independence of the new state of Kosovo. The ideological framing of the friendship discourse is pointed out as the dominant topic in these two mainstream newspapers, but on the other hand, the papers emphasize two different perspectives of using the discourse of friendship, which are adjusted to the editorial policies and persuasive goals of the respective papers.
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Communication practitioners often seek fast quantitative and qualitative analysis of the information campaign outcomes in the media space. Such analysis is required by PR departments of commercial brands, by political technologists, and by experts in information wars and ideology. A new approach for the analysis of information campaign outcomes is introduced in this paper. Using PR messages as a category for analysis of media coverage of information campaigns provides a framework for credible efficiency evaluation, as well as for the deep analysis of the factors contributing to achievements or failures. This method allows the campaign organizers to understand what message it is better to disseminate in the media. In other words, through the messages of what kind the opinion of the campaign initiator or their opponents is conveyed to the media audience more effectively. We consider a message to be a judgment in which an object or predicate relates to the substance of the information campaign. Using it as a category for analysis and several types of the message as subcategories of analysis allows us to combine qualitative and quantitative approaches and, at the same time, avoid many restrictions of content analysis, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis. We show how the method works on the example of the failed information campaign that promoted a lobbyist and populist bill in the Ukrainian parliament. We showed that only our method could explain the reasons for its failure and provide the best way to improve the communication.
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After over two decades of violence, loss of thousands of civilians, displacement of tens of thousands of people, and damages to key infrastructure in Pakistan by Tehrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the central government decided to talk with them in 2014. These peace talks were as vital as their failure could lead inevitably to a longer war. This study is about the coverage given by the Pakistani national press on these peace talks and the military operation followed by it. It is evaluated that how far print media played their role either in initiating peace or instigating war. With this intention, Johan Galtung's theory of Peace Journalism was applied. Analyzing the contents of four elite national English and Urdu dailies the study concluded that the mainstream press portrayed the peace talks with a considerable difference throughout peace talks, which had undermined the government approach of bringing peace. War-oriented coverage of the operation tells that whatever would be the situation media would sensationalize it. Within the news stories, mixed expressions were seen towards both peace and war but the overall coverage remained war-oriented.
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This article offers a new look at the specific characteristics and key typological factors of online business media in Ukraine. Knowledge of the typological structure and features of business media segmentation can be used in marketing plans and media planning. The empirical part of the article presents a comprehensive definition of the term “business journalism” in the social communication discourse of Ukraine, as well as the typology of online business media based on selected structural and functional and type-forming factors: economic and organizational, structural and functional, professional and technological. As a result of practical analysis and theoretical thinking, the article also proposes the definition of social functions of business media, which was previously overlooked by scientists.
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Većini onih koji su, barem jedanput, na svoje uši ćuli i svojim očima vidjeli Branimira Donata, u privatnom razgovoru ili na javnoj sceni, vjerojatno neće biti teško pogoditi da on ima dvije očite strasti: književnost (te s njome povezanu politiku) i kuhinju. No, koliko mogu, kao nestručnjak za gastronomiju, procijeniti, on nikad nije -poput Veljka Barbierija, koji je svoju književnost, barem u najnovije doba, potpuno integrirao s kulinarstvom i svojem kulinarstvu dao sasvim književan oblik -vlastiti literarni rad, ni kao kritičar ni kao esejist, sudbinski povezivao s bogatom trpezom. On je te svoje dvije kompetencije, premda jednu i drugu, kako nam se čini, povezuje zajednički kulturalni temelj, pretežito srednjoeuropski i građanski, držao tako odvojenima da specijalisti za jedno ili drugo polje danas mogu trijezno analizirati njihovu stvarnu zamašitost.
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Politicians from the Western Balkan region are seeing the advantages of the Internet more and more for their presentation and overall success in politics, especially the usage of social networks. We researched the participation of political parties in the House of Peoples of BiH (in the mandates 2014-2018 and 2018-2022) and the number of seats won by parties along with popularity on social networks - Facebook as a representative example of online / virtual presentation of each political party. Research has shown inconsistencies with the popularity of political parties “online” with their actual success - winning a certain amount of delegates in the state parliament. Overall, when it comes to traditional, larger parties that voters choose the most (such as SDA, SNSD, and partially HDZ / 2014-2018 and 2018-2022), virtual and actual results are approximate, while “a huge gap between two worlds” applies for the rest. Political parties that are most represented on the Internet, are actually least represented in the Parliament. At the same time, lousy Internet results for a few parties are resulting in “big cake” in the House of Peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina. When politicians address voters through a TV spot, their marketing teams cannot choose exactly when they want to consume content. The Internet, and especially social networks, have the opportunity that today is the “alpha and omega” of all promotional actions. However, these new opportunities for domestic politics are closed! Why? Because domestic politicians have not yet understood / accepted the new fact that they can not only broadcast but also need to make their products available to recipients. In BiH, there’s currently only “political communication using the Internet” topic rather than “networked political communication” one. Interactive possibilities of the Internet have been limited to the ones of old mass media, which have been distancing the individual from the public sphere over the decades, making him/her a mere consumer of the mass culture product and an observer of the political events. The Internet is still partially seen as classic or mass media in the political communication of BiH. The audience doesn’t have a chance for systematically arranged interaction, but it’s primarily focused on one-way communication. In the meantime, politicians are accessing the Internet as just another option from the list, not seeing a new fact - not only that they can broadcast, but they need to make their products available to the recipients at the same time.
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Amidst the great and rapid advance in digital audio processing over recent decades, a range of new ‘manipulation’ software has problematised the popular music scene, both in terms of authenticity and achievability of performance. This paper will set out to define manipulation effects as separate from the more over-arching umbrella term of staging effects, under which they have been vaguely included for a number of years. By separating out the staging of vocals from the manipulation of their core content, by pitch correction for example, we can more specifically observe their impact on audience reception and vocal pedagogy. The reception element of this research would be largely related to that of authenticity and the presentation of liveness in online video, but this paper will focus on the effect of the unachievable on vocal learners. These could range from confidence issues to serious vocal problems. This paper explores the possibilities of music following the same trajectory as photography, where manipulation is concerned. Photoshop’s usage in media has provoked a great deal of controversy in recent years, with high profile campaigns resulting in legislative changes such as Israel’s Photoshop Law, which imposes certain restrictions for models and a disclaimer requirement for publishers. It’s a possibility that if the music industry were required to provide disclaimers for audio releases and online videos, that there would be more transparency in vocal pedagogy, with the potential for fewer vocal health problems related to copying unachievable performances. The aim of this paper is to open a conversation about the effect of a lack of transparency surrounding audio manipulation so that more can be done to address it.
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Between June and July 2021, a number of Black creators banded together on TikTok and withheld from creating content – they went on strike. This sudden protest came after outcries from Black creators, who claimed that they created many of the viral dances on the platform, whilst their white counterparts received the accolades. I propose that this strike is a result of underlying bias, antagonisms and an unresolved history of musical and artistic plagiarism from Black creators. Inspired by how race is presented in the media and focusing on novel media platforms like Instagram and TikTok, I assert that creative works by Black creators and subsequently their ownership, use and replication, need to be studied within popular culture.
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The article is dedicated to studying communicative and pragmatic evidential constructions in newspaper political narrative. Based on the assumption that a communicative subject is represented as chain cooperation (“orderer” – editor – journalist – source – journalist), markers of evidentiality are matched with reference to the information about the events described on behalf of the source of relevant information. Correlation between an evidential discourse marker and an indication of the source of information in the narrative, as well as the possibility of indirect deictic reference to second-hand information with the help of modal verbs and lexical markers have been identified. Using evidential constructions in newspapers is determined pragmatically and connected with the narrator’s desire to distance him- or herself from unreliable or axiologically negative factors.
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This paper uses communicative-pragmatic analysis and a corpus-based method to investigate multidimensional axiological interpretation of Europäische Identität notion as a unifying political concept. The study focuses on European identity discourse as presented in German mass media. The study shows strategic relevance of the concept and its unifying potential both within the EU framework, and in wider European domain. The analysis reveals that primary and secondary collocators actualized with the notion convey both the topicality and inconsistency of the concept. Moreover, the results show that identity and personal/collective self-determination discourse is characterized by polemic nature and various evaluations that predominantly feature the tactics of doubt and mistrust to the unifying potential of European identity concept.
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The paper analyses media representations of migrants with a special focus on the case of an attempt to establish an accommodation centre for asylum seekers in the Croatian village Mala Gorica near Petrinja. After the closure of the Balkan Corridor, the movement of forced migrants through the countries on the Balkan route put the states in the region in a challenging position. The states had to develop migration management systems that would enable the organisation of acceptance and integration of refugees. The choice of location of reception and accommodation facilities for asylum seekers could often be a contentious issue for the local population. The media play an important role in the process of informing citizens since, along with other social actors in positions of power, they influence and shape the public discourse. In this paper, we used a qualitative content analysis of Croatian media articles published from November 2018 to May 2019 (N=52). In order to identify discourses, themes and frameworks that contribute to the understanding of the media representation of the above phenomenon we used the document analysis approach of Altheide and Schneider (2017). In the analysis of the arguments of various actors three themes were detected: the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, the relationship between the government and the people, and the relationship between the “center” (Zagreb) and the “periphery” (Petrinja). All three, in different variations, point to the problem of inequality, i.e., domination and subordination. We identified two dominant media frames in reporting: discursive construction of migrants as a social problem and conflict as a constitutive relationship between social actors. We discuss these findings and argue that this type of research enables a critical reflection on the role of media in public representations of marginalised social groups such as asylum seekers, which could then enable a more inclusive social environment and humane treatment of marginalised groups.
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Naš uvodničar Velimir Visković spomenuo je da sam »krivac« što sam Marka Grčića uveo u novinarstvo, pa mi se čini umjesnim da moj prilog razgovoru o našem slavljeniku Marku započnem objašnjenjem te moje »krivnje«. Dogodilo se to potkraj 1958. godine u uredništvu tada najpopularnijeg hrvatskog tjednika »Vjesnika u srijedu«. Glavni lektor lista, a često i redaktor, bio je Ivo Baljkas, predratni novinar i urednik legalnih i ilegalnih ljevičarskih novina, član Centralnog komiteta KPJ iz kojega ga je kao »frakcionaša« isključio Josip Broz Tito kad je 1937-38. došao na čelo Partije i proveo radikalnu »čistku« članstva i rukovodećeg kadra.
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The Romanian press of 1936 highly presented and debated the topic of the Berlin Olympic Games, including, in this case, not only the central publications but also the local or regional ones, in our case the newspaper „Ştirea” from Arad. Information, in form of dedicated full page articles, or as short news, included facts and figures concerning the arrangements made for Romania’s participation in the upcoming games, and subsequently, the press detailed the entire international sport event. The „Ştirea” newspaper sent a special delegate to the Berlin Olympics, the journalist Ioachim Dabiciu, whose impressions were published in a serial narrative under the title „Impressions and Findings from the Berlin Olympics. By car across six countries”. The series appeared in 30 episodes, between October and November 1936, being an accurate and valuable documentary testimony of both the sports competitions and the context in which they took place.
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Culture-bound references receive considerable attention from translation scholars, as they are regarded as one of the most difficult challenges that translators face. However, most studies examine the transmission of culture-bound references to the target audience in literary texts, while research that would examine the translation of culture-bound references in audiovisual discourse involving additional constraints is somewhat limited. Dubbing is considered to be one of the most challenging modes of audiovisual translation, mainly due to the synchronization applied to it. This paper presents a model for the analysis of the translation of culture-bound references dedicated specifically to dubbing. The authors of the paper discuss the complexity of the concept of culture-bound references, their categorization and the taxonomies of their translation procedures. The article discusses the specifics of dubbing, the typology of synchronies applied in dubbing and restrictions posed by it on the translation of culture-bound references.
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A significant element of Central and Eastern Europe’s democracies backsliding process turns out to be changes in the media law. These changes are now leading to a decline in media freedom. The article attempts to understand this phenomenon by analyzing the process of legal and policy changes in Poland. In the course of the analysis, the reader’s attention is drawn to three elements that form the mainline of events related to the weakening of media freedom. These are, in turn, (a) the takeover of public media by influencing the staffing of media companies, (b) introducing a new, completely politicized body into the legal order, which duplicates the already existing and partially politicized media authority, and (c) exerting economic and legal pressure on the media independent of the authorities, so that they can be taken over by state-owned companies or businessmen favoring the authorities. As a whole, this decline in media freedom can be viewed as a strategy that antagonizes society.
More...Igor Mandić, medijska zvijezda s kraja šezdesetih
Moj otac kupovao je potkraj šezdesetih redovito tjednik VUS, u kojemu je najčitanija rubrika bio Notes Igora Mandića. Igor je u njemu komentirao aktualna zbivanja u politici i kulturi, ulazeći često u sukobe s Hrvatskim književnim listom obračunavajući se strastveno i duhovito s nacionalizmom, klerikalizmom i tradicionalizmom, koje su zagovarali suradnici tog lista. Mnogi će ga već tada prokazivati kao prorežimskog autora, unitarista (još nije toliko bio popularan naziv »orjunaš«).
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For a long time, the idea of the so-called “Russian world”, a civilization united according to linguistic, ethnocultural, and religious principles, has been the subject of numerous interdisciplinary studies. It is primarily due to the aggravation of the geopolitical situation in the sphere of Russian influence, such as Ukraine. Existing studies are devoted to historical, cultural, and philosophical aspects. However, there are still not enough linguistic ones since there is still no single definition of the essence of this phenomenon and the features of its functioning in various discourses. Today, in the scientific space, there are three main theoretical approaches to understanding the “Russian world” – civilizational, geopolitical, and religious. In this study, the task is to conceptualize the presented “Russian world” notion as well as to identify newly developed connotations in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict of 2022, utilizing semantic analysis, component, and contextual analysis methods. The media texts of the Russian-language Ukrainian media were used as the material of the study, reflecting the military conflict between Russia and Ukraine and mentioning the “Russian world” concept. The study showed that the “Russian world” concept had acquired numerous negative connotations, such as “war, destruction, death”.
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