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The megalithic sanctuary Markovi Kuli near the town of Prilep in Northernm Macedonia is one of the largest in the Balkans. The author has studied the rock carvings and protosculptures in the sanctuary. Structural and semantic analysis is proposed.
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At the beginning of the Hellenistic period when Ancient Egypt was governed by the Ptolemaic Dynasty after the conquest of Alexander the Great the cults of several Egyptian Gods spread all over the Mediteranean world. It was mainly the cults of Isis and Sarapis but also Harpocrates, Anubis and several other deities. As a result of the Ptolemaic politics or of the Egyptian trade with Propontis and Pontus the cults of the Egyptian deities spread in Ancient Thrace as well. The aim of the paper is to show the mechanisms of diffusion of those cults bringing to light some new evidence and discussing the already existing one.
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The paper offers a re-examination of an EIA tumular grave located in the area of Maritsavalley, near the village of Novo Selo, Stamboliyski Region. Given its ‘unusual’ character, it is surprising that after the first publication in 2004, it was mentioned scarcely or is absent from the discussions in the literature. Having analyzed the specifics of the grave goods it was possible to argue that the complex should be dated no later than to the 8th century BC. The comparisons with similar synchronous and diachronic complexes from the Balkans and the Aegean region as well – the so-called ‘burials with weapons’, or ‘princely graves’ – allowed to outline its key role in the future discussions on the local specifics of the complex processes that took shape in Thrace during the EIA, e.g. the formation of new social identities and the emerging of local elites.
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The finds of “Tsviatkova” mound in the necropolis of “Kosmatkite” on the land of Shipka – Sheinovo, Kazanlak municipality are stored in the National Museum of History’s Fund. A fragmented pectoral made of different parts has been discovered among the rich grave offerings, found during the excavations. The foundation of the pectoral is a massive crescent-shaped iron collar, that covers the upper breast on the front and the upper back. In the neck area the foundation is L-shape-curved to protect the neck front and back. An exquisitely embossed plate made of precious metal is mounted on the foundation. The ornate parts are made of gilded silver and they fully cover the iron pad. There are 12 longitudinal girdles of various width that are shaped by forging and executed from the neck to the brim. The abundantly decorated item is a part of protective ceremonial armament with an indisputably effective protective function. It belongs to the group of so called pectorals of the “Mezek” type, known in Thrace. Discovering it in a mound along with a multitude of arrow points, a horse skeleton and horse-trappings suggests that it is a part of the offerings of a buried high-ranking horseman.
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The campaigns of the Macedonian king Philip II in Thrace in the years between 342 and 339 BC and his colonization activities in the Thracian lands south of the Haemus Mountains have been the subject of numerous scholarly studies and discussions. But due to the scarcity and fragmentary nature of the information of ancient authors, a number of details about these campaigns, as well as the fate of the Thracian rulers Teres II and Kersebleptes, remained unclear. Everything written so far about these campaigns has been presented only theoretically. In recent years, even some innovative ideas and solutions on these issues, as well as some reliable data obtained from archaeological research, have been ignored by most researchers studying the history of Thracian lands in antiquity. So far, all modern authors have suggested that the campaigns of Philip II in Thrace in those years began with a starting position from the area of the confluence of the river Hebros (now Maritsa) in the Aegean Sea and were carried out along the valleys of the rivers Maritsa and Tundzha from this direction. This paper presents completely new data on the routes of these campaigns of Philip II in Thrace and also presents new locations and new interpretations of the colonization of the Macedonian ruler in the Thracian lands between the Haemus (Stara Planina) and the Rhodope Mountains. As evidence of the actual direction of the campaigns of Philip II here are used and some specific archaeological finds, which are items of armament, directly belonging to the troops of the Macedonian ruler Philip II. In fact, the direction of the campaigns of Philip II in Thrace in the years 342 and 341 BC was quite different from previous ideas and theoretical constructions. Since the current readings are dedicated to Prof. Al. Fol, here I definitely want to mention one of his very important hypotheses, which is shared in passing in just a few sentences, but is in the right direction. In his monograph on the history of Thrace during the early Hellenistic period, yet in 1975, he said that it was very likely that the alliance with the Thracian tribe of Agrianes lead by their chieftain Langarus was concluded on the eve of Philip’s decisive campaigns in Thrace against Kersebleptes in 342 and 341 BC. In fact, after capturing the Parorbelia region in the middle reaches of the Strymon and the lands near the Kresna Gorge, as well as the Strumeshnitsa river valley as early as 347 BC, Philip II began his new campaigns to conquer the Odrysian states, bypassing in the back of the Odrysians – through the western Thracian lands. In practice, the lands of the Agrianes in today’s Pernik region have become the main and most convenient base for the troops of Philip II to invade the lands of the Odrysians. Philip II had taken into account the situation that it was best, by gradually entering, to control the Sub-Balkan fields first. That is why all Macedonian troops headed east from today’s Sofia plain and entered the Sub-Balkan fields. Philip II’s troops made large camps in the valleys between the Balkan Mountains and Sredna Gora, and from there sent significant units against the Thracians. Thus in the autumn of 342 BC, part of the armies of Philip II reached the fortified Odrysian hunting residence, located near the top of Kozi Gramadi in Sredna Gora, where the Thracian ruler Teres II was hiding. In the battles between the Macedonian and Thracian troops, Teres II died there, and his wife and his son, named Sitalkes, were captured and sent to Pella as special hostages. This Sitalkes was the same person mentioned by the ancient author Arrian to have led Thracian units in the troops of Alexander the Great during his great campaign against Persia. Here are presented solid archaeological evidence of these battles at this place – inscribed lead sling bullets with the names of two Philip’s generals. This paper presents the possible routes of the campaigns of Philip II in Thrace in the years between 342 and 339 BC with relevant maps and visual evidence. Thе certain locations of two of the settlements in Thrace south of the Haemus, conquered by Philip II – Kabyle and Masteira – are presented, as well as a more accurate, approximate location of the Thracian settlement of Drongilon – all three mentioned by the ancient author Demosthenes. In addition, a clear and definite location of the old Thracian capital Odrysa is presented, localized unambiguously on the site of the ancient city of Philippopolis – explicitly emphasizing the fact that after the conquest of the Odrysian capital, Philip II quite reasonably renamed it after himself.
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The approach of reading the inscription from the ring is connected to the relationships between the existing political men of the Odrysians and their internal genealogical division, the complex political situation in Thrace and the existing tension between the ruling Thracianking Amadocus I and his paradinast Seuthes II in the 5th – the beginning of the 4th century BC. At the end of this tense period, in the second decade of the 4th century, the burial of this high Thracian aristocrat, who in our opinion is Seuthes II, was performed. The inscription on his ring-seal should be read as “Seuthes (from the kin of) Teres”.
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The depot of the Museum of Archaeology in the town of Septemvri houses the entire coin array of numismatic pieces discovered during the regular archeological excavations on the territory of the fortified Thracian settlement near Vetren village, better known as Thasian Emporion Pistiros. An interesting bronze coin (Inv. No 1.172–1990) of the types head of young Heracles//horizontal club (Fig. 1) comes among all the coin finds. The piece is highly corroded, with rather damaged surface, depersonalized legend and emission marks. However, in its coin types, as well as in its size and weight (4.70 g; 18x15 mm), the coin is identical to the bronze coins, which the Macedonian Adaios, named by Selene Psoma as viceroy of Antiochos IITheos in Thrace, minted in 253–243 BC in Cypsella – his capital and one of his mints on the territory of Southeastern Thrace. Based on Selene Psoma’s interpretation of the so-called sitarchiai and sitérésia, i.e.the daily payments with bronze coins to soldiers from garrisons stationed in Hellenistic Thrace, we can conclude that coins from the “military issues” of at least three Hellenistic rulers have been found on the territory of the “Thasian emporion Pistiros”. First was SeleucusI with his three bronze emissions, struck in the capitals of Antioch and Sardis (Figs. 7–9and Fig. 2), which came to Thrace with Seleucus’ military treasury, appropriated by PtolemyKeraunos after the assassination of Nicator near Lysimacheia. Seleucus’ bronze was followedБоряна Русева291chronologically by the tetradrachm of the Dynast Skostokos (Fig. 10 and Fig. 3) – a piece of anemission minted in the 270s BC in Enos under force majeure, most likely for the payment ofsoldiers hired by Skostokos to defend the city against the Celtic invasion of 281 BC onwards. Apropos, contemporary to Skostokos’ tetradrachm is the group of posthumous Alexanderdrachms from the Vetren treasure – all signed with the common control sign – the verticaltorch under the divine throne (Pistiros h. 22–25 from Price 564A). The coins are perfectly preserved, i.e. without visible signs of circulation. The researchers attribute them to the capital’ s atelier in Pella, which issued them as soon as Antigonus Gonatas proclaimed himself King of Macedonia (276).Therefore, the latest coin discovered so far on the territory of the Vetren fortified settlement is the bronze one of the Seleucid general Adaios, minted in Cypsella, in the period between 253 and 243 BC – a piece of a “military issue” intended to cover the daily financial needs of the mercenaries of the Macedonian garrison stationed in the Adaios’ capital ofCypsella. I remain hopeful that at the archeological site of Adzhiyska Vodenitsa will soon be discover a bronze coin of Antiochus II as well – the ruler who appointed Macedonian Adaiosas his general in Thrace. Thus, the Thracian settlement in the lowland of Upper Maritsa River, located not far away from the Roman road station of Bona Mansio, will be among other settlements of the age – Maroneia and Knyazhevo, Kabyle, Seuthopolis and Arkovna, on whose territory the bronze editions of Adaios and Antiochos Theos have been discovered – a material sign of the turbulent years of a still another clash between the two great Hellenistic states – the Seleucid and Lagid ones, which marked the history of Hellenistic Thrace in the mid third century BC.
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The present article deals with the foundation myths of two Hellenic colonies in Thrace that undergo significant changes with the inclusion of the Thracian element, precisely Abderaand Byzantion. The change observed is radical as until that time the local tribes were only presented in the light of the antagonistic relations between the colonists and locals. It seems, however, that this was changed and in the late Hellenistic period the Thracians were already closely attached to the foundation of the city itself and the Hellenic cities in fact inherited earlier Thracian settlements which allowed the former to be included into the local genealogies. Certainly, the specifics in the foundation traditions in both cities under consideration here, as well as the specifics of the political development impacted on the way into which these changes were made, determine the aspects of the new foundation myths.
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The text examines Cassius Dio’s information about the Getic dynast Rholes (CassDio, 51. 24. 6–7; 51. 26. 1), mentioned in connection with the description of the events during the campaigns of Marcus Licinius Crassus on the Lower Danube region against the Bastarnae (in 29 BC) and against the Getae under Dapyx’ control (in 28 BC). The brief overview of the opinions in contemporary historiography clearly presents the often discussed problems regarding the historical figure of Rholes. Some of the widely discussed questions are: what is his ethnical origin; whether Rholes and Oroles (Just. 32. 3. 16) are one and the same person; what is the scope of the territories over which he reigned; how to be more accurately characterized Rholes’ relations with Rome – was he among the Romans’ allies with the title amici et socii populi Romani or maybe as only Octavian’s „friend and ally” he had the status amicus et socius Caesaris; can the dynast be considered also as Mark Antony’s ally; since when do the relationship between Octavian and Rholes date back – maybe from the time immediately before or at the beginning of the Roman Civil War (32/31 BC), when both enemies in this conflict sought allies among the northern Thracian dynasts (which is a very possible as hypothesis). Careful reading of the source and events in Northern Thrace during the second half of 1st century BC allows being reconsidered the prevalent opinion in contemporary historiography that the lands of Rholes were in Dobrudja (mostly in Southern Dobrudja). The analysis of historical evidence leads to the hypothesis about the new location of Rholes’ territories, whose center was south of the Danube, between the rivers Iskar, or maybe to Tsibritsa (as western border) and Yantra/ perhaps to the valley of Rusenski Lom with its influxes (as eastern border). As a Roman ally, after the defeat of the other two Getic dynasts (Dapyx and Zyraxes), Rholes effectively established his control over the lands of the future Roman province Moesia Inferior. The historical role of this last significant king of the Getae, who achieved one of the largest territorial military-political unions of the Getae, still remains greatly underestimated. Military-political ferment in Thrace between 18/16 and 11BC probably mark the time of his death.
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The military actions between the people of the Scordisci and Lucius C. Scipio Asiagenus are solely mentioned by Appian. The report seems pretty intriguing; besides, it became the subject of various interpretations particularly due to the way of presentation of the information. Most of the hypotheses refer the above military-political activity of L. C. Scipio Asiagenus to the 80ies of the 1st c. BC. The year 88/87 BC can result from the subtraction of302 from 390 ВС, and/or 32 from 120/119 ВС. One would arrive to the period 85/84 BC by subtracting 302 from 387/386 BC, and/or 32 from 118/117 ВС. We can arrive at the year 82/81 BC, if we take away 32 from 114/113 BC. The people of the Scordisci, who had dominated for almost a century over the west-Thracian and other dynasties, found themselves in the position of losers compelled to take on the pressure of Burebista and endorse his power. The decrease of their resistance was a consequence of the blow struck by L. C. Scipio Asiagenus at them during the 80ies of the 1st century BC. This might explain why the Scordisci were not mentioned among the people, against whom the Roman Republic was waging wars by the middle and the second half of the 1st century BC.
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The Thracian presence in the area of the Greek apoikia along the West Pontic coast is a factor that the inhabitants of these cities have to comply with. Since its establishment in VII B.C. they are, to a certain extent, economically and politically dependent on Thracian formations in the hinterland. The situation has changed radically since the imposition of Roman rule and provincialization of the territory. The fall of the population within the province of Moesia/Lower Moesia and the establishment of a cultural model known in science as “Romanization”, predetermines to carefully clarify the ways in which local Thracians manage to cope with the background of the two trends in the local landscape. “The Epigraphic Habit” is one of the key indicators for tracing the Thracians in the local military-administrative and urban structures of the local socium. Data from the available epigraphic material shows a relatively slow advance of the Thracian population. Although the army is an essential means of obtaining civil law, the representatives in the veteran society and the Thracians in the military circles do not meet with a particular leadership role. Their emergence is mostly detected among inferior rural administrative posts. On the other hand, a part of the population manages to be a part of the College of priests or with managerial positions in relation to religious cults and practices. Interest is that part of the Thracians, who do not belong to urban circles or do not possess civil law. The data show the gradual penetration of Romanization tendencies, especially in the region of Istria and Tommy. Another rend shows the outskirts of Odessos, as in the Epigraphic fund of the city underlines the names of Thracians who established family relations with persons whose nomenclature refers them ethnically as Greeks. This is most likely to show the direction of the manifestation of some members of the local Thracian masses: Connecting with the Greek population or with Thracians who are subjected to Hellenistic tendencies in an earlier stage of the history of the western Black Sea coast.
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Gora is a region, situated between three mountains: Shar, Korab and Koritnik, and on the territory of three countries: the Republic of Albania (9 settlements), Kosovo (19 settlements) and Macedonia (2 settlements). In Bulgaria the community of the Gorani is quite insufficiently studied while its image in the Balkan scientific and social discourse is strongly influenced by political interests and different ethnic, national or religious dispositions. The field materials presented in the article are collected in the Albanian part of Gora – the village of Shishtavets (2008-2012). The text presents descriptively the main parameters and the different aspects of the wedding, and also the observations and the analyses of the traditional music and dance like a component of the still performed wedding ritual among the Gorani.
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The text presents the festival, dedicated to the traditional wedding in the village of Galichnik, Republic of Macedonia, in the light of the relation “tradition – modernity”. The Galichnik Wedding Festival was founded in 1963, it is an annual festival in which a selected couple gets married in the traditional “Galichka” style wedding. Traditionally the wedding lasted for 5 days with the main activities on St. Peter's Day (12 July) every year. It was the only period of the year when couples got married, because it is typical for the local people called “miyatsi” (ethnographic group). Today Galichnik Wedding Festival is part of the festival “Galichko Leto” (Galicnik Summer) and it is a two-day event held on the weekend nearest to 12 July and it serves as a cultural and tourist attraction. Practically, however, this contemporary version of the ritual is “artificial” in the words of Yovanka Yurukoska (born in Galicnik, 1930), it is commercialized and it is part of the developing of cultural and rural tourism in Macedonia.
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The text presents the St. Lazar's day song repertoire from village of Yuper, Razgrad region as reconstruct the function of the songs from the recent past, when the ritual lazaruvane is stil “life”. The author analyzes the principle of antiphonal performing of songs, investigates the role and importance of the refrains in the song structure, and in general make diachronic comparison between songs recorded during the summer of 2003 in Yuper and the same songs in the collection of V. Stoin “Folk Songs from Northeastern Bulgaria”, Part 1. The overall conclusion from the comparison and analysis is that the St. Lazar's day song repertoire has remained stable musical and has preserved the basic melodic and rhythmic characteristics of the song from this region.
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The movement of the Folk Festivals in Bulgaria is nowadays one of the forms for preservation and promotion of folklore and tradition. The text presents a short overview of the origin and development of Bulgarian folklore festivals – the first regional festival in Gramatikovo (1960) and the first national festival in Koprivshtitsa (1965). The main part of the text is dedicated to a regional festival, created in 1980 – in village of Cherni Vit, Teteven region. Its way is indicative for the “life” of folklore in modern times and the role of festivals for the reconstruction of tradition.
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The text presents the reflecting of the entire spectrum of existence and presentation in contemporary life of folk music forms in programme of the state national television in Bulgaria. The role of this television in this respect is much more responsible as compared to private televisions for instance. Most generally, the possible TV-presented forms of Bulgarian folk music over the national televisions are as follows: on the one hand there are the TV-covered actual events such as fairs, festivals, competitions, etc., as well as all festive concerts on different occasions (videotaped or directly broadcasted) – they represent a relatively small percent of the total number of folk music presentations. On the other hand the prevailing type of broadcastings also presents certain forms of actually functioning folk music. The Folklore-forms are changing constantly, their spectrum is expanded and their complete “catching” in the TV “mirror” is not always possible. But also the television has its own selective media approach and by reflecting them it actually places them in its own media format, which also changes them.
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The text presents the contemporary state of the ralationship between musical folklore tradition and tourism in the seaside town of Byala, Varna region. Together with the already popular interpretative approach seeking links between folklore and tourism, i.e. the approach of analyzing the use of folklore for tourist purposes, here is offered the reverse view – how tourism influnces the folklore forms which have survived until nowadays. It appears that folklore (and the musical folklore tradition in particular) in Byala is “alive” only in the folk narratives: only in them the musical folklore tradition is successfully expressed in its entirety. Parallel to that, there exist attempts to recreate and revitalize the elements of the ritual and of the festive system without commercial purposes. The observations of the singing and instrumental tradition in Byala and its relationship to tourism leads to the conclusion that apparently, in the framework of a seaside town, one can register two opposite tendencies. The first one is the characteristic “closeness” and lack of 167 attitude to the resort specificity of the town and a natural decline of the ritual and song tradition. The second one is the “openness” of the instrumental tradition and its transformation in the new conditions, wich creates opportunities to relate it to tourism.
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