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The fact that the military, one of the means of governments’ superior power of sanction, is kept under civilian control and subject to civilian authority is accepted as one of the key conditions of contemporary democracies. The apolitical position of the military in industrialized Western democracies can be explained by the presence of a liberal-democratic model for civilian military relationships (ignoring the military’s relatively partial effect on foreign policy, national security and defense policies). However, civilian-military relationships are observed to always have the potential to directly and/or indirectly affect politics and governance in incompletely industrialized democracies. This study analyzes the level of and reasons for militaries’ effectiveness on political life in incompletely industrialized or unindustrialized democracies based on the causes of military coups, which represent the peak of military intervention in politics.
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The aim of this study that mention the development of Turkism ideology in Turkish politic life is to give data about the historical background of Turkist ideology. In this regard the effects of Turcology studies in Europe, French Revolotion and the Turkish intelligentsia immigrants coming from Russia on Turkist ideology is analyzed. Finally, the relationship between the non-performed projects which aimed on Ottomanism and Pan- Islamism strands and carrying Turkism approach onto political platform is discussed.
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Ideologically, Political Islamism exhibits an opposition against modernism. Because Political Islamism is fed with traditionalism. The emphasis of Political Islamism on nostalgia contradicts with modernism. But these contradictions and discourse has developed and shaped Political Islamism in the future. Political Islamism has used the parameters of modernism within the efforts for the searching of re-existence and identity.
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It seems getting support from federalist Sandanski group was not important just because a part of an ethnical group in the region making an aligment with İTP. Instead Sandanski was offering the choice of becoming a regional süper-power to the Ottoman State which could not be evaluated as an “Empire” anymore. The “Balkan Federation” option leaded by Ottoman State being proposed by IMRO’s left- wing leader, consisting the chance of a new- foundation in the region, composing of Albania, Macedonia and the Ottomans, was perhaps the only chance for İTP to ensure the Ottomans to survive within the European concept. By leaving the generous, “Balkan Federation” onto the laps of İTP, Yane Sandanski was just demanding to become the legal political leader of an autonomous goverment of united Macedonia. So the aligment between Sandanski’s left- nationalist group and nationalist İTP, can be called as the first “Red Apple Coalition” of contenmporary Turkish politics.
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The aim of the research is to investigate population growth migration industrial development and to research the global integration results and solving ways of global ecological pollution with Azerbaijan sample.. The research deals with the ecological environmental pollution of Azerbaijan and focused on the reasons of immigration, industrial development and unjust war. The pollution fresh water basins of Kur and Araz rivers at the same time, generally, soil, air atmosphere, pollution, and population migration are connected with Armenian aggressive policy to Azerbaijan and the solution ways of these problems have been revealed in the article. The implicit and explicit use of chemical weapons to the civil population of Azerbaijan by Armenian unjust war has been pointed out. The Azerbaijan Government invited the organizations as OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) for judicial investigation of unjust war and for global environmental protection.
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This article aims to present the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812 as the main reason for the Bulgarian Catholic Pavlichians migration near Bucharest and the foundation of the Cioplea village - 1806 - 1813. It is underlined that for many centuries, Bulgaria's southern Danube territories have been a refuge for Pavlichian communities that have suffered over many centuries executions and deportations of population, oppression of Byzantine power and Ottoman occupation. Pavlichian communities with an ancient identity marked by conflict are descendants of the Paulician community of Armenians. From the seventh century AD, the communities of Pavlichians lived on the territories of the ancient fortresses of Philippopolis near Plovdiv and in the Nicopolis area. The Catholic communities of Bulgarian Pavlichians are mentioned since the seventeenth century, when the villages of the Pavlichians were visited by the Bosnian Franciscans conducted the missions of conversion the Pavlichians to Catholicism. In the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, Russo-Turkish wars involved the Catholic communities in the anti- Ottoman resistance struggle like the Ciprovets Uprising of 1688 event with changed the identity of these communities. The defeat of the Uprising of 1688 led to the destruction of communities in Ciprovets and to the migration of Pavlichian Catholics across the Danube into Craiove and Banat. In the nineteenth century, the aggression of the Ottomans, triggered by the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812, determined a second migration of the Catholics Pavlichians. Main of them, returned in Bulgaria, settled to the border area of Nicopolis-Shvistov, took refuge across the Danube, on the outskirts of Bucharest, founding a new community of Catholic Pavlichians: the village of Cioplea. The article analyzes the war that cause in the nineteenth century the second migration of Pavlichian Catholics from Svishtov-Nicopole, nearby Bucharest, in the 1806-1813 period. The article concludes that, under the pressure of Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812, the bulgarien catholic pavlichiens from Svishtov-Nicopole, were obliged to migrate once again in Romania, the reason for Cioplea Pavlicheans Community foundation.
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The present paper is probing the aspects that defined the German influence in Croatia, capturing some of the results of the subordinate politics in all aspects of the Reich and Italy. The Italian and German profiles governed the balancing policy of Croatia in favour of Germany for breaking away from the Italian friendship. Romania placed its destinies alongside Germany, these aspects being followed from the Romanian-German collaborations imposed by pacts, treaties, understandings and orientations within the Axis towards states that sought their covery of the territories taken over by Hungary in 1940.
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In international relations, each state has historically pursued its own interests by various means. Although these have not always taken a violent form (for example, there are international actors such as the empires of successive Chinese dynasties which, in their relations with their neighbours, emphasized the respect for the emperor and prestige at the expense of violence, or the Ottoman Empire which, after its initial expansion phase, created a concentric system of peripheral actors with varying degrees of autonomy), before the signing of the UN Charter, the use of violence was not definitively forbidden between them either. More precisely, there are actors who, since then and as a result of successive changes in regimes and international orientations, have renounced the use of force or have severely limited it, making it at least predictable, and actors who, regardless of regime and context, adopt the same behaviour. In our view, Russia falls into the second category.
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Prazne ulice i sablasni gradovi, policijski sat i karantena; zatvorene trgovine, restorani, škole i kazališta; zatvorene granice u većini zemalja; oko tri milijarde ljudi u lockdownu ili u nekoj vrsti izolacije; laserski termometri, geolokacijsko praćenje i masovni nadzor; stotine milijuna nezaposlenih radnika; vedro nebo nad nama, izvanredno stanje pod nama; stotine milijardi skakavaca roji se u prostranstvima Afrike i Azije hranjeno klimatskim promjenama; plamte najveći požari ikada zabilježeni u černobilskoj "Zoni isključenja", podudarajući se s godišnjicom nuklearne nesreće i trenutnom pandemijom; potresi i poplave; autoritarni kapitalizam i ekofašizam u porastu su u cijelom svijetu.
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Ideologically, the last century has been broadly dominated by three principled constructs, which we can think of as belonging to the same genus, which we call high-powered chauvinism. The communist ideology claimed that all the revolutions produced in the entire history of humanity did nothing but replace the dominance of one social class with the dominance of another class, that is, to change one form of exploitation of man by man with another form of exploitation. But, for the first time in history, the proletariat is called, somewhat messianically, to abolish private property and, by doing so, to completely abolish every form of exploitation of man by man. In the course of the socialist revolution, the proletariat not only emancipates itself, but, by emancipating itself, it also emancipates, objectively and even involuntarily, the entire society. In German Nazism, Hitler replaces the proletariat of the communist ideology with the German people, replaces the social class saving mankind with the superior race of the Aryans, also meant to save mankind. The superior race and the need to safeguard it, for the good of all mankind, is the principle from which the absolute ideological truth and the belligerent rhetoric in this case derive. Finally, in the contemporary hegemonic neoconservative ideology, the United States must hold global dominance, because it has military power, and it must have as much military power as possible, in order to hold global dominance for as long as possible. This construct says: we are the strongest military alliance in History, so we are always right. These constructs have had bad consequences and can only have bad consequences.
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This study aims to analyze the visits that the Romanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corneliu Mănescu, made to Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. In that year, the Romanian official became known worldwide due to the fact that he was then elected president of the UN General Assembly. Thus, he was invited to visit many countries, but he was not able to honor them all. The three states were selected because, at that time, their relations with Romania were on the rise. It was initially proposed that these visits be included in a tour, but Algeria objected because they were not on good terms with Morocco. In the article we will study how these visits were prepared, their schedule and the discussions that Mănescu had with the leaders and other officials of those states. The receptions worthy of a real head of state that Mănescu received in Morocco and Tunisia will also be presented, as several protocol norms were broken. It will also be analyzed how these events were propagandistically speculated by the Romanian communist press.
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The word "war” carries a strong nominal charge in several types of wars and several ways of waging them: war of position, economic war, atomic war, cold war, diffuse war, war against a pandemic, etc. This article takes us through a brief history of the recent war in images, as it has been taken up by social media, through several characters who have turned their current (and) current activity into a weapon of war: a war of images and social media. The approximation of what is personal or identity in social media and the politics of war represents a major shift brought about by recent, bloody events. About the self and politics, about images and the power of messaging, about language in the service of war on social media, a search for personal as well as national identity, these are the new issues brought to the agenda of the day through social media. The President of Ukraine himself, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, has started using social media relentlessly to get his anti-Russian message out to the world. This foray into social media, politics, identity, and language is one of the weapons of war and it should not be avoided, on the contrary, it should be seen, supported, and recorded in history.
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This article examines Czechoslovakia's diplomatic relations with Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine in the late 1940s. Initially, in the aftermath of Second World War, Czechoslovakia enjoyed a seemingly favorable position in these countries, given its history of relatively successful pre-war mutual cooperations. However, the situation soon changed as two significant factors came into play. Firstly, Czechoslovakia's gradual alignment with the Soviet Union raised suspicions among Arab nations about potential attempts to export communism. Secondly, Czechoslovakia gained a negative reputation as an active supporter of the State of Israel. These developments led to the isolation of Czechoslovak diplomatic missions in the Arab countries during the late 1940s. Nevertheless, diplomatic relations were not severed, ultimately evolving into a surprising friendship due to the significant political changes both in Czechoslovakia and these Arab countries in the subsequent years. This research is based on relatively underexplored Czech archival documents related to foreign policy during the early years of the Cold War.
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In the new international context of the conflicts that broke out in Ukraine and the Gaza Strip, we can speak of a very sensitive economic environment. Analysts described the threats of global trade disruption and China's potential economic opportunities and supremacy, whose influence in the Middle East has grown considerably over the past 15 years. The reconfiguration of American policy and the shift of the United States' center of gravity from the Indo-Pacific area due to the war generated by the Russian invasion has left uncovered a critical area in the commercial flows that ensure global trade. The triggered humanitarian crisis and the thousands of civilian victims in Gaza represent opportunities for China and Russia to blame American policies on the Middle East for the instability there. The article presents the main vulnerabilities that the two conflicts create in the global economy and how the disruption of trade flows would generate major crises globally.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Kingdom of Romania found again the moment to approach the Russian Empire, which was now in an alliance with France and then with England. Romanians began to overcome the injustices done in the past, realizing that the only chance to fulfill the national ideal (a possible union of Transylvania and Bukovina with the Kingdom of Romania) could be done with the help of Imperial Russia. A special episode that improved the diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Romania and the Russian Empire was the visit of Tsar Nicholas the Second in Constanta on June 1st, 1914. On the occasion of this visit, the royal family of Romania aimed for a potential marriage between Prince Carol, the son of Prince Ferdinand and Princess Maria and the grand duchess Olga Nikolaevna, one of Tsar Nicholas's daughters. This event would also have an important role in the subsequent decision of the Kingdom of Romania to enter the war that was just about to begin.
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