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Daniel Kohler, director of the German Institute for Radicalization and De-Radicalization Studies (GIRDS) in Berlin, based on an authentic personal practical experience in the field of derading, as well as a number of empirical case studies, in this book for the first time, overcomes the gap between academic and practical perspectives on „deradalisation“.
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We employed the Brief Implicit Association Test (a recently developed short version of IAT) to measure implicit political attitudes toward four political parties running for Serbian parliament. To test its criterion validity, we measured voting intention and actual voting behavior. In addition, we introduced political involvement as a potential moderator of the BIAT’s predictive and incremental validity. The BIAT demonstrated good internal and predictive validity, but lacked incremental validity over self-report measures. Predictive power of the BIAT was moderated by political involvement – the BIAT scores were stronger predictors of voting intention and behavior among voters highly involved in politics.
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The specific manner in which the image of Andrzej Duda is being created is closely related to two relatively new concepts and contexts of the principles of how to communicate via image: media-polis and media ego. The author searches for themes that shape and describe the image of the Prime One in three types of publications that describe the life and activities of the incumbent president. The analysis proposed in this paper is part of wider studies on the changed paradigm of the modern political communication and mechanisms of creating the images of politicians.
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This paper is part of the research project on Anti-Liberal Discourses and Propaganda Messages in Bulgarian Media: Dissemination and Social Perception in the period between 2013 and 2016. It presents a case study focusing on differences in styles and public discourses with reference to their audiences in the advancing process of disseminating three main talking points of present-day Bulgarian anti-democratic propaganda: 1. ‘Bulgaria’s venal elites’; 2. ‘The decline of the West/Europe’; and 3. ‘The rise of Russia’. The case study focuses on two types of public propaganda speakers – ‘people’s tribunes’ (Alexander Simov, Kevork Kevorkyan), and ‘thinkers’ targeting a more sophisticated and almost academic audience (Dr Nikolay Mihaylov, Prof. Ivo Hristov). The analysis frames their political viewpoints: Simov’s Stalinist attitude, with discursive formulations coming from the 1950s; Kevorkyan’s thoroughly xenophobic and nationalistic attitude; Mihaylov’s and Hristov’s claims regarding the ‘artificial’ character of the Modern Era and liberalism, as op- posed to the ‘natural’ character of Russian authoritarianism. The paper also pays attention to the different rhetorical devices of their propaganda style: the special use of catachresis as a total trope of the discourse, which conflates all possible talking and focal points, plots and themes into one and the same political mes- sage whose rhetorical and topical ingredients seem to collapse into a consequent synonymy (Alexander Simov); the use of ‘manifesto-like’ or ‘slogan-like’ short paragraphs and meaningful artificial capital letters of nouns and verbs in Kevork Kevorkyan’s sentences; the special use of prestigious quotes (most often mistaken and mistreated) in Dr Nikolay Mihaylov’s and Prof. Ivo Hristov’s discourses, etc.
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The article aims to analyse the present Anglophone conflict in Cameroon as a consequence of a perpetual political crisis, which has its roots in the colonial administration of the territory. Moreover, the Anglophone crisis is presented as a situation of a minority’s marginalization and discrimination, highlighting the so-called francophonisation of the Anglophone system and the issue of the state’s mismanagement of cultural diversity. Another interpretation tacked by the article is that the current crisis represents the direct consequence of the authoritarian style of leadership and of the dysfunctional democracy in the country. There are also illustrated the myriad of negative political, social and economic consequences of the crisis, by presenting the relation between the threatened political and economic stability of the country and the increased state authority and violence.
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This article deals with the possible manifestations of the ongoing process of the celebritization of politics in the view of the language of comments that occur on gossip websites which, in fact, have become the places of the deliberate image-creation of people related to politics. The means of creation comes down to publishing content associated with the private or semi-private lives of people who are engaged in politics. In addition, we can also observe a far-reaching process of the vulgarization and brutalization of the language of comments and entries which is also a specific phenomenon.
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States’ foreign policies and their strategies to attain them are not fixed. When international and domestic dynamics change, policies and strategies may change. Although systemic factors play role in this process, government and regime changes come into prominence as principal factors. During the 17-year period of AKP which came to power in 2002, there have been significant changes in the goals and the means of foreign policy. Balancing and balancing behaviors are among important foreign policy implementing means of middle powers like Turkey. In this article, as change process of foreign policy in Turkey is examined, changing balancing behaviors and strategies are emphasized. In this context, states’ balancing behaviors are discussed with a literature review in the first part. In the second part, the question of how a new government restructures a state’s foreign policy is analyzed. In the final part, Turkey’s changing balancing behaviors with regard to the foreign policy restructuring are studied by focusing on the period of 2002-2019.
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The following chapter unveils the conceptual background for the on-going Russian-Ukrainian conflict that began in 2014 by explaining the nature of unconventional warfare, the role of information warfare in it, and how they relate to the new Russian military doctrine. Increasing our knowledge of Russian strategies in exploiting different avenues for realising its geopolitical ambitions helps other countries, especially those neighbouring Russia, to build their own strategies for countering these attempts. This is of utmost importance to NATO in order to enhance its unity in the face of Russia’s possible attempts to try something similar against, for example, the Baltic States. Over the last years these countries have continuously faced deliberate efforts by Russia to discredit them in the international arena.
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Although China’s foreign policy behaviour is often judged in terms of its compliance with Western norms, the evolution of China’s own norms meritsserious attention. From early times to the present day, China’s international action has been structured in terms of norms. When China’s recent behaviour is described in terms of the normative structure proposed by Tocci in the introductory chapter, its unique perspective is highlighted, although tentative questions concerning the structure are also raised. Moreover, the case of China challenges the general interpretation of norms because it emphasises relationships as essentially interactive. From the Chinese perspective, international relations are not an area for the application of abstract norms to cases, but rather a set of particular international relationships, with concrete obligations defined within the context of each relationship.
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Gender equality has progressed a great deal in recent decades in response to modernisation, industrialisation, and the generally rising level of education. A transformation in gender beliefs has accompanied the progress on gender equality and beliefs about gender roles have mainly changed in countries in North America and Europe, while in Muslim and Asian countries they have remained the same. The analysis in this article focuses on civic participation and investigates its relation to equalitarian gender beliefs. Multi-level regression models and data from World Values Survey (WVS) collected from 46 countries in 2005 allow depicting the relationships. The findings show that membership in civic associations covariates with equalitarian gender beliefs, but the sign of the relation depends on the gender and the type of association.
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The paper analyses the most fundamental aspects of civil society development in Kosovo and its impact in the overall democracy development. Author aims to develop after presenting a short history of development of this important sector, to develop a discussion from the praxis perspectives, to combine the discussion from the practice in the field, explaining how the sector evolved in post war Kosovo, which were the phases of its development and the role the donors played in its creation. This will be done by using combined methodology: method of systemic analysis, method of historical analysis, method of comparison, method of legal analysis, etc. Finally, paper will come out with the conclusions and the recommendations that are expected to be useful for both academia and the civil society sector.
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The Ideology of Putin’s Russia and its Historical Roots
This chapter provides insight into the ways in which Russia and Ukraine position themselves in the international arena and how identity influences the way in which each country sees the other. The chapter begins with an overview of the state ideology of Putin’s Russia and its historical roots. Prevailing attitudes in Ukraine are then scrutinised against this historical background. Attention is primarily focussed on providing a military-historical retrospective into events that have contributed to the identity of the Ukrainian armed forces. Next, a comparison of the Russian and Ukrainian security narratives is also provided, including the question of whether or not Ukraine is still within Russia’s sphere of interest and how this issue is perceived by Russia and contested by Ukraine.
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This paper discusses the issue of collective memory as a phenomenon experienced by different human civilisations and nations. It attempts to explain the historical events that influenced the collective memory of different human populations over the course of history. It describes some of the examples of the deportation and exoduses of people, and the impacts they had on those people’s collective memories. Furthermore, the paper discusses the relationship between collective memory and globalisation. It then presents the Palestinian collective memory as a case study, and shows how the Palestinian culture and heritage has been affected by the 1948 Exodus. The paper attempts also to explain the channels and methods through which Palestinian collective memory is passed down the generations, and how this process is reinforced. Finally, it provides a number of recommendations and methods through which collective memory in general, and the Palestinian one in particular, can be protected and maintained across the various generations.
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Setting up public administration which operates effectively and taking over responsibilities, both crucial on the point of view of the democracy indicators, requires great effort from all social stake holders in setting up and maintaining a public service organization. This notion implies the setting in function of the instruments and procedures that prevent undesirable behavior and provide encouragement of good behavior among operators of those services. While doing this, communication as a main component of the public service, calls for structure and control. Ethics or standards of behavior in the public sector are important political and public issues for every country, which is always held as a fundamental prerequisite for “good behavior” (good governance). The Code of ethics by which are expressed the values and standards in the civil service is one of the ethical elements of infrastructure. It enhances the function of orientation (giving instructions for action and behavior), and aims: respect for the law, respect for individuals, personal and professional integrity and efficiency in managing public resources, reinforcing the role and importance that the communication strategies and tools have. Professional association helps to develop judgment and of the necessary skills to enable white collar workers to apply communication strategy and tools and ethical principles in real circumstances. Objective progress can help create an environment where the white collar workers are willing to face and resolve communication problems and ethical disputes, they can even develop essential skills for effective communication and ethical analysis. The mechanisms of awareness about mission and processes of the public service, orientation and internal consulting in the civil service should be available to help white collar workers to apply basic communication and ethical standards in the workplace. Improvements in the legal framework is necessary for the proper functioning of public service, namely: to gain and maintain public confidence.
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New media are frequently used for presenting views and developing desired socio-political opinions. The social networking websites are becoming an objection towards the use of media messages as tools of persuasion and manipulation. However, they are not playing that role exhaustively. The article discusses the process of developing social capital in social networking websites, against the background of social relationships based on trust or lack of trust. Partnership and cooperation are becoming important tools of democracy, with which there are constructed the social bonds which mobilize the users of media networking websites to undertake political activities. The developed social bonds constitute a source of discussion groups concentrated around joint views. In turn, in the light of lack of trust, that division into groups leads to alienation and the resulting polarization of views. Polarization tendencies in the social networking media limit their informative character. At the same time, they cause a situation when, in the social networking area of the Internet, different socio-political activities are ignored or blocked. Media education is to counteract such tendencies. Under the European law, the European countries have been obliged to develop media education both in education, and through social educational programs. The current condition of media education in Poland was presented.
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This article presents a qualitative study of conceptual metaphors identified in Twitter discourse involving Ukraine by the current British Foreign Secretary Phillip Hammond. The study further described in this article involves a corpus of Hammond’s tweets associated with Ukraine, which is subsequently juxtaposed with Hammond’s online articles and speeches involving Ukraine in order to elucidate whether or not there are Twitter-specific conceptual metaphors in Hammond’s Twitter discourse associated with Ukraine. The results of the data analysis reveal that Hammond’s short messages on Twitter, or tweets, associated with Ukraine are embedded in conceptual metaphors ‘Ukraine’s future EU Membership as a Journey’, ‘UK as a Nurturant Parent’, ‘EU as a Nurturant Parent’, ‘Country as a Friend Helping Ukraine’ and ‘Russia as the EU’s OTHER’. Identical conceptual metaphors have been found in Hammond’s online non-Twitter discourse involving Ukraine. These findings are further presented and discussed in the article.
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At the currents time Russia is not ready to enhance its military presence in Ukraine and follow the model of Crimea in East Ukraine. Russia’s military aid is used for keeping the conflict up in Donbass, maintaining separatist governments in Donetsk and Luhansk and destabilizing the Ukrainian state of to return Ukraine to the Russian sphere of influence.
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