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MICRO-PERSPECTIVE: THE RISE OF THE NEW COMMISSARS—AN ASSESSMENT OF RUSSIAN INFLUENCE CAMPAIGNS ON THE EVE OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE

Author(s): Charlie Winter / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Shortly after 21.30 MST on 21 February 2022, Russian president Vladimir Putin declared that Moscow was set to recognise the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LPR) in eastern Ukraine as independent territories. Moments later he gave the order for Russian ‘peacekeepers’ to deploy across the border into eastern Ukraine. Putin’s statement came just four days after a sustained surge in ceasefire violations by Russian and pro-Russian forces, which was reported by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defence on 17 February, and amid widespread, months-long speculation regarding the prospect of a full-fledged war on Kyiv.

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MACRO-PERSPECTIVE: STRATEGY WITHOUT DESIGN

Author(s): Ofer Fridman / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

‘Modern Westerners,’ argues cultural psychologist Richard E. Nisbett, ‘like the ancient Greeks, see the world in analytic, atomistic terms; they see objects as discrete and separate from their environments; they see events as moving in linear fashion when they move at all; and they feel themselves to be personally in control’. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Western approach to strategy is dominated by the notion of linear progression towards objectives defined in advance, as Western ‘institutionalized habits focus only upon analytic and linear models’. Strategy is commonly perceived as a combination of ‘calculation and control to effect planned movement over a predictable but fast-moving environment in order to realize well-designed aims’. Consequently, the application of this linear thinking to the Kremlin’s behaviour has repeatedly led Western researchers to characterize President Putin as ‘astrategic’ or a ‘tactical’ player who is ‘adept at short-term tactical responses to setbacks, but less talented at long-term strategy’. Moreover, when applied to Russia’s hybrid media environment, these linear models would understand it in terms of pre-thought plans which were then orchestrated and coordinated to achieve the desired control over the media or the narrative.

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REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND INFLUENCE

Author(s): Neville Bolt / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

At this point the discussion broadens to include a wider consideration of how discourses move in relation to one another in societies. Discourse shaping seeks to create a new norm. As the philosopher Timothy Garton Ash observes: ‘The deepest power is that of determining what people consider normal. If you can persuade others that your way of doing things is normal, you have won. At the moment many mature democracies are experiencing the normalization of the anti-liberal far right.’ And ‘normalization’ as a term now widely employed, he reminds us, ‘came to prominence after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. It meant the attempt to return a European society to Soviet communist norms.’ Here we emphasise that any two-dimensional representation misses an important component in creating new norms. Communicators rarely seek to influence a single mainstream conversation but several aspects of the same conversation simultaneously.

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RUSSIA’S 2022 INVASION OF UKRAINE: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT AND THE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT ON KREMLIN-CONTROLLED DOMESTIC TELEVISION

Author(s): Max Levin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This report is focused on the relation-ship between Russia’s actions in the physical environment and its behaviour in the information environment (with a particular focus on Kremlin-aligned television) in the period leading up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In the months before the invasion, many reports appeared in the media of Western countries claiming that Russia intended to invade Ukraine. Such reports were typically based on briefings from government sources (which were in turn ostensibly based on assessments made by intelligence agencies) or on open-source intelligence analyses. In either case, assessments were primarily founded on Russia’s behaviour in the physical domain3, such as movements of its troops and military equipment to areas adjacent to the Ukrainian border. This report is based on a desire to better understand how the information domain ought to fit into this dynamic of intelligence interpretation. It attempts to answer the following two questions...

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How Has Covid-19 Impacted China’s Geopolitical Strategic Communications?

Author(s): Aurelio Insisa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Crossing the shatterbelts of Eurasia and the commercial sea-lanes of the Indo-Pacific, the Belt and Road Initiative has put the distinctively geopolitical outlook of China’s strategy into the spotlight. Beijing articulates this strategy through the deployment of multidimensional diplomacy, Leninist ‘propaganda work’ and ‘united front work’, economic statecraft, and deterrence signalling. By framing the deployment of this vast array of tools as a strand of ‘geopolitical strategic communications’, this chapter examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Beijing’s attempt to shape the perceptions and choices of foreign countries’ decision-makers and public opinions. The chapter explores how the pandemic has both expanded and created avenues for influence, with a focus on the Global South. At the same time, it examines how Beijing’s concern for regime security and diverging national strategies in containing the pandemic have emboldened China’s geopolitical strategic communications vis-à-vis other regional and global powers.

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OPĆI PRISTUP PROBLEMU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Ermin Kuka,Almir Grabovica / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the period 1992‒1995, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was subjected to a classic armed aggression by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and the Republic of Croatia. This was the aggression of colossal extent, which was followed by the commission of a numerous mass and individual crimes, primarily against Bosniacs. To scientifically study the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is extremely complex and demanding scientific and methodological task. The mere aggression is an empiric fact, which requires a scientific approach to the aggression, both in terms of theoretical and the empiric position. The aggression against the Republic. Of Bosnia and Herzegovina was systematically prepared, and to the smallest detail, as well as planned and organized, which included the political and military leadership of the neighboring country, as well as their supporters in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (political and military leadership of the self proclaimed Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Also, the role of the academic, cultural, and other circles cannot be disregarded, as they had the task to prepare ideological foundation and basis for the execution of the aggression. Serbian Academy of Science and Arts (SANU) can be particularly singled out in this regard with their Memorandum from 1986. All these listed actors became the basis for the advocacy and execution of the great-Serbian ideology and policy which in practical terms meant creation of ethnically cleansed Serbian territories, that is the creation of the so-called great Serbia. This fascistic and genocidal ideology could not have been implemented without the commission crimes, including the crime of genocide. Due to the complexity of circumstances, context, and the extent of the mere aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the general approach to this problem requires primarily a scientific approach based on knowledge and findings of the contemporary methodology of the social studies, through the implementation of the contemporary methods and techniques of the scientific study.

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USKLAĐIVANJE VANJSKE POLITIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE PREMA EVROPSKOJ UNIJI

Author(s): Asmir Mujanović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Accession to the European Union for Bosnia and Herzegovina means improving the life and work of all citizens. The processes and procedures of European integration require adaptation of the institutional framework and legal system in all areas, but also economic development, and more intensive foreign policy action in areas that affect the dynamics of relations between BiH and the EU. In all activities, the active role of all segments of society, especially young people, who have an interest in BiH's membership in the EU, is necessary, given that it will affect all aspects of life. Integrating requires activism and the commitment of everyone in the processes that must make changes in the entire society. All this is possible with the activism and engagement of all social factors and competent, public, private and civil sectors. The European integration process of Bosnia and Herzegovina requires significant reforms in all spheres of life, where a special place should be taken in the preparation of the institutions and administrative bodies of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to be efficient in performing the tasks that are set. This work has the primary goal of pointing out the importance of foreign policy action in areas that affect the dynamics of relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union.

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Vlado Singer i Stjepan Rubinić – od visokih policijskih dužnosnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske do zatočenika koncentracijskih logora

Author(s): Davor Kovačić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, Vlado Singer and Stjepan Rubinić became high ranking officials of the security and police apparatus of the state. Due to their actions both fell afoul of their superiors and were removed from their positions. They served roughly the same amount of time at the concentration camps in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška. In distincti-on to Singer, who was killed at the Stara Gradiška camp, Rubinić was released after spending a year in the camp. After his release from the camp he did not formally belong to the Ustaša movement, but he was allowed to conduct busi-ness with Jewish mercantile houses. Following the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, he withdrew toward Austria, where he lived for some years, after which time information about him becomes unreliable. It is assumed that he lives out of the public eye, as a well-situated man, either in South America or Australia.

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Istraživačke dopune o pobuni 5. prosinca 1918. godine

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on research conducted using previously unknown archival documents, the author examines the transition in Croatian history made by the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The author pays the greatest attention to the mutiny of 5th December 1918 which still induce much discussion in the historiography. The number, significance and behaviour of the people who conspired against the new regime provide a good indication of how this event was used by pro-Yugoslav forces in Croatia for reckoning with the old structures in the Croatian army and opposition politicians who upheld the idea of republicanism. The biggest opposition parties – such as the Croat People Peasent Party and the Party of Right – openly called for peaceful solutions and tried to avoid any form of armed conflict. On the other hand, some officers and soldiers who served in the Croatian Home Guard units were not content with the new situation. They spontaneously decided to organize a public demonstration in the center of Zagreb which turned into a violent confrontation. This bloody event led to the dissolution of the old army units. However, the fallen of the 5th December 1918 uprising are remembered in Croatia as the first victims of resistence to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

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Politika zapadnih velesila prema južnim Slavenima 1918. i 1919. godine

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918 and the end of the First World War the political elites of the South Slav peoples awaited with fear for the loss of large portions of their ethnic territory, but also with the expectation that the western Great Powers would support their ambitions for statehood. The expectations arose mostly after the proclamation of American President Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s famed “Fourteen Points.” Above all, South Slav political elites in the Monarchy believed that Wilson’s notion of defense for the rights to people to self-determination would trump the Italian territorial demands based on the “London Agreement” of 1915. However, the attitude of the United States, Great Britain, and France at the peace conference in Paris (1919–1920) did not fulfill the expectations of Slovene and Croatian politicians. Wilson did, indeed, put pressure on the Italian delegation on the issue of territorial delimitation with the newly created South Slav state in Istria and Dalmatia, but without great success. With regard to the northern border of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Wilson’s politics in fact contributed to the inclusion of a large portion of ethnic Slovene territory in Carinthia into the Republic of Austria. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes had more support from the western Great Powers in delimiting its border with Hungary and in other sectors. In its final phase the diplomacy of the western Great Powers was disappointing in the eyes of the South Slav political elite, established as it was on the territory of what was once the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. However, from the point of view of the Karađorđević state, the peace conference merely confirmed the trend toward realizing Greater Serbian territorial pretensions which, with the support of Great Britain and France, was begun during the Balkan wars in 1912 and 1913.

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Rušenje Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (1914.–1918.). Svjedočanstvo dr. Mate Drinkovića

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this article the author provides a short review of the political activities of a prominent member of the Croatian political elite, Dr. Mate Drinković, in the period from the eve of World War One to the end of 1918. A better understanding of his life and activities in this dynamic period is provided by an appendix which contains a transcription of an archival document written by Mate Drinković which is held in the diocesan archives of Đakovo, among the papers of Mons. Dr. Fran Barac. From this previously unpublished and until now unknown document something can be learned of Drinković’s activities during the war, especially at the end of 1917 and during 1918, on the eve of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the creation of the new South Slavic state.

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Imperijalni imaginarij 1918.–2008. Velikosrpstvo Radikalne stranke

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This text supports the thesis that Great Serbian imperialism represents a “structure of long duration” which vitally determines Serbian politics in the 19th and 20th century. It has already been shown why the manner and form that defined the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in 1918 proves that the Serbian political elite saw it as an expanded Serbia, a kind of Serbian empire. The example of the politics of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Serbian hi-story textbooks, and especially the contemporary politics of the Serbian Radical Party with emphasis on its electoral slogans for the Serbian parliamentary elections of 2006 and 2008 point to the basic arguments which prove the thesis that Serbian imperialism is a structure of long duration. It is concluded that the widespread acceptance of Greater Serbian ideology in Serbian society re-presents an “epistemological catastrophe” which is the reason that Serbia is a divided society and an incomplete state.

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The Political Background in Hungary of the Campaign of Jajce in 1463

Author(s): Tamás Pálosfalvy / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Following the 1458 accession of the young Matthias Hunyady (Corvinus) to the throne of Hungary-Croatia, the Hungarian public opinion as well as the papacy expected from the king to continue an active anti-Ottoman politics. Yet he had not been coronated and his position was threatened for several reasons. A number of leading barons turned against him in the early 1459 while the Ottoman pressure, culminating in the occupation of Serbia, continued to rise. The success of his Jajce campaign thus represented the first turning point in the reign of Matthias Corvinus. The unsuccessful siege of Zvornik that followed must have convinced the king to question the wisdom of continuing traditional offensive warfare against the Ottomans. This essay examines political-military processes that resulted in the Jajce campaign, Matthias’s plans in Bosnia after the fall of Serbia, political problems after 1459 as well as the slow consolidation of the king’s position that eventually made possible active intervention in Bosnia.

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FRANJO TUĐMAN I SAMOODREĐENJE NARODA

Author(s): Albert Bing / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman, the first president of the Croatian independent state, was the central figure of Croatian politics in the 1990s. His personal views on politics and his intellectual preoccupations, characterized by strong influences of historicism (as defined by K. Popper), had the decisive influence on all important aspects of Croatian politics and social life in the period of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the constitution of the Croatian state. In this historical context, the process of Croatia’s positioning in the international community was closely tied with the problem of articulating the legitimacy and legality of Croatian demands for national independence. The problem of self-determination of peoples surfaced in the argumentation of Croatia’s position and the position of other successors of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. As it had been the case at the time of Yugoslavia’s establishment, the self-determination of peoples became the subject of political, legal, historical, and other debates in which different understandings and interpretations of this principle surfaced. This article considers and analyzes individual aspects of Tuđman’s views and of his political articulation of the idea about the self-determination of peoples in this context. The article is a part of a broader study that discusses the self-determination of peoples in the context of the establishment and disintegration of the Yugoslav state.

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STJEPAN RADIĆ U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman covered Stjepan Radić’s activities in most detail in the context of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and in papers for the most part written in the 1960s. The papers basically approached their topics from the Croatian point of view and reconstructed the repressive system of Serbian centralist and hegemonist rule. It had been a novelty in historiography that introduced some new views on the matters in question, and his approach still holds its value today. Tuđman agreed with certain judgments about Radić that had already been made in historiography, but he also made a considerable headway in the understanding of his personality with his detailed study of Radić’s work. The detachment from the prevalent ideas of the time that saw the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) as a party of landlords that had played its most important role in preventing clericalism among the peasantry, and that saw Radić as a naïve and opportunistic politician whose only concern was being in power, was certainly a considerable contribution on Tuđman’s part. Franjo Tuđman was particularly interested in the consistency of Radić’s fight for Croatian sovereignty, which had always rested on the idea about Croatia’s independence. Statehood options in Radić’s mind progressed from federalism to confederalism, depending on different political and historical contexts, but they had always been a part of the context of Slavic solidarity. In addition to their Pan-Slavism, Franjo Tuđman drew attention to two other important features of Radić and his HSS: the idea about a folk enlightenment movement with a broad basis in the peasantry, and the politics of peaceful resistance. Even though he felt some of Radić’s moves had been less than prudent, his overall judgment of Stjepan Radić was positive, mainly due to Radić’s commitment to Croatian sovereignty.

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OCJENA SPORAZUMA CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I DRŽAVNOG UDARA 27. OŽUJKA 1941.

Author(s): Krešimir Regan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Banovina Hrvatska was Croatian nation’s political and territorial unit in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that enjoyed a high level of autonomy from the central government. It was established on August 26, 1939 when Vladko Maček, the president of the Croatian Peasants’ Party and the representative of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition, signed an agreement with Dragiša Cvetković, the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the representative of the Yugoslav Radical Union. By granting Croats this autonomy, the political circles in Belgrade with the regent Prince Pavle at the helm aimed to solve the question of Croatian national and territorial individuality in the Yugoslav state (the Croatian question), and thus give the Kingdom of Yugoslavia internal political stability in the circumstances of growingly tense political relations in Europe in the eve of World War II. The establishment of Banovina Hrvatska was the beginning of an internal political reform whose ultimate objective was to transform the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from a unitary country into a federation. In this project Dravska banovina was supposed to be converted into Banovina Slovenija with Slovenes as its dominant population, and the entire territory east of Banovina Hrvatska, in which the Serbs constituted the relative majority, was supposed to be joined into a political and territorial unit called The Serbian Territories. This plan had its opponents both on Serbian and on Croatian side. Croats felt that they had a historical right to Vrbaska banovina, as this territory had been a part of the Kingdom of Croatia throughout the Middle Ages, and they also felt that they had a right to entire Syrmia, as it had been a part of the former Austro-Hungarian Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia until 1922. Serbs, on the other hand, felt that they had a historical right to the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Opponents of the reform assembled around the Serbian Cultural Club were especially active among the latter, and so were some officers of the Yugoslav Army, who brought down the Cvetković-Maček government in a coup on March 27, 1941, thus putting an end to the reform that had just begun. There is no dilemma that these events were the subject of Tuđman’s professional interest, but some of his close friends and political associates (Stipe Mesić, Josip Manolić, Dušan Bilandžić, Petar Kriste) and some of the journalists (Branko Tuđen, Tihomir Ponoš, Darko Hudelist, Marinko Čulić, and others) advocate the thesis that Banovina Hrvatska was an obsession for Tuđman, that he was burdened by historicism, Banovina Hrvatska in particular, that he moved into «the field of conservative Croatian ideology and politics» by «identifying» himself with Maček and by studying the agreement on Banovina Hrvatska, and that he had accordingly striven to set up the independent Republic of Croatia within the historical boundaries of Banovina Hrvatska in the first half of the 1990s.

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PRVI HRVATSKI PREDSJEDNIK DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O JUGOSLAVENSKOM PREDSJEDNIKU JOSIPU BROZU TITU

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on his speeches and other statements, the article analyzes Croatian president’s Franjo Tuđman’s views about the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito. We many conclude that Tuđman’s opinions about Tito had been for the most part positive, occasionally encroaching on noncritical apologia of the communist Yugoslavia’s former leader. We may also conclude that Tuđman’s partialness to Tito was, among other reasons, motivated by the fact that Tuđman had been a part of Tito’s Partisan movement in his young days, and that he had later been a member of the Yugoslavian communist nomenclature. To give a better illustration of Tuđman’s interpretation of Tito, the article also describes Tuđman’s insistence on the politics of national reconciliation of the Croatian people, with which he planned to overcome the ideological differences between Croats stemming from the events of World War II.

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SUKOB VLADIMIRA BAKARIĆA I FRANJE TUĐMANA 1961.-1967.

Author(s): Dino Mujadžević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Vladimir Bakarić was at the helm of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Croatia since September 1944. The function, combined with the fact that he was one of Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito’s most trusted men, made him the person of highest authority and the personification of the communist regime in Croatia. Some authors feel he had very skillfully walked the tightrope between loyalty to Yugoslavia and the efforts to protect Croatia’s interests, between Marxist dogmatism and relative liberalism. He supported Franjo Tuđman’s struggles for the affirmation of the Croatian Partisan movement in The Military Encyclopedia in Belgrade as early as in the 1950s, and in 1961 he arranged for Tuđman to be moved to Zagreb and appointed the director of the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement. Bakarić supported Tuđman’s efforts as a counterbalance to Belgrade’s centralist and unitarianist ambitions, but still judged that Tuđman had veered from the «line» of the League of Communists of Croatia in his comments about The History of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1964, having started to advocate nationalist ideas. He was particularly troubled by Tuđman’s favorable disposition toward the Cvetković-Maček agreement of 1939, which Tuđman proclaimed to have practically solved «the Croatian question». Bakarić felt that the politics of the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) and their allies at the Court in the eve of World War II not only had not solved the Croatian question, but had also brought Yugoslavia closer to the Axis Powers and had sabotaged the Partisan uprising. Bakarić attacked Tuđman fiercely at the meeting of the Commission for History of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the spring, but Tuđman would not be dissuaded; he even managed to secure the support of several high-ranking officials of the League of Communists. After Tuđman promoted his ideas in a number of lectures he delivered in 1964 and 1965, Bakarić opened up Party investigation against him, and Tuđman quieted down for the moment without suffering any consequences. Bakarić had him removed from the helm of the Institute only in 1967 when he set out to eradicate «nationalism» from Croatian cultural institutions after the publication of The Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language.

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FRANJO TUĐMAN I ISTRA

Author(s): Nevio Šetić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author discusses Franjo Tuđman’s contribution to the analysis and understanding of historical and political processes and events that took place in the Croatian national territory in the 19th and 20th centuries. He describes the particularity of the Croatian national question and the Croatian national integration process, the understanding of the antifascist and national liberation movement, and the fundamental human and national values and the right of the Croatian nation to self-determination and independence, nationwide and in the Istrian region alike. As a historian, Franjo Tuđman had not studied Istrian history directly, but he addressed it within his studies of the recent Croatian, Southern Slavic, and European history. The article also discusses Franjo Tuđman’s conduct towards Istria and its residents in the capacity of the President of the Republic of Croatia and the President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) based on an analysis of the reports published in the local daily Glas Istre and four speeches Tuđman had delivered in Istria at the beginning of the 1990s, as well as looks into the political views of the Istrian Democratic Assembly’s (IDS) elite on Franjo Tuđman and the politics of the Croatian Democratic Union, at whose helm he had been.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN U SRPSKOJ HISTORIOGRAFIJI

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in 88 analyzed publications by Serbian historiographers of different provenance and ranking, academician or lower, who analyzed the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the wars that had accompanied the process, is pronouncedly negative. Tuđman is given a negative verdict as a person (chauvinist), historian (lacks objectivity, uses historiography in service of political goals, plagiarist), and politician (follower of the fascist regime of the Independent State of Croatia, autocrat, warmonger, creator and enforcer of politics of genocide and ethnical cleansing, and so on). The authors of such diagnoses mostly try to avoid parts of his biography that could compromise the uniformity of their verdicts (his participation in the antifascist movement during World War II, for instance, or his endeavors to find an amicable solution for the Serbian rebellion in Croatia 1990/1995). The views of Serbian historiographers are not surprising given the political and social climate in Serbia, which has not changed much throughout the past decades.

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