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Boomul tehnologic, înregistrat la finele mileniului II și începutul mileniului III, a determinat mutații majore, fără precedent în modul în care oamenii comunică, interrelaționează și interacționează pe toate palierele vieții personale, sociale sau profesionale. Invențiile tehnologice și gadgeturile s-au infiltrat subtil, insesizabil, dar indispensabil în realitatea cotidiană. Articolul își propune să analizeze în ce măsură aplicații, softuri, site-uri web, special create pentru realizarea și diseminarea de conținut (în format audio, video, text etc.) social media între membrii unor grupuri sociale, pot reprezenta provocări sau oportunități pentru procesele specifice de intelligence.
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Articolul de faţă propune o trecere în revistă a următoarelor aspecte: acţiunile Federaţiei Ruse care au modelat contextul european de securitate în ultimii ani; motivul principal al acestor acţiuni pe Flancul Estic al NATO şi măsurile luate de Alianţa Nord-Atlantică, ca reacție la agresiunea Rusiei împotriva Ucrainei în 2014, ajungând la a ne pune întrebarea legitimă dacă măsurile de descurajare şi apărare luate la nivel aliat până în prezent sunt de ajuns să asigure securitatea colectivă pentru toţi aliaţii de pe Flancul Estic. Prin prisma devierii statutului Rusiei de partener NATO la cel de stat cu postură agresivă pe Flancul Estic aliat, cu scopul de a recăpăta puterea pe care odinioară a deţinut-o, precum şi a demersurilor sale împotriva Georgiei, Ucrainei şi Republicii Moldova, lucrarea de faţă ajunge la concluzia necesităţii unei strategii clare a NATO împotriva acţiunilor asertive ale Rusiei la frontiera de est a Alianţei.
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Încă din cele mai vechi timpuri, popoarele dornice de extindere și de adaptare rapidă și-au dezvoltat strategii și capabilități de cucerire, colonizând diferite zone de pe globul pământesc. Pentru acest lucru, a trebuit ca popoarele respective să-și dezvolte, în primul rând, capabilități expediționare și autonome, cu posibilitatea de a se deplasa pe distanțe foarte mari, pentru perioade lungi de timp. Asemănător se întâmplă și în zilele noastre. Există state care au aceste capabilități foarte bine dezvoltate, implementând, în același timp, strategii pentru a obține, într-un timp scurt și cu pierderi minime, accesul operațional într-o anumită zonă sau teatru de operații. Dezvoltarea acestor capabilități este extrem de costisitoare, astfel că, anumite state, care nu își permit sau care nu și-au propus acest lucru, au început să dezvolte strategii care să împiedice obținerea accesului operațional al adversarului către propriul teritoriu. Una dintre aceste strategii, dezvoltată în special de China și Rusia, este denumită de către NATO antiacces/interdicție zonală sau, prescurtat, A2/AD.
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Findings of this research are focused on NATO capabilities in the light of requirement and planning assumptions required to conduct missions tailored to certain operations. The key aspects are related to the strategies of the International Organizations and its implementation while facing an unpredictable threat in hostile environment. The overarching issues are the features of contemporary asymmetry. The author is confronting his practical observations of the scenarios of conflicts with known scientific theories relevant to the asymmetry.
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The contemporary state remains an important actor of the international scene and the creator of the international order, including the peace order. Interacting with other subjects of international relations it also creates a security level, using for this owned instrumentarium and features as well as the scope of interdependence. The article shows theoretical frames of political phenomena and processes that shape the security of the contemporary state in international relations, which will allow to specify its role as a creator and subject of the system of international security.
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This article analyses multimodal communication in the context of the defense forces. The research focuses on the specific nature of interactions in the military that require the practice of routine activities to be applied in unexpected situations. This unique context affects aspects of interactive communication. The data were collected as part of a research project on multimodal communication among military leaders. The relationship between the research question and more recent theoretical approaches to intersubjectivity is related to the results of brain research that gives insights into the mechanisms of imitation and simulation. They form the basis for brain-body system models in interaction with the world. Underlying embodied simulation is discussed in regard to the concept of intersubjectivity as a shared meaning space (Gallese 2003). The ability to model interactions between the environment and the organism within it allows our brains to model the behavior of others in much the same way as it models our own behavior. Imitation and simulation abilities help to understand and predict the behavior of others. This knowledge is already being applied to improve team effectiveness through shared mental models in 21st century military operations. The results of qualitative analysis extend our understanding of referencing and the behavior of modalities in communication. The paper provides insights how one modality could refer to another one. The interactive nature of the military revealed the use of artifacts that the civilian world does not consider to be commonplace. In military situations, it is of utmost importance to interpret the behavior of others in the most correct way in terms of meaning. The use of simulation routines in learning situations is one means to achieve that. Activity tracking is expected to trigger automatic simulation of action, and, in real-world situations, registered routines will enable military leaders to behave appropriately and make the right decisions in a swift manner.
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The rise, fall and expansion of most kingdoms in pre-colonial Africa were credited to the activities of warfare. To sustain war efforts, various societies and warlords in pre-colonial Africa evolved unique military complexes, strategies and tactics, which they deployed during war times. The blacksmith was the fulcrum of pre-colonial war armory and strategy. The knowledge of iron metallurgy was the exclusive domain of the blacksmith. The knowledge of metallurgy made the blacksmith indispensable in actual execution of wars, hence he fashioned the weapon, went with the army to the battlefield to ensure adequate supply of weapons and repair of worn-out weapons for the reinforcement of the armies in the battleground. All these functions combined, made the blacksmiths an invaluable party in the preparation and actual execution of wars in pre-colonial Africa.
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Review of: Mario Jareb - GEORGE LEPRE, HIMMLER'S BOSNIAN DIVISION. THE WAFFEN SS HANDSCHAR DIVISION 1943-1945, Schiffer Military History (Schiffer Publishing Ltd.), Atglen, PA, SAD, 1997., 378 str.
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U traganju za ostvarivanjem načela legaliteta u oružanim snagama u ovom radu se predlaže provođenje njemačkog koncepta „Građanin u uniformi“. Pored toga, rad pruža načelne odgovore na pitanja odnosa legaliteta i oportuniteta u organizaciji i djelovanju oružanih snaga i formuliše kriterijume legaliteta; Primjena ovih kriterijuma može poslužiti za ocjenu domašaja vladavine prava u konkretnim oružanim snagama, a uporednopravno i za poređenje s drugim; Kriterijumi mogu poslužiti kao test legaliteta pravnih akata koje uređuju vojnu organizaciju; Onima koji praktikuju pravo u i u vezi s oružanim snagama može pomoći u tumačenju i primjeni prava.
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In search of realization of the principle of legality in the armed forces the paper deals with the translation of the German concept “Citizens in Uniform”. Furthermore, the paper also suggests principle answers about the relation between legality and opportunity in the organization and functioning of the armed forces and it formulates the criteria of legality. The application of these criteria can serve for the evaluation of the domain of the rule of law in concrete armed forces, and comparative legal comparison with others. The criteria can be used as a test for legality of legal acts which regulate military organization. Those who practice law and those who are connected with armed forces can use it for the interpretation and application of law.
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On NATO, Trump pushed a longstanding US complaint that Germany and other NATO allies do little to provide for their own defense and added unnecessary personal vitriol against Angela Merkel. This is set to change. The most destructive division within NATO is not between Trump and Merkel but between French President Emmanuel Macron and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Turkey has created a host of foreign policy problems via its hypermilitarized foreign policy. Its clashes with Russia in Syria, the Caucasus, and Libya could bolster its position in NATO – but Ankara is also at odds with France in Libya and in the Mediterranean more generally. Though Biden has promised to be tougher on Russia, there are few new ideas in Washington about what to do.Sanctions remain popular, and could be tightened, but there is little optimism that they will induce change in Russian behavior soon. Western Europe is celebrating Trump’s defeat, but for Central and Eastern Europe, the results of the election will be less conclusive. The volatility that Trump injected into US foreign policy is gone. But the dilemmas posed by Russia and the divisions within NATO remain.
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The failure to spend even close to 2% of GDP on defense (spending hovers at around 1.3%), the lamentable state of its armed forces’ readiness, and the timidity with which Germans participate in – let alone initiate – strategic debates within NATO and/or the EU all serve as valid points Yet Germany is the only continental European nation leading one of the four battalions that make up NATO’s rotating enhanced forward presence in Poland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. It is up to Germany to not just remain steadfast but to explain more clearly and openly its strategic rationale.
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Within only two decades (1920-1940), the navy of Greater Romania underwent a spectacular growth, becoming a complex, well-balanced and homogenous force. As a result of the provisions of six consecutive programs, the Romanian navy was equipped with six gunboats, four destroyers, three submarines, one mine planter, one submarine tender, four M.A.S. type anti-submarine patrol boats, three torpedo boat destroyers, one training ship and others. Also, significant progress has been made in the field of naval communications, fortifications and fixed defences of the coastline, naval engineering and infantry, naval aviation, arsenal and naval bases. During the same period, the foundations were laid for a modern naval education, capable to cover the needs of both civilian and military navy.
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Hundred years ago, in the first half of the year 1916, the Romanian decision-makers continued to negotiate with the representatives of the Triple Entente the conditions for Romania’s entering into the Great War. The country was at the end of a two years period of neutrality and, at the domestic level, the adepts of the Triple Entente were more numerous and more vocal than those of the Central Powers. As we know, Romania aspired to receive territories which were majoritarily populated with ethnic Romanians – Transylvania, Banat, Bukovina, Bessarabia – but the material and spiritual value of these lands was to be balanced with the rational calculations regarding the potential friends and enemies and their power level. Romanian decision makers in the end agreed to side with the Entente, this giving up Bessarabia (since Russia became an ally and the old defensive treaty with the Central Powers had been abandoned in 1914), it received promises of military support from France and Russia, but the front was huge, from the Black Sea to the Danube’s entry, with all the southern Carpathians mountains belonging to this front. In the end, Romania, even if defeated by the Central powers (after the Soviet Revolution which broke the Russian army fighting capacity), managed to be recognized as one of the victorious states and greatly increased its territorial size and population. In order to understand the decision to enter the war, taken by the Liberal government, we used some specific Foreign Policy Analysis tools such as the analogy mechanism, the prospect theory and the poliheuristic theory.
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An interview with Linas Linkevičius, a Lithuanian politician and diplomat and former foreign minister (2012 – 2020). Interviewers: Adam Reichardt and Maciej Makulski.
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The present study analyses the advantages and disadvantages of using data which is obtained from social media to recruit for the military profession. People disseminate a lot of personal data on social media, which is why social media has become an important tool for recruitment. The more information people transfer from their private lives on social media, the more their lives become a public space that can be used by anyone. All changes in society through the development of technology have also led to people's erroneous approaches to what the right to privacy means in the use of social media. Thus, social media users provide personal data, without realizing that this data can be accessed by any other user. In order to determine the advantages and disadvantages of the use of data provided by social media users in recruitment, an analysis of the literature was carried out. The conclusions highlight the importance of social media in the 21st century and the need to realize that the data provided on social media becomes public and accessible to any other user.
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Deterrence is both a theoretical branch of the theory of international relations and security studies, and a practical strategy used by states (and sometimes non-state actors) to manage conflicts and crises. Given the special role it plays in regional and international security issues, military, and politics, deterrence has long been an object of interest to scholars as well as the military, politicians, and diplomats. To analyse deterrence in regional conflicts, one must begin with a brief typology of the elements and mechanism of deterrence in general, and only then see how they can be applied to regional conflicts. Deterrence can rely on conventional weapons or weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In regional conflicts without direct involvement of nuclear superpowers, the most applicable scenario is that of deterrence with conventional weapons, i.e. conventional deterrence. However, the use of conventional deterrence in regional conflicts has not been covered by political science in great detail. Therefore, from academic and practical perspectives, it is important to clarify the conceptual aspects for a more precise theoretical understanding and subsequent discussions applicable to some regional conflicts, including the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
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In the past few years, the Russian Federation has become a central point on the security agenda of the most important international actors due to its aggressive foreign policy, proven by its latest actions (the illegitimate annexation of Crimea, the actions conducted in Syria and so on). However, by comparison with the Cold War era, Russia has developed new mechanisms to gain power and influence on regional and international level, demonstrating that it can and has the willingness to become the powerful actor that used to be before the Cold War and the fall of the Communist Block by building an empire able to stop the expansion of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization. Thus, the aim of this paper is to analyse (through instruments like discourse and content analysis and literature review) the methods used by the Russian state to conduct remote wars, without taking responsibility for its actions. Moreover, the article will try to identify the role of the Russian propaganda machine in developing Kremlin’s foreign policy, as well as in defining the concept of hybrid warfare as a new form of confrontation.
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The article discusses the limited intelligence capabilities of the gendarmerie departments of the Warsaw Governor General (Lomzinska, Warsaw, Kielce, Lublin, and Radom provinces) in the fight against German and Austrian spies in the second half of 1914 and the first half of 1915. One reason for the secret police’s lack of readiness is the reluctance of the gendarmerie-police authorities to organize counter-response work on an appropriate basis. The rare, fragmentary, and not always valuable information received by agents of the investigating authorities did not allow the gendarmes to organize full-scale and successful operational work on a subordinate territory to identify hidden enemies of the state. The low potential, and, in some cases, the complete uselessness of secret service personnel for the interests of the military wanted list led to the fact that most politically disloyal persons were accidentally identified by other special services. In most cases, spies were detected either due to information from army intelligence and counterintelligence agencies, or due to the vigilance of military personnel of the advanced units of the Russian army. The authors conclude that the gendarmerie departments were unable to organize a systematic operational escort of military personnel of the Russian armies deployed in the Warsaw Military District. Despite the fact that the duty of the gendarmerie police included not only criminal procedures, but also operational searches, there was no qualified identification of spies with the help of secret officers.
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