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U knjizi Hitlerovi dragovoljni dželati Danijel Goldhagen razotkriva nekoliko »konvencionalnih objašnjenja« za motive koji leže u pozadini delovanja onih koje on zove »pešadincima« Holokausta. Goldhagen piše kako »shvatanja da su izvršioci doprineli genocidu zato što su bili primorani, zato što su bili nepromišljeni, poslušni izvršioci državnih naređenja, zbog sociopsihološkog pritiska, zbog izgleda za lično napredovanje, ili zato što nisu shvatali ili se nisu osećali odgovornim za ono što čine«, »nisu održiva«. Njegova opsežna analiza pojedinaca uključenih u ubijanje Jevreja, u policijskim bataljonima, u radnim logorima i marševima smrti, izdvaja virulentan, rasni antisemitizam kao nužan i dovoljan uslov za dragovoljno i oduševljeno učestvovanje tih »običnih Nemaca« u genocidnom projektu nacista.
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Sa nestankom tri carstva-države i sa totalitarnim procesom, dislocirana je država kao institucija, kao stabilan okvir koji, u obliku carstva, osigurava temelj za mogućnost učešća u političkom životu. Zamenjena je državom-nacijom i totalitarnom državom čiji se princip više nije sastojao u tome da bude okvir, već proces pokreta destrukcije. Arentova najpre konstatuje istorijski prekid u okviru carstva-države, a zatim i njegovu transformaciju. Na taj način ističe značenje postojanja države kao okvira koji sadrži politiku. Iako prikazuje težinu prekida okvira države i njegove posledice u vidu pojave miliona osoba bez prebivališta i političke pripadnosti, ona prikazuje i da transformacija u državu-naciju nije rešila problem neophodnosti jednog stabilnog okvira za svako ljudsko biće i za društvo, okvira koji osigurava prebivalište i političku pripadnost i koji sadrži dinamiku političke moći – dominaciju, akciju – kroz koju se istovremeno konstituišu i politički subjekt i javni prostor.
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Hajnrih Fišer, priređivač prvog izdanja Morala i kriminala, veli u pogovoru da nijedna Krausova knjiga nije aktuelnija od ove, objavljene pre skoro šezdeset godina. To je sušta istina. Uprkos naklapanju o suprotnom, u osnovi građanskog društva ništa se nije promenilo. Ono se zločesto učaurilo kao da je po prirodnim zakonima večito, kao što je to nekada pozitivno i tvrdilo u svojoj ideologiji. Ono ne dopušta cenjkanje oko okamenjenog srca, bez kojeg nacionalsocijalisti ne bi mogli nesmetano da ubijaju milione, kao ni oko vladavine principa nad ljudima, koji je uzrok tog subjektivnog okamenjenja. Postaje flagrantnom potreba da se kažnjava ono što nije za kažnjavanje.
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With a synergy between UN agencies, governments and global civil society sector that managed to build a number of international institutions of criminal justice in the 1990s and the challenges to this commitment in the 2000s, in this paper we ask about sustainability and viable mechanisms to support the work of international courts. Do we in present conditions have a general responsibility to support these institutions even as by-standers to distant conflicts, as opposed to specific responsibilities to our political communities that are protagonists in conflict? We address this question through an examination of Jacques Derrida’s texts that discuss transitional justice issues including the concepts of forgiveness, responsibility, cosmopolitanism and its relation to international institutions. The effort to create a new language of solidarity of global publics in support of international justice, as a sole mechanism securing sustainability of its institutions, following Derrida, will have to seek a significant role for the exercise of philosophy in this project.
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The author re-examines so-called “normativity problem” in the light of some Derrida’s provisional definitions of the concept of deconstruction. Alleged unbreakable connection between the elementary Derridian conception and the concept of normativity here is criticized with help of “open question argument”.
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For Derrida, the force is a constitutive factor of the law and violence is its phenomenological aspect. As force is not legitimate in the field of subject’s activity, it subsists only in field of generality as condition and reason in the same time, and closes the circle “against” and the circle of “negation” of the non-justice of the essence of sovereign violence.
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This modern translation of all the surviving literary compositions ascribed to Liudprand, the bishop of Cremona from 962 to 972, offers unrivaled insight into society and culture in western Europe during the "iron century". Since Liudprand enjoyed the favor of the Saxon Roman emperor Otto the Great, and traveled to Constantinople more than once on official business, his narratives also reveal European attitudes toward the Byzantine Empire and the culture of its refined capital city. No other tenth-century writer had such privileged access to the high spheres of power, or such acerbic wit and willingness to articulate critiques of the doings of powerful people. Liudprand's historical texts (the Antapodosis on European events in the first half of the 900s, and his Historia Ottonison the rise to power of Otto the Great) provide a unique view of the recent past against a genuinely European backdrop, unusual in a time of localized cultural horizons. Liudprand's famous satirical description of his misadventures as Ottonian legate at the Byzantine court in 968 is a vital source of information on Byzantine ritual and diplomatic process, as well as a classic of medieval intercultural encounter. Readers interested in medieval European culture, the history of diplomacy, Italian and German medieval history, and the history of Byzantium will find this collection of translated texts rewarding. A full introduction and extensive notes help readers to place Liudprand's writings in context.
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This preliminary study might be classified as an academic inquiry from the perspective of genre archaeology. In this inquiry, the author attempts to search for the genre roots of debate as a form which shaped the public discourse of that time. To this end, the author presents various practices of debate in Athens at the times of Pericles and Aristotle. Further, she presents Aristotle’s opinion regarding the usefulness of rhetoric and debate for dispute resolution in a democracy as well as his genre division of the forms of public speaking. Lastly, the author discusses several educational practices thanks to which those genre models could have been solidified and passed on to the next generations.
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The concept of punishment represents one of the most difficult legal issues that are related to the concept of human freedom and responsibility. Since Antiquity, the brilliant minds of humanity contemplated about the sense of punishment and the function of this institution. Each epoch analyses this concept from different aspects and some of them are reflected in the actual legislation. The most important principles of contemporary criminal law were expounded by the Ancient, Modern and Contemporary philosophers. The field of research of this article is the philosophy of punishment of criminal law. In this study, we have applied the method of historical research of the proposed topic, which gives us the opportunity to analyze the development of criminal punishment and its goals from a historical perspective. In this paper, we aimed to determine the philosophical base of the legal punishment that legitimizes the application of sanctions to the person who committed the crime. We established the importance of the theories developed by brilliant thinkers for the contemporary concept of penal retribution and legal regulation of this institution. This theme generates several discussions that are formed in the process of comparison and debating of the ideas of influential philosophers regarding the purpose of criminal punishment. Therefore, we consider that the analysis of the theories of great thinkers gives us the possibility to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of criminal punishment, and leads to the more effective application of state constraint towards the offender.
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