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The analysis showed that the emphatic forms of the singular nominative case dominated in the "Ziwatas" (1759) dialect probably due to the impact of the church tet. According to the orthography, the singular accusative forms of the demonstrative pronouns had still preserved a nasal voel. The pronouns anas, ana were already used as personal pronouns instead of jis, ji.
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The catechism is a very important literary form of the Church. It teaches the basics of Christianity, its moral and ethic norms, which make the foundation for the life of a Christian. During the period of thirty three years (between 1883 and 1916) there were 86 Catholic and 11 Protestant (9 Lutheran and 2 Calvinist) catechisms published. During the period when printing in Lithuanian was prohibited catechisms were published outside the borders of Lithuania Major. Catechisms are mainly aimed at teaching children and youth, therefore they had an important role as primers in Lithuanian and as educators of the native language. According to A. Jakštas, “nearly every well-known catechist took care to prepare his own catechism. Thus the number of catechisms grew with every year; there were a lot of them written and published – each one in its own particular method, particular terminology and particular plan” (Jakštas 1923: 239). Furthermore it is obvious that compilers of catechisms had a need to explain terms of non Lithuanian origin (mostly international words). Most frequently such terms were explained using the Lithuanian equivalent – sometimes more, sometimes less successful. Variants of terms were abundant.In this article terms of religion are considered to be words and combinations of words, which name the supernatural (angelas (angel), Dievas (God), Dvasia (Spirit), velnias (devil)), rites (atnašavimas (sacrifice), mišios (Mass), pamaldos (service), pamokslas (sermon), procesija (procession)), actions related to religion (atgaila (penance), išganymas (salvation), išpažintis (confession)), Church celebrations (Sekminės (Whit Sunday), Velykos (Easter)), names of objects (grabas (coffin), kielikas (chalice), ostija (host), patena (paten)), moral principles of the Christian life, behaviour to be avoided or to be followed (atgailos atlikimas (execution of penance), gailestis už griekus (repentance of sins), išmalda (pittance), malda (prayer), tikėjimas (faith)), religious books and texts (Biblija (Bible), Evangelija (Gospel)), sacraments (Krikštas (Baptism), Kunigystė (Holy Orders), Moterystė (Matrimony), Paskutinis Patepimas (Anointing of the Sick)), sins and their kinds (apsirijimas (gluttony), godulystė (greed), vagystė (stealing), žmogžudystė (killing)) and names of persons (apaštalas (apostle), eretikas (heretic), išganytojas (Saviour), popiežius (Pope), vyskupas (bishop)) and other.
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This article deals with analysis of Lithuanian endogenic and old loaned building terminology of the begining of XX century according to origin, structure and development aspects. Overall 1393 terms are analyzed, i. e. 806 one-word terms and 587 composite terms.Of all one-word terms terminologized (specialized) old lexis makes up about one fifth part: akmuo (stone) JodelNorm 2, namas (house) Zubausk 9, sija (beam) Kind 14. Metaphoric and metonymic terms in early building terminology are rather rare. The majority of metaphoric terms are the result of secondary metaphoric nomination: griaučiai (skeleton) Kind 8, grėblys (raker) Šimol 71, metonymic terms are originated according to specific terminology models: lenta (board) StatM 1923 I 8.Three quarters of analyzed one-word terms are derivations. The facts of Lithuanian language dictionary suggest that a large group of derivations could have been borrowed from the folk language: dūmtraukis (chimney) Kind 16. In many cases it is difficult to decide whether derivations are terminologized simple words or newly made. In particular this can be said about transpositional abstracts of verbs and adjectives: aušimas (cooling) Ekz 4, akytumas (porosity) Šimol 20. Only a small group of derivations could be suggested as neologisms. The majority of the neologisms are compound derivations: degplytė (baked brick) Janus 19. Derivations of suffixes and endings are rather rare: slugsnis (layer) StatM 1923 I 20, riša (bunch) Ekz 6.The major part of composite terms are made with the abstracts of verbs and adjectives: patvarumo bandymas (proof of sustainability) JodelTechn 146, atsparumas gniužimui (stability to crushing) JodelTechn 90 and terminologized simple words: dirbtinis akmuo (artificial stone) Iv 7.Most of the terms which are analyzed in this article are used at present. More than a half (56%) of one-word terms are found in modern term dictionaries of building: džiovykla (drying chamber) Iv 45, STŽ 134, kietėjimas (solidification) Šimol 84, STŽ 253, muštuvas (impact maschine) JodelTechn 191, STŽ 351. A significant part of terms are historisms and archaisms: akėčios (harrow) JodelTechn 66, bebras (beaver) StatM 1922 II 18; apsloginimas (reduction) JodelNorm 2, glostimas (smoothing) StatM 1923 I 11.
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In the article the authors make an attempt to present the meaning of Lithuanian sentences containing verbal forms with the grammatical suffix -dav- (the so-called iterative past tense forms) by means of Petri nets. The authors gradually develop the net to such complexity that it makes it possible to avoid interpretative similarities to other Lithuanian verbal forms.
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The modern linguistic term of lexicalization is well-known not only in the analysis of appellative lexica, but also in the derivation of proper names. This article gives a small insight into the possible result of the process of lexicalization, illustrating it with examples of Latvian anthroponyms and toponyms, mostly hydronyms. They are Latvian first-names whose etymon - adjective with an indefinite ending (Smuidra, Vingra), some of them are found only in ancient documents (Bargs, Mazs). The only Latvian first-name, which comes from the adjective with the definite ending - Siltais - considered to be occasional name, recorded only once, in 1931. There are significantly more such anthroponyms of de-adjective nature among Latvian surnames: mostly they are motivated by person’s outward appearance and the person’s character. The most popular surnames of this group are coined from the adjectives with definite ending: Baltais, Platais, Resnais, Smalkais, Kuplais, Lielais. Quite often surnames are recorded with the same root both with definite and indefinite ending Jauns – Jaunais (even comparative degree Jaunākais), Skaists – Skaistais, Sīks – Sīkais. This type of the lexicalization of adjectives is especially frequent among Latvian nicknames: Bēdīgais, Čirkainais, Garais. Many compound names might be treated as questionable de-adjective or de-substative anthroponyms - Baltace, Melgalvis, Lielbārdis. Such lake names as Akls, Dūks, Rūgtens, Strups, also Nelabais in Latvian toponymy can be seen as traces of possible process of the lexicalization of adjectives, though now apparently, by analogy, most of these names are used together with the nomenclature word, for example, Nelabais ezers. Processes of lexicalization, in traditional onomastics called as substantivization and onymization, has not yet sufficiently been studied in Latvian.
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Emīlija Soida was one of the best known linguists in the 20th century, which had contributed to the development of the structural ideas and methods in the research on Latvian. The article focuses on conception of one of basic terms in word-formation theory – derivational meaning. The aim of this paper is to analyze how derivational meaning is manifested in the system of the adjective suffixes. Role of derivational meaning is a common into derivational model, so it must be sufficiently abstract and generalized, and Soida tried to arrange derivational meaning by quantitative, qualitative and figurative aspects as well as to divide the central and peripheral zones in derivational meaning.
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The article deals with the status of the adverbial determinants (also referred to as situants) in the sentence and in the communicative structure of the sentence with regard to the sentence prosody. Data from spontaneous speech and texts read by a broadcaster are used to contrastively analyse the situant with the rest of the utterance focussing on the pause. It aims at determining the environment in which the pause would be typical. The analysed speech data also show whether the situant is stressed in the sentence and allow determining the intonation it bears.
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The article discusses the current state of terminology in Lithuania, presents terminological research carried out in the last five years, analyses ways of Lithuanian terminology management, and briefly overviews terminological education and teaching in Lithuania. Lithuanian terminological research is mostly carried out at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and at universities and other research institutes. The largest part of terminological research is carried out at the Centre of Terminology of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language, which researches Lithuanian terminology and terminography, analyses the use of Lithuanian terminology in different fields. Three ways of terminology management are discussed: terminography, creation of term banks and databases and standardisation of terms. The number of term dictionaries published in Lithuania is rather considerable – over 600. The most productive period for publishing term dictionaries is from 1990 up to date. Between 1990–2013 more than 420 term dictionaries and special encyclopaedias were published.
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The present paper deals with the verbs gauti ‘get’ and tekti ‘be gotten’ as a means of acquisitive modality in the 16th–17th century texts of Old Lithuanian. The realizations of acquisitive modality in Old Lithuanian have not been examined yet. Thus, the aim of the paper is to explore the use of the verbs gauti ‘get’ and tekti ‘be gotten’ in the selected Old Lithuanian texts and to discuss the potential direction of the development of their modal meanings. The study of the Old Lithuanian writings shows that both verbs gauti ‘get’ and tekti ‘be gotten’ are most frequently used as non-modal verbs in Old Lithuanian. The verb gauti ‘get’ typically comes in personal constructions, while the verb tekti ‘be gotten’ appears in impersonal as well as personal constructions. The Lithuanian verbs under consideration denote acquisition in the constructional patterns with NP as their grammatical object. However, the thorough analysis of the verbs in the selected texts also reveals evidence of their modal use. The modal meanings of the verbs under study are prominent in constructions with an infinitival complement. Both acquisitive verbs allow modal readings with transitive as well as intransitive verb complements. Gauti ‘get’ functions as a modal verb more frequently than tekti ‘be gotten’. The few modal instances of the latter have been found only in non-original texts. Moreover, the verb tekti ‘be gotten’ can express participant-external modality only (possibility or necessity). However, since the examples of modal tekti ‘be gotten’ come from the translations from Polish, the influence of the source language should not be overlooked. In contrast, the verb gauti ‘get’ functions as a modal verb in both original and non-original Lithuanian texts, and it expresses actualized possibility, participant-internal and participant-external possibility. It was noticed that the participant-external use is more frequent than the participant-internal one. Since in Contemporary Lithuanian gauti ‘get’ is specialized for expressing participant-external modality, we may assume that participant-internal possibility might have disappeared over time. It is also worth to note that in the texts under analysis gauti ‘get’ does not display the modal meaning of necessity, which is a frequent use of the verb in Contemporary Lithuanian. Thus, its meaning of modal necessity may have developed later than the meaning of possibility. Moreover, it has been observed that gauti ‘get’ typically occurs as a modal verb in the texts published in Minor Lithuania.
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The article presents alternative etymologies for the Estonian words koost ‘(wooden) spoon’ and kaugas ‘men’s shirt breast with a double waist, used as a pocket; wallet’ and the Northern Finnic word represented by Finnish kaukalo ‘trough’. The word koost is found primarily on the western Estonian islands. Julius Mägiste has proposed a Russian etymology for it, as a borrowing based on *kopusta ‘mixing tool’. Mägiste’s Russian etymology presumes the phonological development chain *kopusta > *koβusta > *kovosta > koost, proposed specifically for this case, which is implausible. Koost is most likely of Baltic origin, from a loan base the successors of which are lithuanian kaũstė / kaustė̃ ‘vessel hollowed out from a tree trunk, drinking horn’, latvian kaũšķins ‘ladle’ etc. Upon its borrowing, the Baltic au was replaced by ou, which later developed into a long ō. this kind of substitution and phonological development is characteristic of livonian, where vowels are in quantitative and mostly also qualitative paradigmatic alternation, including ou : ō. The borrowing has presumably come to Estonian via Livonian, where it is no (longer) recorded. Although the presumed Baltic loan base lacks phonological features of diagnostic value, the word’s geographical distribution indicates that it could have been borrowed from Curonian. The proposed connection between kaugas ‘men’s shirt breast with a double waist, used as a pocket; wallet’ and latvian kabata ‘pocket’ requires a remarkably complicated phonological adaptation for a relatively recent borrowing and is unconvincing. kaugas is most likely an older Baltic loan, having originated from the stem *kauk-, the possible Indo-European archetype of which is *(s)keu- / *kou- ‘to make curved, curved, hollow, cavity’ and/or *(s)keu- ‘to cover (up), wrap (up)’. The members of this large and diverse Baltic word family include Lithuanian káukė ‘mask, face cover, gas mask’, kiáuklas / kiáukutas ‘cover, shell’, káukė ‘mortar, wooden ladle, dish, basin etc.’, kaukẽlė ‘wooden dish’ and others. kaugas does not denote a pocket on a garment in today’s meaning. A pocket woven/sewn into a piece of clothing is a sufficiently new phenomenon that the Baltic loan base could not possibly have carried that meaning. Among the oldest forerunners of pockets was a piece of skin, which could be pulled with the aid of a sheep-split into the shape of a small round bag or purse. In this context, derivations of the *kauk- stem such as káukė and kiáuklas / kiáukutas can be seen to fit in the semantic field of the loan base. Estonian words for ‘pocket’ such as tasku, vikk, 231 kalits, kulit etc. have been borrowed into estonian on the basis of words in other languages denoting pockets. Kaugas is not among them, as it belongs to a much earlier loanword stratum. The Baltic loan base *kaukāl- / *kaukōl- ‘vessel hollowed out from a tree trunk’, the successor of which is e.g. lithuanian kaukẽlė ‘wooden dish’ has been borrowed into Finnic as *kaukal-: Salaca livonian kougil, Karelian koùgõl ‘kneading trough’, votic kaukalo / kaukolo ‘trough hollowed out of wood’, Finnish kaukalo ‘trough’ etc. the sequence -Vl in these Finnic words is the representation of the loan base’s productive deverbal affix *āl- / *ōl-, one of the essential meanings of which is conveying the result of an action. An earlier explanation held kaukalo and its equivalents to be derived from the stem kauka-‘distant, far, for a long time’, on the basis of the fact that kaukalo denotes an oblong vessel. This is, however, merely a folk etymology. The Baltic loan base contains a reference to the way in which such vessels were made.
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The aim of the study is to describe the diachronic construction of the discourse of giftedness in print media and to show how the historical media discourse relates to the understanding of the essence of giftedness developing in parallel in science. The media analysis is based on a critical discourse analysis of the media texts from the 1890s–1990s stored in the corpus of written Estonian and the analysis model of Norman Fairclough (2001), one of the most central theoreticians of this approach.The results of the analysis indicate that the historical media discourse of giftedness was constructed in parallel with the understandings emerging in the studies of giftedness: there were similarities between the media and scientific discourse but some differences could also be outlined. The viewpoints which had first become natural through the notion of “genius”in scientific literature, according to which giftedness is hereditary, were also reflected in the historical media discourse. Atypically of the scientific discourse back then, the media also discussed the individual's physical assumptions in relation to giftedness, which was reflected in modern approaches to giftedness.The first linguistic form denoting giftedness in media was not genius,which occurred in scientific texts (see Galton, 1869), but talent (Wirmaline,1892), which was used in scientific language only a century later. The discourse analysis revealed that the talent discourse back then was similar to the modern scientific approach, relating to skills and abilities already a century ago (see Gagné, 2004). Almost at the same time as the term talent, the term gift richness (Walgus, 1895) occurred in media, creating the giftedness discourse, the dynamics of which were similar to the talent discourse. The discourse included texts which directly summarised the viewpoints of science – both the role of heredity in giftedness as well as eugenics – creating clear connections between the dominant ideological beliefs of that era. Similarly to the scientific discourse, the discourse of environment emerged in the texts,although giftedness was constructed either through the monetary or competition discourse. In examining the emotional tone of the texts, it was clear that, compared to the talent discourse, the emotional tone of the texts of the giftedness discourse was more positive, even under conditions of Soviet ideology.Based on the discourse analysis, it may be concluded that the discourse of genius was the most politicised among the emerged sub-discourses and was clearly different from the discourse once described by Galton (1869). The genius that had emerged in the 1930s was then used in a context related to the origin of the term (compare genius in Latin – a spirit, and good intellectual abilities (e.g., PM, 1934)). However, during the Soviet times it became a tool of the ideology and was used to emphasize the political decisions of the heads of the state.The dynamics of the discourse of giftedness indicates that the discourse has played an important role in human relationships throughout history.Musicians and artists, and later politicians and working people, were considered to have important positions in the society. This indicates that certain fields of life have been clearly more prestigious at different stages of history.The difference between the scientific and media discourses of giftedness indifferent age-related contexts that emerged during the analysis must also be considered important. While scientific texts almost always described gifted children and scientific literature used example sentences related to children as definitions of terms (e.g., Saareste, 1997, etc.), in historical media texts the discourse of giftedness was only constructed through adults.In summary, the study indicated that there were clearly different understandings of giftedness in science in historical media texts, as well as a connection in creating and maintaining societal agreements.
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Knowledge of a foreign language opens new prospects of mobility and collaboration for professionals in the modern world. Education authorities recognize the increased role that foreign languages, especially English, play in the professional development of future specialists and try to introduce this subject at tertiary level. Such courses are aimed at preparing students to effectively communicate in English in their work settings. However, many university students do not have work experience in their field of specialization, or they do not know what language skills they might need in their future work. Thus, the choice of course content and teaching methods depends on the instructor who seldom has clearly defined national guidelines to rely on. The study focuses on characteristics of English for Specific Purposes (ESP). The research outlines the approaches to ESP curriculum development and planning. The paper outlines the prerequisites and methods of analysing learners’ expectations and goals. The study determines what components of course content help to align aims, form, and conditions of educational activities with the students’ future professional roles. The research sets to analyze ESP students’ goals and expectations employing qualitative and quantitative techniques. Užsienio kalbų mokėjimas šiuolaikiniame pasaulyje atveria naujas specialistų mobilumo ir bendradarbiavimo galimybes. Ugdymo srities ekspertai pripažįsta, kad sustiprėjęs užsienio kalbų, ypač anglų kalbos, vaidmuo yra itin svarbus ateities specialistų profesinio tobulėjimo srityje ir stengiasi įdiegti šį dalyką aukštojo mokslo studijų programose. Tokių dalykų tikslas – parengti studentus efektyviai komunikacijai anglų kalba jų darbo aplinkoje. Vis dėlto daugelis universitetų studentų neturi darbo patirties savo specialybės srityje arba nežino, kokių kalbinių įgūdžių jiems gali prireikti ateityje profesinėje veikloje. Taigi dalyko turinio ir mokymo metodų parinkimas priklauso nuo dėstytojo, kuris dažnai neturi aiškiai apibrėžtų valstybinių gairių. Šiame tyrime pateikiami anglų kalbos specialiems tikslams (ESP) bruožai, nagrinėjami ESP mokymo planų kūrimo aspektai, metodai ir reikalavimai besimokančiųjų lūkesčių ir tikslų analizei. Tyrimo procese nustatyta, kokie kurso turinio komponentai leistų suvienodinti ugdymo veiklų tikslus, formas ir sąlygas su studentų profesiniais vaidmenimis ateityje. ESP studentų tikslai ir lūkesčiai analizuojami panaudojant kokybinį ir kiekybinį tyrimo metodus.
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The current article analyses thirty blog texts (of 26 girls and 4 boys) written from January 2012 to May 2014. In the first part of the article, high schoolers’ blogs are briefly reviewed; in the second part, English words used in these blogs are studied, causes of their use are analysed, and concrete examples are given.During the research it was found out that the overall average number of words in blog texts totalled 304 words. More than half of the young bloggers were not anonymous and an even greater part of them shared their email addresses or links to social networks or personal internet web pages. All the blog texts analysed were written in Lithuanian letters (there were no texts written without diacritics). This shows that the authors adjust their writing, do not withdraw themselves from the standard language, and feel responsible for the publicly available text.In texts written in Lithuanian, bloggers tend to use many English words. The causes why authors insert English words can be varied. First, it is fashionable to use English words. Quite often, the use of such words is determined by authors’ interests and common activities. Not only individual English words but also phrases and famous sayings from movies, TV, games, etc. were observed. Most of English words found in blogs are those naming concepts of computer technologies. The blogs read revealed that the youth tends to write entire topic titles in English. Even though one can only speculate on the causes of such a choice, it is evident that this is done consciously and probably mostly in order to attract as many readers as possible and to look more modern and fashionable.
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Social and economic changes exert influence on the language of children and adults as well as its development. A deteriorating language urges to seek reasons and raise new questions: when and how children should start learning a foreign language, which factors should be taken into consideration to achieve better results, and what impact a foreign language has on one’s native tongue. Most apprehensions on early foreign language teaching/learning are concerned with itsnegative influence on one’s mother tongue. In Lithuania there has been hardly any research done; research conducted in other countries has not confirmed any of the apprehensions. The negative impact on one’s native language can only be discussed in reference to the language loss and deterioration noticed in the language of immigrant groups who have lived in a foreign country for a longer time. On the other hand, there are numerous advantages of the early language teaching/learning: acquisition of values, development of tolerance and culture, acquisition of general skills concerned with cognition and thinking, memory and attention. The research has shown that foreign language learners tend to acquire more linguistic competences than those who only know their native language. It is important that the advantage is also seen in the better results of the native language learning, for example, in the usage of complex sentences or better reading skills. Moreover, a positive effect in the opposite direction has also been noticed when one’s mother tongue helps develop foreign language competences, since there appears a possibility to compare two different language systems.Studies of foreign researchers help find answers to all questions raised in the paper, because in Lithuania there is an obvious gap in the research on early language acquisition. Specialists of Vytautas Magnus University together with their colleagues from Croatia and Italy are currently working on a project aimed at filling in the gap and possibly providing answers to the key questions in the area.
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Antanas Smetona (1874–1944) was one of the most active promoters of the in nate self in the early 20th century. His attention to the national heritage and the native language was directly related to the growth of the movement of national liberation at the turn of the 20th century, as well as the struggle for the democratic school and the rights of the native language. Accordingto the author, the Lithuanian revival was more than just the retention of the parent language. Rebirth meant the rise from contempt, recognition by other nations, spiritual renewal, and promotion of traditional values. More than once A. Smetona wrote in the press about a difficult state of the Lithuanian language and the disrespect of Lithuanians for the native language. He blamed intellectuals (teachers, journalists, or authors of textbooks) for their indifference to language pollution and advised everybody to learn Lithuanian from dialects, fiction, and quality press. A. Smetona encouraged intellectuals to improve the native language and raised the idea of the reinstatement of the language section in the Viltis newspaper; he believed enthusiasts able to moderate it would appear. He repeatedly emphasised the issues of language standardisation and purification, as well as the related problems, formulated the functions of the Lithuanian Language Commission setup in 1911, and recommended theoreticians and practitioners to join efforts in the solution of the language standardisation issues. As the author cherished the idea of a free nation, he stressed that the system of education has to be of a national character, all the Lithuanians have to at least learn to read and to write Lithuanian: the tsarist government-established primary schools did not provide the skills, therefore, the author encouraged learning from the experience of secret schools. Under the then conditions, family or home schools were the only way out. However, it was necessary to write textbooks, primers, reading and writing books suitable for family schools, and to provide quality Lithuanian penmanship examples.A. Smetona responded to the state of the Lithuanian language in Lithuanian secondary schools and taught in Vilnius gymnasiums after his working hours in the bank. A. Smetona believed that Lithuanian intellectuals had to demand more from the authorities, to be more active, and proposed to set up a committee to deal with the issues of the Lithuanian language.
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