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Sooliselt markeeritud sõnad eesti spordiuudistes

Author(s): Elisabeth Kaukonen / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 6/2022

Researchers in feminist linguistics have hypothesized that language use reflects gender relations and is involved in the reproduction of various gender stereotypes, which can be projected, for example, in lexical gender marking. In this article I looked at gender marked vocabulary that appeared in the sports news published from January to March 2020 in the Estonian web portals Delfi and ERR. My aim was to look at the frequencies of gender marked compounds and to find out which gender-specific compounds are used in the sports context. The results showed that there was a big difference between the frequencies of compounds ending in this or that gender-specific suffix, see, e.g., the lemmas with -man and -woman: compounds referring to male athletes accounted for up to 95% of the observed words, while for compounds referring to women the rate was only 5%. Language reflects the popular understanding of traditional gender roles in society. As men have been involved in more occupations, as far as sports is concerned, the use of -man-compound occupational nouns has taken root in Estonian language for traditional reasons. However, among the compounds beginning with man- or woman-, words referring to women were more dominant, accounting for up to 60% of the observed words. This indicates that it is often necessary to use a special suffix to denote a female, because the basic meaning of the word is assumed to refer to a man. Therefore, since -man-compounds are more lexicalized, a more productive way to denote a female in Estonian is by using woman-compounds. It could be argued that this technique seems to be more natural and convenient for language users. A comparison to texts from an earlier period (using Estonian Reference Corpus 1990-2008) showed that there has been a slight increase in the use of gender marked words. Feminist language planning has not yet been much of a discussion topic in the Estonian language. It is thus clear from these results that even though Estonian does not have grammatical gender, which makes it seem a gender-neutral language, gender inclusion is still largely absent here while the traditional approach to gender is preserved.

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Väitekiri eesti keele omandamisest ja konstruktsioonidest

Author(s): Renate Pajusalu / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 11/2018

Review of: Mare Kitsnik. Iga asi omal ajal: eesti keele B1- ja B2-taseme verbikonstruktsioonid keeleoskuse arengu näitajana. (Humanitaarteaduste dissertatsioonid 43.) Tallinn: Tallinna Ülikool, 2018. 261 lk.

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Eesti nimed latgale perekonnanimistus

Author(s): Lembit Vaba / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 12/2018

Review of: Ilmārs Mežs. Latviešu uzvārdi arhīvu materiālos. Latgale. Rīga: Latviešu valodas aģentūra, 2017. 344 lk.

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Doktoritöö eesti ja inarisaami ¬konsonandikesksest vältesüsteemist

Author(s): Jaan Ross / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 3/2020

Review of: Helen Türk. Consonantal quantity systems in Estonian and Inari Saami . (Dissertationes linguisticae Universitatis Tartuensis 35.) Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 2019. 148 lk

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Eesti-hiina sõnastikust

Author(s): Mart Tšernjuk / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 5/2020

Review of: Eesti-hiina põhisõnavara sõnastik. 愛沙尼亞語漢語基礎詞典/爱沙尼亚语汉语基础词典. „Eesti keele põhisõnavara sõnastiku” alusel koostanud Gao Jingyi 高晶一. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Instituut, 2019. 632 lk

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Kaitstud doktoritööd

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 5/2020

Defended doctoral theses.

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Rajarahvad raiutud raamatusse

Author(s): Sven-Erik Soosaar / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 7/2022

Review of: Inkerikot, setot ja vatjalaiset. Kansakulttuuri, kieli ja uskomusperinteet. (Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 1467.) Edited by Kati Kallio, Riho Grünthal ja Lassi Saressalo. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2021. 504 lk.

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Keel ja ajalugu - Kirjutada Eesti minevikust eesti keeles

Author(s): Jüri Kivimäe / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 8-9/2022

This essay aims to discuss some aspects of the language used in the study of history. Similarly to other disciplines, historical research makes use of a specialized language. Writing about the past requires a distinctive style and specific genres. Widespread arguments identify historical writing with the narrative form, and thus attempt to equate historical text with literary artifact (White 1992). This general opinion, however, overlooks the specific features of historical texts, such as lexical and grammatical structures, inherent vocabulary, and academic conventions. The common language of history has points of contact with neighbouring disciplines, such as sociolinguistics, anthropological linguistics, and the social history of language (Burke 1987, 1993). Applying and transforming the vocabulary of historical sources to professional terminology has been a major characteristic feature of the professional language of history. The reading, transcribing, and exploring of primary sources of history as well as presenting evidence from the texts should be interpreted as procedures of cultural translation. Although the principle is universal, the discussion in this essay will focus on Estonian historical terminology. The oldest layers of historical Estonian vocabulary are comprised of thousands of loanwords from Middle Low German (c. 1300 words), High German (c. 1500), Old Swedish and less from Old Slavonic. The majority of these loanwords have been adapted and modified to modern Estonian usage; however, various old-fashioned terms have lost their actuality and retained their significance only in historical studies. The systematic formation of historical terminology in Estonian occurred along with the language reform movement of the 1920s. The creative work on historical terms responded to the necessity of new history textbooks to be composed for the independent Republic of Estonia. The language shift from German and Russian to Estonian in teaching and writing challenged the minor group of professional historians at the University of Tartu to elaborate professional Estonian for historians both in teaching and writing. Notable progress in academic rhetoric in the field of history-writing was achieved in less than two decades before the Second World War in the works of the new generation of scholars. There has always been the necessity to compose (or translate) Estonian history texts into major foreign languages. History books and articles issued both in German and Russian normally do not raise questions in the use of terminology, as these languages are rooted in the past societies of Estonia. Historical texts on Estonian themes published in English, however, contain several terminological inadequacies as the appropriate terms (e.g. Est rüütelkond, Ger Ritterschaft) are untranslatable or missing in modern English usage. Therefore, the daily efforts of modern scholars to present their research to an international audience in academic English will require careful editing and explanation of various specific terms of Estonian history. The fate of the scholars of a small nation will thus incur a double obligation to publish historical research in the most accepted foreign language and concurrently also in Estonian, calling to mind the virtues of thinking and writing in the native language.

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Karjala keele kolvitsa murrak - Kuidas varieerub hääbuva keele idiolekt?

Author(s): Denis Kuźmin,Petar Kehayov / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 8-9/2022

Our research question is whether the remarkable morphological diversity observed in dying Finnic languages occurs just on community level, or is it also characteristic of the usage of a single speaker. To answer this question we take a closer look at idiolect variation in a hitherto unexplored variety of Karelian, namely, the Kolvitsa dialect spoken in the Kola peninsula. Examining lexical, morphophonological and morphological variation we focus on the possible reasons behind the use of parallel forms. We observe that lexical variation is often conditioned by dialect geography, i.e. it depends on the origin of the (grand)parents of Kolvitsa residents from different regions of White Sea Karelia, whereas in the case of morpho(phono)logy the main factor behind choice and alternation is erosion of language structure.

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Mitmekeelsus eesti luules

Author(s): Liina Lukas,Saara Lotta / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 8-9/2022

Apart from Estonian, some other language – from local dialects to major languages such as German and Russian – has usually been spoken in parallel on the Estonian territory. As a result, the literary culture of the local (small) language came to evolve in dense contact with some foreign literatures and cultures. However, there is still no thorough analysis of how the historical change in the linguistic situation manifests itself in Estonian literature. The aim of our article is to draw attention to the multilingual nature of the Estonian literary field by giving a historical survey of the relations, contacts and intertwining of the languages used in Estonian poetry from the 17th century to the present. To reflect the multiple facets of multilingualism revealed in poetry we mainly use a four-level approach based on Jaan Undusk’s typology of Estonian-German cultural contacts, adding literary field as the fifth level covering whatever is left over. Thus, we treat multilingualism as a phenomenon observable within a language, text, author, and the literary field. In terms of this study, intralinguistic multilingualism means language mixing in otherwise monolingual poetry, intratextual multilingualism refers to abrupt transitions from one language to another (code switching) within a text, while author multilingualism assumes a multilingual poet. Multilingualism within the literary field covers, apart from the phenomena just mentioned, literary subfields in different language variants (e.g. literature created in South Estonian, or Russian, but on the Estonian territory). First, we will survey multilingualism in Estonia poetry before the Republic of Estonian was established in 1918, concluding that German being the major culture language up to the beginning of the 20th century, all poets, whatever their ethnicity, must have been fluent in two (or more) languages. The next period analysed spans the 20th century. The local Estonian poetry of the Soviet period stands out, with a few exceptions, for an consistent use of the Estonian language, while some of the expatriate poets would also use English or Swedish. Third, we analyse contemporary poetry, where multilingualism is manifested not only by the use of local minority languages but also by intertwinings with English, Chinese or Japanese, thus giving evidence of an open society. Based on the picture emerging from the article we can say that apart from a historical overview the multilingualism of Estonian poetry also needs a closer poetic analysis.

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Sõvva, laulik, laululaiva… kalevise poisikese eepilised lood nüüd ka võru keeles

Author(s): Marju Kõivupuu / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 8-9/2022

Review of: Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald. Kalõvipoig. Ümbrepandja Kalla Urmas; toimõndaja Kuuba Rainer; kokkosäädjä’ Hollo Aimi ja Kuuba Rainer; keelenõvvo andja Jüvä Sullõv. Võru Instituut, 2022. 288 lk.

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Rahvakeelsus XX sajandi alguskümnendite Eesti keelekorralduses - Vaateid eesti keelekorralduse arenguloole

Author(s): Helen Plado / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 12/2022

The early 20th century brought an awareness of a dire need for the standardization of Estonian. The article discusses the trends and views characteristic of Estonian corpus planning at that time, focusing on the role of the approach based on actual language use, which is the most prominent principle in language planning in Estonia today. In the beginning of the last century, when most Estonians still spoke their local vernacular, it was known as the vernacular approach. Although the language reform initiated by Johannes Aavik and the language-regulation led by Johannes Voldemar Veski differed in many ways, they both found vernacular Estonian to be a source of inspiration as well as valuable material for enriching standard Estonian. Both agreed on the legitimacy of changing the vernacular elements (phonetics, morphology, syntax, as well as semantics of the elements) according to the needs of standard Estonian. Consequently, both of the dominant stances and practices of corpus planning of the time followed standardization from above, which is common for communities still in the process of creating their own language standard (see, e.g., Rutten, Vosters 2021). The opposing views were the natural development approach mainly represented by Jaan Jõgever and Kaarel Leetberg, and the democratic approach led by Andrus Saareste. Those two resisted (to different degrees, though) artificial systematization and intervention in the language, arguing that corpus planning of a language should be based on its usage, i.e., the vernacular. Thus, the latter trends supported standardization from below (see Elspaβ 2021). The article has two aims: to present the views of different language planners at the time by illustrating their ideas with abundant quotations, and to analyse the vernacular approach in their major works.

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Leksika-grammatika piirimail: publitsistlike arvamuslugude keelekasutusmustrid

Leksika-grammatika piirimail: publitsistlike arvamuslugude keelekasutusmustrid

Author(s): Pille Eslon / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 32/2022

The study draws on the usage-based corpus linguistic approaches. It presents the linguistic analysis of opinion articles (published in the Estonian daily newspapers Postimees and Õhtuleht), relying on part-of-speech trigrams. These language use patterns have been extracted from morpho-syntactically tagged texts using the data mining software Cluster Catcher (Klastrileidja) developed at the Tallinn University. Earlier, similar analysis has been done based on the corpora of Estonian fiction and learner language. The recurring part-of-speech sequences have the encoded phonological, syntactic, and conceptual rules of their components’ co-occurrence that manifest at the border of semantics and grammar, bringing out the regularities of language use. Therefore, the actively used language patterns can be considered a suitable source material for teaching and learning Estonian, comparing the language production of learners speaking different native languages and also for automated processing of learner writings (e.g., proposing corrections in wording with references to rules and examples of the target language use).

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Vierasta korostusta on niin vähän, että arvaan viro – Yleisten kielitutkintojen suomen kielen arvioijien käsityksiä suomenruotsalaisten puhumasta suomesta

Vierasta korostusta on niin vähän, että arvaan viro – Yleisten kielitutkintojen suomen kielen arvioijien käsityksiä suomenruotsalaisten puhumasta suomesta

Author(s): Sari Ohranen,Sari Ahola / Language(s): Finnish Issue: 32/2022

This research studies the perceptions the National Certificates Finnish raters (N = 44) have on L1 Finland-Swedish speakers’ (N = 9) Finnish oral proficiency. The article also examines how the correct or incorrect recognition of the speakers’ L1 affects the raters’ assessments and perceptions of oral language skills. The data comes from the project ‘Broken Finnish’: Accent perceptions in societal gatekeeping in which Finland-Swedish speakers form one of the researched groups. The article examines L1 recognition and the use of the analytical criteria for assessment, by means of quantitative and qualitative data analysis. The qualitative data consist of the raters’ written comments on the speakers’ assumed L1 and of the reasons they give for their assumptions. These are analysed with data driven content analysis. The raters struggled to recognise the Finland-Swedish speakers of Finnish, only 18 % were recognised correctly. For some reason women (N = 5) were recognised somewhat better than men (N = 4). What is interesting, in 27 % of the incorrect recognition cases the speakers were assumed to have Estonian as their L1. Both the correct Finland-Swedish as L1 and the incorrect Estonian as L1 recognition had an effect on the ratings. Correctly recognized Finland-Swedish speakers got higher marks in every criterion than the unrecognised group. There was a similar trend when the raters assumed the speaker to be Estonian, except for pronunciation, which gave the speakers in this group lower marks than the correctly recognised Finland-Swedish and the unrecognised groups. When the raters commented on the speakers’ production, they paid attention especially to pronunciation, fluency, grammar, and to some external features that are not mentioned in the National Certificates’ assessment criteria. When the raters assumed that the speakers had Estonian as L1, they often mentioned a foreign accent or intonation, especially a rising word intonation. In Finnish the intonation is falling, and this is the case in Finland-Swedish as well. However, rising intonation, similar to that of Estonian, occurs in some Finland-Swedish dialects. The raters heard other similarities with Estonian as well, for example a palatalised l-sound and an unvoiced d-sound. The raters described the speakers’ fluency very similarly in both groups; the speech was natural, easy to understand, and even native-like. Grammatical errors that occurred were perceived as small slips. However, these slips caught the raters’ attention, and they were utilized to make assumptions about the speakers’ L1, as both Finland-Swedish and Estonian. As a feature external to the assessment criteria, the raters commented on the content of the speech. In speech performances, there were references to cultural phenomena that led the raters to assume that the speakers were Estonian or Finland-Swedish. Both groups in our study are considered to be very good Finnish learners and generally they do very well in the National Certificates’ Finnish test. In addition, there are some similar features of how Finland-Swedish and Estonian L1 speakers speak Finnish, and therefore it is understandable that the raters mix up the two groups.

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Eesti vaatama-verbi ja selle vene ja ukraina vastete sihilisusest

Eesti vaatama-verbi ja selle vene ja ukraina vastete sihilisusest

Author(s): Natalia Vaiss / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 32/2022

The article studies the transitivity of the Estonian verb vaatama ‘watch, look’ and its Russian and Ukrainian equivalents. The aim is to determine how regular the transitive and intransitive patterns of ‘watch, look’ are in Estonian and two East Slavic languages. Since in Ukrainian and Russian most verbs have an aspectual pair, both the imperfective and perfective counterparts of Estonian vaatama were examined, in order to determine which verb lexeme is used transitively potentially more often. The corpus-based study confirmed that the transitivity of the verb ‘watch, look’ can vary significantly between languages. Applying the same method, it was found that the Russian and Ukrainian equivalents of Estonian vaatama have a significantly lower degree of transitivity. However, in Ukrainian and Russian the perfective verb is used transitively somewhat more often than its imperfective counterpart. The findings of the study indicate the importance of language-specific aspectual lexical semantics in determining the degree of transitivity and could be taken into account while teaching Estonian as a second or a foreign language and compiling dictionaries for language learners.

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Ohtrasti ohte

Author(s): Santeri Junttila / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 5/2023

The dictionary of Estonian dialects (EMS) lists oht as three lexical items: oht1 (= South Estonian oht) ‘1 peril, danger, menace; jeopardy, risk, hazard; 2 distress’; oht2 ‘(herbal) medicine, drug, antidote’; and the partitive-only ohtu ‘-like, -ish, resembling, as good as’. Mägiste (1929) has connected oht1 to Votic and Ingrian ohto ‘enough’ and further with Estonian oher (in literary language ohter) ‘abundant, plentiful; liberal, bountiful; rich; opulent; profuse’, explaining the meaning ‘distress’ as derived from ‘abundance of distress’. I equate the Estonian, Votic and Ingrian words with the Finnish and Karelian ehto ‘condition; alternative, choice, possibility; sufficient, abundant’, derived from the Proto-Finnic verb *ehti-, meaning ‘have time, arrive in time, forestall; get ready, finish; turn green, ripen; decorate; wear’ in different Finnic dialects. Estonian ohtu has developed from ‘alternative of’, perhaps under the influence of Middle Low Saxon achte ‘like, in -ish way’; the derivative oher has arisen from the ‘abundant’ semantics. The Finnic equation is made possible by positing the change *e– > *o– before a second syllable o in Votic, Estonian and South Estonian. The same change has occurred in Estonian onu ‘uncle’, cf. Finnish eno ‘maternal uncle’, and in two words with initial h-: Estonian hobu ‘horse’, cf. Finnish hepo id., and Estonian orm ‘string or loop of a birch-bark shoe’, cf. Finnish hermo ‘nerve’. In addition, I propose a borrowing from Old Norse ótti < Proto-Scandinavian *ohtō ‘fear’. Mingled with the inherited *ohto (< *ehto) ‘choice, possibility’, the loanword has acquired the meaning ‘possibility of sth. fearful, i.e. danger, menace, risk’, making in turn the inherited *ohto – meaning ‘choice or help against evil’ – still visible in Old Literary Estonian oht, and further ‘(herbal) medicine, drug, antidote’. Another possibility is to explain oht2 through the verb ohutama1 ‘heal, attack evil forces with witchcraft’ derived from the borrowed *ohto ‘fear’ (the homonymous ohutama2 ‘pester’ is derived from oht1).

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JÜRI EESTI KEELES

Author(s): Raimo Raag / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 68/2023

One of the most popular Estonian male first names, Jüri, is derived from the name of the Christian martyr Saint George, immortalised in the legend of Saint George and the Dragon as the warrior who rescues a princess by defeating a dragon. The oldest known written attestation of this legend is found in a Georgian 11th century manuscript, the contents of which is retold in the paper. The paper also gives an account of the spread of the personal name Jüri. It is demonstrated that Jüri was among the most popular Estonian male first names in the district of Pärnu already in the 1630s. Numerous family names have been formed from Jüri by adding a derivational suffix or combining Jüri with another word into a compound name. In addition, the element Jüri occurs in compound place names all over Estonia, especially in farm names. The main part of the paper examines common nouns in Standard Estonian and Estonian dialects formed on the basis of Jüri, some of which are related to St. George’s name day on April 23, called jüripäev in the Estonian folk calendar. The significance of this day is accentuated by the fact that the month of April is referred to as jürikuu, literally ‘the month of Jüri’. There are also several names of plants, fishes and birds that have been formed on the basis of jüri. A separate conceptual group is formed by numerous compound words that characterise a person in terms of professional occupation or individual peculiarity, like tindijüri, ‘office worker’, literally ‘ink-Jüri’, or pudrujüri ‘a person talking unclearly’, lit. ‘porridge-Jüri’.

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SA TÕESTAD SELLEGA KOOLILE JA KA ENDALE, ET SA OLED NAGU VALMIS INIMENE: ÜLDPÄDEVUSTE JA UURIMISTÖÖOSKUSTE KUJUNDAMINE GÜMNAASIUMI UURIMISTÖÖ KAUDU

Author(s): Riina Reinsalu,Maigi Vija,Kertu Kook / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 68/2023

In the development plans and education documents of various countries and organizations, competencies resulting from the modern approach to learning are defined, which are called and classified differently (e.g. transformative competencies (OECD s. a.), key competencies (EÕS 2020), general competencies (GRÕK 2011), 21st century skills (Chu et al. 2017)), but they are valued in society and education similarly. Forming competencies is important because contemporary education is characterized by a learning and teaching process where learners acquire the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values necessary for the future.For already ten years, one of the conditions for graduating from high school in Estonia has been a research project, but little is known about how the students think they have managed carrying out their projects, what they have learned in the process and what skills they have acquired. Therefore, the purpose of the paper is to explore students’ experiences related to the general competencies and skills developed in the research projects. The source material of the paper consists of focus group interviews conducted with 18 students from four schools who have gone through the research project process in high school. We analyzed the interviews based on the principles of qualitative content analysis.Writing a research project offered students various experiences related to the development of general competencies. Based on the students’ experiences, learning, communication and digital competencies were highlighted from among the general competencies. In the background, entrepreneurship and self-determination competencies are also important. Other general competencies are also represented in carrying out a research project, but through only a few aspects. All these general competencies are based on various transferable (e.g. time management, teamwork, self-analysis) and research-related practical skills (e.g. information searching, citing), but according to the students, these skills were merely improved on, not acquired. At the same time, students considered the experience of carrying out a research project necessary, because the research project was considered preparation for future school, work and everyday life.In the students’ opinion, it is possible to make the research project writing process and organization more efficient with a better support system. The course “Basics of a Research Project” is of great help in writing a research paper, but students would like to deal with problems of their own work in the course, rather than solving given tasks. Also, the role of the supervisor is important for the successful completion of the research project. Although giving feedback is seen as one of the supervisor’s tasks, general direction and support is considered just as important. To students, it is crucial that the instructor responds to them as quickly as possible, which means that the supervisor’s instructional load should be optimal.

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SETO DEMINUTIIVID

Author(s): Eva Saar,Triin Todesk / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 68/2023

This article provides a general overview of Seto diminutives and diminutiveness in Seto speech practice. The main diminutive suffixes of Seto are as follows: -o, -ö (e.g. jänes ’rabbit’ → jäńo ~ jänö ’bunny’); -u, -ü (e.g. härǵ ’bull’ → hällü); -i (e.g. `tütrik ’girl’ → tüdi); -nE (e.g. kana ’hen’→ kananõ ’chick’); -t´ś/-d´ś (e.g. kepp´ ’stick’ → kepet´ś); -śk and -śka of Russian origin (e.g. ladraśk ’blabber’); -kEnE, -kAnE which often form compound suffixes, e.g. [palatalisation + -o + -kanõ]: poiśś ’boy’ → poiśo ’boydim’ → poiśokanõ ’boydim+dim’. In addition to various suffixes, non-suffixal derivation mechanisms are used in Seto, i.a. palatalization (e.g. vaśk ’calf’ → vaśśo), lexicalization of genitive forms (e.g. kuld ’gold’: Gen kulla → kul´la ’dear’), gemination (e.g. mari ’berry’ → mańna), and desuffixation (e.g. repän´ ’fox’ → rebo). The frequent occurrence of diminutives in Seto also correlates with their appearance with various parts of speech: nouns, adjectives, adverbs, pronouns, and interjections; diminutives are naturally used in the diverse system of name derivation. With some adjectives and adverbs, the diminutive suffix appears after the comparative suffix [stem + COMP + DIM], e.g. suur ’big’ → suurõ(m)b ’bigger’ → suurõ-(m)ba-kõnõ ’big-COMP-DIM’.Functionally, Seto diminutives can be categorized according to Jurafsky’s (1996) model of universal polysemy and the categories of emotional connotations of diminutives proposed by Ponsonnet (2018). However, in many cases, the Seto diminutives are multifunctional and their functions are rather explained by a more archaic, animistic world view and speaking culture in general.

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ALTERNATIIVSEID ETÜMOLOOGIAID IX lets, marg, naber, mült, nurmik ja pugal

Author(s): Lembit Vaba / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 68/2023

The article presents new or revised etymologies for the words lets ’cleaver’, marg ’full moon’, naber ’(big) stack of grain’, mült ’(flour)dust, crumbs’, nurmik ~ nurik ~ nuru(kene) ’churn (with which food was taken out to the field)’ and pugal ’multicolored, spotted (animal, bird) etc’.lets : letsi ’cleaver’ and its phonetic variants are known primarily on the western Estonian islands and in the Western dialect. Andrus Saareste has linked it to Germanic verbs such as German spleissen, Middle High German splîzen etc ’to break open, cut open’. I surmise that a possible loan base for Estonian lets is German Schlitz m ’gap; slit’, a derivative of the verb schlitzen ’to break open’, which appears in the names of bladed tools, e.g. Schlitzaxt f ’double-bladed axe used to make fissures’, Schlitzhäuer m ’slit-maker (mountaineering tool)’ etc.marg : mara ’full moon’ is a word found in runic songs. It is a phonologically and semantically unproblematic Baltic loan: Baltic *marga-, cf. Lithuanian mar̃gti (mar̃gsta, mar̃go) ’to become multicolored, variegated’, mar̃guoti ’to glow, sparkle’, Latvian marga, margs ’sparkle, glow’, marguôt ’to glow, sparkle’.mült : mülda ’(flour)dust, crumbs’ and its derivatives have been recorded primarily on Saaremaa, sporadically in the Western dialect and elsewhere. Despite its limited distribution, it is a relatively old Baltic loan: Baltic *milta-: Lithuanian mìltai pl ’flour etc’, Latvian mil̃ti pl ’flour etc’, miltît ’to grind finely’ and others. Labialization (ü for i) has resulted from the proximity of the labial consonant m or blending with several Finnic descriptive stems. The aberrant substitution of Baltic *t is likely due to affective semantics.naber : nabra ’(big) stack of grain’ occurs mostly in northern Estonia and Mulgimaa. Estonian naber has a phonologically and semantically suitable equivalent in Votic: napurikko ~ naburikko ’(grain)stack’. This Estonian and Votic word is likely a Russian loan: Russian dialectal набо́р (sgg набо́ра) ’armful of hay’, a deverbal noun from the verb наби́рать ’to gather, collect, take’ < Slavic *naborъ < *nabьrati, *naberǫ.The core distribution area of nurmik ~ nurik ~ nuru(kene) ’churn (with which food was taken out to the field)’ covers the South Estonian dialect area, but it has also been sporadically observed in Northern Estonia. nurmik is a clear derivative, with the -ik suffix, of the noun nurm ’(grain)field; meadow, grassland’, which has previously been regarded as of dubious etymological origin. Analogous derivations to nurmik are found in the Baltic languages as well. pugal : pugala ~ pugali ’multicolored, spotted (animal, bird) etc’ occurs throughout the Estonian language area. It lacks equivalents in other Finnic languages. Julius Mägiste has suggested that pugal may be a secondary, back-vowel variant of pügal ’notch, indent’, an explanation which has been accepted in later etymological literature with no reservations. Parallel existence of back- and front-vowel variants of the same stem is not unusual in Finnic languages, but in such cases the variants do not sharply diverge semantically (synchronically), nor does the etymological connection become blurred or even broken. Phonologically and semantically suitable comparison material to Estonian pugal is found in dialectal Russian бугли́ть ’to make multicolored, variegated’, буго́ль f ’spot, fleck, speckle (in an animal’s fur)’. The etymological relationship between the Estonian and Russian words is not clear, i.e. the borrowing may have occurred in either direction.

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