Quelques reflets de la guerre russoroumano- turque de 1877-78 dans les littératures grecque et roumaine: « Moskov Sélim » et « Le Lieutenant Sterie »

Author(s): Ekkehard Wolfgang Bornträger / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2016

Article’s attempt is to apply a comparative approach to the literary reception of the Russo/ Romanian-Turkish War of 1877-78. By crossing different national perspectives, the article focuses on two characteristic (albeit not necessarily representative) literary works, a novel by the Greek author Georges Vizyinos and a Romanian short story by Duiliu Zamfirescu. In dealing with this conflict, both texts in a relatively modern and “individualistic” way, address the dilemma of conflicting moral duties or national allegiances. In the case of Vizyinos, the extravagant Turkish “hero,” Moskov-Selim of the novel of the same title participates in the legendary defence of the Ottoman fortress of Plevna. The cynical and pitiless attitude of his own army towards him and the benign and civilised treatment he receives as a Russian prisoner of war make him a fervent champion of reconciliation between the Russians and Turks. Although he even considers switching loyalty, he finally remains a faithful (yet enlightened) Ottoman subject. Zamfirescu’s character Sub-Lieutenant Sterie in the novel Sub-Lieutenant Sterie, deeply shocked and being in material hardship after the death of his only brother on the battlefield has to choose between patriotic obligations and caring of his family. He wants to comply with the order of mobilization, but his family urges him to ask for an exemption to which he is legally entitled as the only surviving brother. The article summarises the “message(s)” of these texts and puts them in a wider context of contemporary war literature of the same era.

Каталог кораблей: структура и стратиграфия

Author(s): Leo S. Klejn / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2000

Two catalogues of the 2d song of Iliad – the Catalogue of Ships and the Catalogue of Trojan Forces – produced a large and contradictory literature. Nevertheless there is a possibility to bring new factors into their comprehension. For this sake, behind the complexity and chaos of the catalogues it is necessary to try revealing their original structure corresponding to principles of Geometric style. This implies revealing it with the help of structural-comparative analysis by taking off one by one features of various periods, each of such features being distinguished by their specific structural elements. On the map, the kingdoms located by the Catalogue of Ships superimpose and sometimes simply coincide territorially (kingdoms of Odysseus and Meges; Achilles and Aiaxes Oilidos, Guneos and Lapythes; Philoktetos, Eurypilos and Magnetes). This means that the data on them were included in he text not together and simultaneously, but separately and in different times. The outlined by the Catalogue kingdoms of the main heroes don’t correspond to the indications in the other songs of the Iliad (Agememnon and Diomedes are linked by several details not with Argolid which their kingdoms supposedly share and divide, but with Sparta and Sicyon). That means that the Catalogue appears an artificial construction. As Nilsson noted, the text of the Catalogue is built of two types of formulae: in one peoples are archaically advanced on the foreground, in the other - chieftains, leaders are on the foreground. Cymburskij added to this his observation that in the formulae of the first type numbers of ships are large and round while in the formulae of the second type – small and non-round. He did not make the suggested by itself inference that the mythological thinking of the singers was different. Continuing the division we receive in the group with the small numbers of ships two subgroups: one (with 12 ships per each cell) for the island heroes (Odysseus, Aixes Oilidos and Tlepolemos with Nireos), the other (mainly with the ship number multiple to 11) for heroes who do not participate in battles. All of them are not the heroes on which the plot of Iliad rests. From the cells with the large number of ships the subgroup with «hollow» ships is isolated, the number of which is multiple to 30. All their lands (kingdoms of Nestor and others) are connected with the cult of Asklepius. The other group is singled out by the formula «40 black ships came in hurry with him to Ilios» (in one case the number is 50). All these heroes originate from Athens and shores of Korynthos bay. The third group: two chieftains – Diomedes and Idomeneus. They have 80 ships each, but in each kingdom there are two capitals (i. e. per 40 ships for each one) and the second capital in each case is marked by the same rare epithet. After singling out of all these groups, the left set of 11 detachments shows homogeneity and symmetry in the terrestrial ordering (turning the set with front to the east, to Troy): in the centre Peloponessian army – the Mycenaean detachment of Agamemnon of 100 ships and 2 subjected detachments of 60 ships each (in sum 120); on the left flank there are 4 detachments from Central Greece (Beotian of 50 ships and three of 40 each); on the right flank there are 4 detachments from the North Greece (Achilles with 50 ships, the three others with 40 each). On each flank 120 ship teams. In 20 formulae Greek designation of the ship is spelled in Aeolian manner – with «eta» while Ionian spelling (with «epsilon») is accepted in all cells of Nestor’s subgroup (apparently late) and in all those cells of the main symmetrical structure where the numbers of ships are not 40 and not 100. That means that Ionians reformulated both cells where the number of ships was 60 (the centre) and where the number was 50 (the main in the flanks). So they stressed hierarchy. Evidently in the original structure the number 40 (and 4 chieftains at the head of the detachment) was the most popular. It corresponded to the tetrapolis and to four philae in social structure. The change reflects Anatolian novelties (organisation in 6 philae) and the inclination to pentapolis in archaic Greece. The numbers 12 and 11 probably are connected with Ionian and Aeolian unions of Greek cities in Asia Minor. The violation of the symmetry appears when we confront the imagined front line of troops against Troy with the real extent of the list of Greek detachments (ordered by their origins) from north to south. Achilles’ army is put on the right flank (for this hero to be the right hand of the commander of the coalition). Yet it represents the extreme north, not the extreme south! It is with it that the most impressive impositions of kingdom territories are connected. That means that this is a comparably late addition as well. If we subtract this addition, 7 detachments remain: Boeotians, Locres, Phocaeans, Abantes, Mycenaeans, Lacedemonians and Arcadians. This coincides almost completely with that Penthilos’ flotilla that according to Srabo much later than the Achaean time (but a few centuries before Homeric singers) departed from Aulis to the east to found colonies in Asia Minor. Apparently this is just the initial core of the legend of Achaean raid to Ilios. Penthilos was a descendant (or imagined descendant) of Agamemnon. Thus the analogous raid was ascribed to the ancestors, that is more ancient heroes. The study of the Catalogue of Trojan forces applies the same model as in case of the Catalogue of Ships. Principle of its organisation is the same. First Trojans are shown, then inhabitants of neighbour districts, with the distant allies in the third tier. Like in the Catalogue of Ships, two kinds of detachments can also be isolated in this third tier according to the form of presentation (exposition): those (presumably earlier) in which first the people is called, and those (presumably later) in which the chieftains are first exposed. Peoples with troops in front of chieftains are located nearer to Troad, those where the chieftains are ahead build the farther periphery. There is some parallelism between catalogues: the numbers 12 and 11 in the Trojan catalogue also characterise some blocks of cells, but here chariots are mentioned along with the ships (and more often than the ships). In the rest of the text of Iliad these detachments also closely interact with corresponding detachments of Achaeans: Lycians and some Thracians – with island Achaean 12-ship detachments. The earlier cells of the Trojan catalogue with 11 chariots sent from the nearest vicinity of Ilios are similar to 11-ship detachments of Aeolian Achaeans of Thessaly not only by the number of battle units, but by a special passion to horses and some other features. Apparently they were included into the catalogues by the same singer. Hector belongs to the last detachments (in the description of his armament 11 is the basic number). Yet, similar to Aeneias, he was initially not included in the catalogue. This was only the catalogue of allies of Trojans, namely as such it was known to Cypria. Aneias and Hector were included on the places of leaders of the coalition certainly late, and those whose places they had taken – Priamos and Paris - did not appear in the catalogue at all: one of these heroes lost the warrior’s characteristics by the time of inclusion of the catalogues into the Iliad, the other entered the Iliad already as a non fighting figure. So the development of Catalogues reflects the history of the entire poem.

Tragedia grecka jako dzieło religijne

Author(s): Janusz Lewandowicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2000

Żywe zainteresowanie spuścizną antycznej kultury literackiej, które daje się zauważyć w czasach nowożytnych, oczywiście z mniejszym lub większym natężeniem, obfituje do dziś mnóstwem interpretacji i prób dotarcia do najgłębszych pokładów sensu w odniesieniu zwłaszcza do dzieł poetyckiej sztuki. Wyjątkowe miejsce pod względem wyzwań stawianych badaczom oraz wielostronności analiz zajmuje tragedia grecka. Niejednokrotnie baza kulturowa badacza czy zwykłego odbiorcy dzieła narzuca pewien sposób odczytania utworu nie zawsze zgodny z jego naturą bądź z przesłaniem autora.

Arhipelag: Antigona

Author(s): Massimo Cacciari / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1-2/2018

Grad je i polis i oikos – i ne može biti njihovim mirom. Pripadaju različitim timai, različit je daimon što ga imaju slušati. Prekomjernost fiziološki ugrožava polis – a ugrožavala bi i oikos kada bi taj zahtijevao da se priroda polisa reducira na nj. Naravno, grad se zasniva na sporazumu između tih dviju dimenzija, no sporazum znači nešto umjetno, nešto nužno prolazno. Vrijednosti oikosa vazda izazivaju vrijednosti polisa1, u odnosu na ove vazda afirmiraju vlastitu pre-moć. S druge pak strane, i kad bi polis priznao arhaičnost oikosa, ne bi se mogao odreći pokušaja da ga zatoči u svoje nove poretke, podredi ga vlastitim »inovacijama«.

Podunavlje i Jadran u epu Apolonija Rođanina

Author(s): Radoslav Katičić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 7/1970

Le poète héllénique Apollonios de Rhodes (vers 295 — vers 215) a écrit l’épopée des Argonautiques dans laquelle il raconte comment Jason et ses camarades sont retournés de Colchide en Grèce traversant le Danube et la Mer adriatique. Comme un vrai Alexandrin, Apollonios est un poète érudit et dans son épopée il prouve une grande érudition mythologique et géographique. Il a été bibliothécaire dans la bibliothèque alexandrine et ainsi il a au une bonne occasion de ramasser le matériel nécessaire pour son épopée. Sa description du retour des Argonautes est à cause de cela un document très important qui donne la possibilité de connaître quelles étaient les notions des géographes hellénistiques sur nos régions. C’est en même temps après le Périple (la description de toutes les côtes) du 4e siècle avant n. è. qui nous est parvenu sous le nom de Scyiax de Caryanda la plus ancienne description complète de nos régions, conservée de l’Antiquité. L’auteur croit qu’il sera très utile si on ramasse et élabore par un appareil scientifique les données géographiques d’Apollonios sur le bassin danubien et la Mer adriatique. Cet article ne porte pas beaucoup de nouvelles connaissances qui n’ont pas été régistrées jusqu’à présent dans la littérature scientifique. Son but d’après l’opinion de l’auteur est beaucoup plus modeste: dans cet article il faut réunir toutes les données nécessaires pour qu’on puisse exploiter plainement Apollonios comme une source pour notre géographie historique. L’auteur croit que ce travail, dont le but est si restreint, pourra enrichir notre littérature sur ce sujet, tant mieux que l’appareil nécéssaire pour la compréhension complète des données d’Apollonios n’est pas toujours facilement accessible. Faisant le commentaire du texte d’Apollonios, l’auteur a présenté les données fondamentales sur toutes les personnes et localités qu’on mentionne chez lui. L’auteur a expliqué même les choses les mieux connues parce qu’il a pansé aux étudiants et à tous ceux qui, s’intéressant pour la plus ancienne histoire de nos régions, rencontrent pour la première fois de plus près le monde ancien et commencent à le connaître. Cette élaboration des données d’Apollonios sur nos régions peut leurs servir d’introduction dans l’étude des sources littéraires antiques. L’auteur croit que l’explication de certaines choses fondamentales ne dérangera pas trop le lecteur plus prévenu. On élabore ici le texte d’Apollonios par fragments substantiellement cohérents. Là où il y a des fragments qui ne contiennent pas de données sur nos régions on les réfère brièvement pour qu’on ne perde pas la vue sur le cours de la narration d’Apollonios. On élabore les parties qui contiennent les nouvelles originales de manière qu’on donne d’abord le texte et après la traduction, ensuite les scolies antiques sur ce fragment de texte et avec chaque scolie sa traduction. Ayant exposé tout le texte original, les vers d’Apollonios accompagnés du commentaire antique, l’auteur donne son commentaire, d’abord du texte et ensuite des scolies. On répète cet ordre pour chaque chapitre. On donne dans le commentaire l’appareil nécessaire pour l’explication des données d’Apollonios et les faits les plus essentiels sans lesquelles on ne peut pas comprendre le texte.

Antenor na Jadranu

Author(s): Radoslav Katičić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 26/1988

Die Legende vom Troianer Antenor, der die Zerstörung von Troia überlebt, mit den Seinen an die Adria gekommen ist und dort ein Reich in Venetien oder auf Corcyra Nigra gegründet hat, wird an Hand der gesamten Quellenüberlieferung, soweit sie dem Verfasser bekannt ist, eingehend dargestellt. Die Behandlung dieses Motivs in der alten griechischen und römischen Literatur wird in ihren historischen Schichtungen erfaßt und zurückverfolgt bis in die Vorzeit, in der die Kunde von Seeleuten, die den Westen befahren hatten, sich mit den uralten Vorstellungen von in das im Westen gelegene Reich der Seligen entrückten Heroen zu einer legendären Überlieferung zu verdichten begannen.

Diomed na Jadranu

Author(s): Radoslav Katičić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/1989

Den Argeier Diomedes hat die Rache der Aphrodite für die Verwundung im Kampfe vor Troia dazu gebracht, nach seiner Rückkehr vor seiner Frau und ihrem Liebhaber aus Argos zu fliehen und im Westen Zuflucht zu suchen. Er hat dort ein Königreich gegründet und ist dann vom Tod ereilt worden, der eigentlich eine selige Verwandlung und eine Apotheose war. Diese Legende wird an Hand der gesamten Quellenüberlieferung, soweit sie dem Verfasser bekannt ist, eingehend dargestellt. Es wird gezeigt, wie dieses Motiv in der Literatur des griechischen und römischen Altertums verwendet wurde, von den ersten Anfängen, wahrscheinlich schon im epischen Zyklus, über die Spuren in der archaischen griechischen Dichtung, bis zu den mythologischen Angaben der hellenistischen Gelehrsamkeit, die meistens nur in kurzen Aufzeichnungen und nebenbei kompilierten Vermerken auf uns gekommen ist. Es lässt sich erkennen, wie uralte mythische Vorstellungen eine topographische Interpretation bekommen haben, die an erster Stelle nicht an bestimmte Orte und Gegenden gebunden war, sondern an die Seewege, auf denen es zu den ältesten Berührungen mit der damals noch entfernten und unbekannten Welt an der Adria gekommen ist.

ULOGA BOŽANSTVA U TELEMAHOVU ODRASTANJU

Author(s): Marko Pranjić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2012

The theme of the author’s research mostly concerns the Telemachy, the first four books of the Odyssey which are entirely attributed to Homer. The attention is focused to the place and role of divinity in the maturing of a young person – Telemachus. He is beloved son of the world voyager, king of Ithaca, Odyssey, and his faithful wife Penelope. Already as the newborn he was deprived of his father who was unable to avoid the Trojan War. Therefore Telemachus was growing up without his father’s warm but strict guiding hand. His mother didn’t have enough time for him since she was ruthlessly courted by man that thought they could marry her and take over Odysseys’ estate and royalty. In this difficult situation for Telemachus’ education, the author of the Odyssey tries to find the light of hope for this ‘orphan of war’ and the child of broken family, that was besides all this exposed to death threats whenever courters felt that his quest to find his father, endangered their plans of their marrying his own mother and usurpation of the estate. For the author of the Odyssey this situation was so difficult, risky and unpromising that he could not let people resolve it, no matter how powerful, wise, clever and resourceful they were, but he called upon Gods for their resourcefulness and ingenuity which were very well known among the Old Greeks in the similar situations. Old Greeks considered certain gods to be good allies, while the other were a part of the opposite group and brought troubles. Besides evil people, the gods were also the source of the evil. People prayed to the good gods, and avoided the evil ones.

Terminologia gniewu w Septuagincie

Author(s): Barbara Strzałkowska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 34/2018

The article discusses selected aspects of “anger” terminology in the Greek Bible. The Septuagint basically uses two terms to express anger, θυμός and ὀργή, and rarely any others. The two words are used in the LXX interchangeably, it seems to express both the wrath of God and the wrath of people and animals. The article discusses both of these key terms, along with their etymology and occurrence within classical Greek literature, recognizing that the terminology of the LXX is based both upon those classical texts – which often refer to the theme of “anger”, starting with the oldest known Greek texts – as well as on the Jewish tradition, incorporating many so-called “Hebraisms” and expressions characteristic of the Hebrew Bible. In addition, the article shows that the LXX terminology regarding anger also had an influence on the New Testament, on both a terminological and conceptual level.

Srednjovjekovni koncept translacija između antičkog i humanističkog

Author(s): Dijana Kapetanović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 15/2017

This paper aims to reevaluate the concept of translation or transfer as a semantically polyvalent term, with special emphasis on its literary value in the French Middle Ages. The paper further explores the origin and polysemic nature of the term (lat. translatio), explaining the process and the content of the transfer as a phenomenon specific to Western civilization’s cultural history which adapts and contextualizes the legacy of the ancient Greco-Roman world. The paper also analyzes the aesthetical and poetical guidelines of antique romances and medieval courtly romances, which are inevitable sources of information about how medieval mentality perceived Antiquity and classical authorities. Lastly, the paper examines the extent to which medieval translation, as the forerunner of the new, humanist vision of the world and its relation to the works of classical antiquity, precedes the concept of contemporary translation.

The medieval Slavic archives of the Athonite Monastery of Vatopedi (1230–1610)

Author(s): Kyrill Pavlikianov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

Briefly summarized, the content of Vatopedi Slavic documents is the following: In April 1230 the Bulgarian Czar, John Asen II, donated to Vatopedi with a full tax exemption the village of Semalton (today Mikron Soulion), which is located to the southeast of Serrhai, but only for the period until the end of his reign. In 1369–1371 the Serbian despot John Uglješa granted to Vatopedi the abandoned village of Lantzo, which was situated near the settlements of Akrotirion and Plumiska, in the northeastern part of the Chalkidiki Peninsula. On July 2, 1417, the Serbian despot Stephen Lazarević bequeathed to Vatopedi the village of Koprivnica and a yearly subsidy of 60 litri of silver. Between July 1427 and May 1429 the Serbian nobleman George Branković corroborated the donation of the village of Koprivnica and the yearly subsidy of 60 litri of silver, provided to Vatopedi by his predecessor, the despot Stephen Lazarević. On March 28, 1432, the čelnik Radič bestowed on Vatopedi the village of Belo Polje, which was situated near the Morava River in central Serbia. After March 28, 1432, the Serbian Despot George Branković confirmed the donation of the village of Belo Polje, which the čelnik Radič had made to Vatopedi. In April 1432 the Serbian military officers Radoslav and Michael Mihaljevići bought in Vatopedi six adelphati (lifelong monastic pensions paid in kind) and the nearby Athonite tower of Koletzi. On February 21, 1438, the monks of the Russian Athonite monastery of St. Panteleimon issued a warranty that they would not trespass on the land of Vatopedi which bordered the kellion of a priest named Kornilii. On December 4, 1457, the Serbian despot Lazar ceded to his treasurer (rizničar) Radoslav villages in the administrative districts of Golubac, Smederevo and Petruš (i.e. near the modern Serbian town of Paračin). Around 1597 a Zographite hermit named Makarios signed a statement pertaining to a conflict between the monasteries of Pantokrator and Vatopedi. His statement was significantly altered when it was translated into Greek. Between June 7, 1607, and July 10, 1610, the Archbishop of Ochrid, Parthenie, composed for the Russian Athonite monastery of St. Panteleimon a letter directed to the Russian Czar, Vasilij Ivanovič Šujskij.

Право женщины – право богини? Смысл и функция образа Елены в поэзии Сапфо (в свете новейших папирологических открытий)

Author(s): Timothey Myakin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2020

The image of the Helen in Sapph. Fr. 16 (Neri–Cinti) is analyzed in detail on the basis of the new papyrus fragments which were published by Dirk Obbink (Obbink 2016а). According to the results of the comparative analysis; it is concluded that the form of the aoristic active participle from the verb περιέχειν, which is used in Sapph. Fr. 16, refers not only to the vocabulary of Homer, but also to the vocabulary of legal documents (cf. Hom. Il. XV, 653–654; Hellanic., Fr. 31, 50 Jacoby; IG XII(2), №58, 8–9 etc.). Thus, we confirm a special significance of the Sapph. Fr. 16, which is a "program" song of Sappho’s thiasos (cf. Bierl 2003).

EFLATUN’UN DEVLET DİYALOĞU’NUN TARTIŞMA USÛLÜ AÇISINDAN İNCELENMESİ

Author(s): İbrahim EMİROĞLU / Language(s): Turkish Issue: Sp. Issue/2019

Plato, in Republic, performs different methods and tactics in order to put across the ideas he argued or to reject the claims of others. To open and pursue the discussion by asking consecutive questions and to make productive concept and sentence analysis are among the methods and tactics that can be primarily stated. The book mainly based on the concepts such as justice, favor, friendship, virtue, duty and the queries upon the concepts. Plato uses very effective tactics in his discussions. Questioning, proposing and eliminating the alternatives, asking proof, making people think of the possibilities and comparing are some of these effective tactics. Although logic is not established and systematic as science, reasoning is made and many concepts are defined and classified.

Narodzenie z wody i z Ducha w J 3,5 jako gwarant dostąpienia królestwa Bożego

Author(s): Krystyna Kern / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 23/2019

The article presents a new look at the subject of the birth of water and of the Spirit (John 3:5) which is necessary for attainment of the kingdom of God. It is a new birth for the Christian in his life. The explanation of the meaning of the birth of water and of the Spirit is difficult, because it is found only once in the Holy Bible (John 3:5). In this work it is discussed the meanings of words “water” and “spirit” in the phrase “to born of water and the Spirit” (John 3:5). The pericope John 3:1-21 is compared with other texts of the Holy Scripture (especially with the Gospel of John, the Letter to the Galatians and the Book of Ezekiel). In the Gospel of John and the Letter to the Galatians there is an opposition between the flesh and the Spirit (John 3:6 and Gal 5:19-23). The meanings of deeds done in God (John 3:21) and of the fruit of the Spirit (Gal 5:22-23) can mean the same. People who do the deeds of the flesh “shall not obtain (not inherit) the kingdom of God” (Gal 5:21). The text Gal 5:4-6 is very important, because it shows the importance of Christ and the Spirit in the Christian life. In the Book of Ezekiel God promises the sprinkling of clean water, a new heart, a new spirit and a gift of His Spirit (Ezek 36:25-27). Jesus Christ is “the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world” (John 1:29) and “baptises with the Holy Spirit” (John 1:33).

Echoes of Sapphic Gods and Goddesses, Immortality, Eros and Thanatos in the Work of Modernist Women Poets

Author(s): Iris Rusu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

In the context of Modernism’s constant return to the past that results in self-knowledge and innovation, certain women writers found Sappho’s writings relevant for their own poetic endeavours. My article will mainly focus on the mythological aspects of both Sappho’s and the modernist women’s poetry. Invocations of and allusions to gods and goddesses and other mythical figures, which involve introspection and expressing certain erotic concerns in stylised ways, will be discussed in order to show how all these women poets innovated. and, in many different ways, significantly enriched the literature of their times. Critics have mainly focused on H.-D.’s poetry in relation to Sappho’s, most likely because the modernist poet had also translated (or adapted, according to most scholars) a number of Sappho’s poems. As regards other modernist women poets, such as, for instance, Amy Lowell or Marianne Moore, critics have refrained, for various reasons, from analysing their work in relation to Sappho’s. There are very few critical accounts of Sappho’s influence on their (and even H.-D.’s) poetry, and this article will, perforce, draw on these, but aims, all the while, to provide new and relevant insights.

Poza strukturą. Metonimia i tradycyjne obrazy w eposach Homera

Author(s): Jędrzej Soliński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 10/2020

The article discusses the question of traditional images in Greek epic poetry, which are based on metonymy, coexisting with themes and type-scenes and stabilising the epic song. Firstly, I present a sketch of oral theory, originally presented by M. Parry and A. Lord. Secondly, I deal with the question of the type-scenes in Homeric epics and Russian oral epic songs—the middle element of A. Lord’s oral song structure. After that, I move on to cognitive theory and its application to Homeric epics, especially in the matter of cognitive scripts as a basis for the construction of type-scenes. Furthermore, I connect cognitive theory with M. Nagler’s Gestalt, A. N. Sabynin’s DRK-structures and J.M. Foley’s traditional referentiality, which are based on a metonymy. On that basis, I present some examples of traditional images of “house” in the Odyssey, which consist of recurrent elements, such as “megaron,” “bedroom,” “wife,” “children,” etc. The singer evokes the traditional image of the “house” using metonymy. The analysis of examples reveals that these images, regardless of the exact words used by the singer, are stable—just as the type-scenes built on M. Clark’s basic scaffolding

Die Antike Biographie als Hintergrund des Evangeliums

Author(s): Milan Kostrešević / Language(s): German Issue: 1/2020

This essay continues the critique of perceived evangelical exceptionalism by providing a detailed study of the genre of biography in antiquity. While some scholars claim that the Gospels were a literary anomaly without clear precedents, we instead claim that they are an innovative variation of the classical biographical tradition. By classifying the Gospels into this generic classification, we work to establish an access to this literature that is historically grounded and does not seek the presumed religious ‘community’ of the author in the rhetorical framework of their writings.

Thomas A. Szlezak: Was Europa den Griechen verdankt. Von den Grundlagen unserer Kultur in der griechischen Antike

Author(s): Zoran Andrić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2012

BATILAŞMA DÖNEMİNDE İSTANBULİSTANBUL’DA RUM CEMAATİNİN EĞİTİMİ

Author(s): Nikolaos LIAZOS / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 17/2021

The Imperial Decree of 1856 became the occasion for the reorganization of the millet, in the non-Muslim communities constituting the Ottoman society of the 19th century and reaffirmed their prerogatives. Communities were first invited to form assemblies to reorganize their internal affairs. The Greek communities of Istanbul could then rebuild new schools and repair the old buildings along with their churches and hospitals. At the same time, a major innovation of the Decree allowed the establishment of public science schools, ensuring that students have the right to attend higher education after elementary primary education. The conditions within the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, especially after the Tanzimat (1839), Islahat (1856) reforming decrees and the sultan Abdulhamit II’s (1876) reform, have been proved to be appropriate for the advancement of a more modern education for Greek students in Istanbul.

An inquiry into the use and meaning of the forms ἔθηκε(ν) and θῆκε(ν) in the Iliad: Syntax and semantics

Author(s): Filip De Decker / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

In this article, I discuss the use and absence of the augment in the 3rd singular forms ἔθηκε(ν) and θῆκε(ν) in the Iliad. In the previous article (De Decker 2020), I explained why I chose this corpus and determined the value of the different forms. Here I proceed to the actual analysis of the forms: do they confirm the previous syntactic and semantic observations that have been made for the use and absence of the augment (the clitic rule by Drewitt and Beck, the reduction rule by Kiparsky and the distinctions: speech versus narrative, foreground versus background and remote versus recent past)?