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Imre Kertész’s Fatelessness is not primarily exciting because of innovations in form-structure, in its poetics or genre configuration, like other works in the history of the 20th century novel. It is the narrative technique that brings something radically new to the literary narrative - it is through the narrative technique that he is able to convey even what might be considered as a traumatic event. The knowledge of the aged self is deliberately repressed, and its place is almost always taken by the opinions of the young alter-ego. At strategic points in the text, the narrative slips into another focalisation point: it temporarily suspends its subordination and its object position precisely by adopting the perspective of the actor responsible for the sense of actual threat. When Gyuri abandons these strategies and takes responsibility, he acquires a narrative identity.
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The author of the present study thinks that we live in a New Cold War era. The study analyses some well know features of the Old Cold War, then the start of the New Cold War era, plus the interim period of the Post-Bipolar era between them. Using contemporary sources, such as public speeches and essays by renowned politicians, theauthor analyses the new international environment after the Russian-Ukrainian war, thus he researches the characteristic processes of the contemporary history. The author raises the questions: What are the surviving features of the Old Cold War? And what are the new historical features which distinguish the Old Cold War from the new one? Looking at the evidence and the argument of other scholars, the author argues that the Post-Bipolar era used to mark a time period when there was one single global hegemon, namely the USA, practically without any serious challengers. The new era of the New Cold War is being marked with appearance of new challengers who have stepped up on the world stage to challenge the current international system and order. Based on detailed historical arguments, the author offers a new historical periodization from the Old Cold War through the Post-Bipolar era until the beginning of the New Cold War.
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The study outlines the Arab media’s views and perceptions of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution in the years and decades that followed. A real assessment of the 1956 revolution can be obtained, as the articles that form the basis of this paper were written at a time when the picture had become clearer and more complete; i.e. variousinfluences of time have disappeared and almost all the secret information, data, foreign and military reports have been made public. All Arab media sources (especially the Egyptian and Gulf ones) have reported frequently and in detail on the Hungarian revolution, which is still of interest today. This heightened interest has provided moral support for the Hungarians, despite the fact that in some cases it has been belated. The main objective of this study is to show how the Arab media viewed the 1956 revolution in the years and decades that followed. In the present paper, we do not aim to present the news of the time, but rather to focus on the media’s later views. On the basis of the material we have researched, it can be said that, on the whole, the later Arab opinion showed genuine sympathy and compassion, and a reasonable and factbased position on the Hungarian Revolution.
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The system of collecting agricultural products had eased the way for Communists towards the implementation of Socialist agricultural structures. Offering a full exemption from this duty to G.A.C. (kolkhoz) members, the collecting system represented a pressure on peasants who refused to join G.A.C. Besides economical advantages, the collecting system increased the political control over the rural population.
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In this study the author sets to analyze the forms in which civil society of Romania has rebuilt itself after the fall of the communist regime. In the first part of the paper the author defines civil society as forms of free association situated between the state and the family. The second part of this study comprises an analysis of the relation between the civic organizations and the political system, with a special emphasis on the Group for Social Dialogue, Civic Alliance and the politically active NGOs from the second generation.
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He was born on January 13, 1866 at Florica as the second son of Ion C. Brătianu (1821- 1891), prime-minister of Romania between 1876-1888. Dinu Brătianu had a technical formation, but he worked a long time in financial institutions.In 1930 Constantin (Dinu) I.C. Brătianu opposed to the return of King Carol II on the Romanian throne. He was President of the National Liberal Party, 1934-1947.In 1947 Bratianu’s liberals suspended their activity. In 1950 Dinu Brătianu was arrested and sent to prison to Sighet. He died incarcerated in March 13, 1950 at the age of 84.
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The study of anticommunist resistance in Romania cannot deal exclusively with the manifestations of the majority ethnic group. Regrettably, the current tendency, which favours parallel histories written by members of the different ethnic groups living in Romania, implacably leads to a ghettoization of the survey of the communist past. Of course, there are explanations, running from linguistic barriers to ethnic prejudice. Such is the case of Roman-Catholic Bishop of Alba IuJia, Aron Marton, a prominent personality of Catholicism in Romania. Bishop Aron Marton was not a Romanian patriot, some of his statements being such as to indicate the contrary; nevertheless his opposition to the communist regime, to its policy of curtailing religious freedom and the freedom of conscience assign him to the same camp joined tacitly or publicly by most citizens of communist Romania. Octav Livezeanu was able to build a political career under the communist regime, on the basis ofthe activity he had conducted as a journalist and politician in the interwar period and during World War II. A former member ofthe National Peasant Party, following the NPP’s fusion with the Peasant Party, he joined Mihai Ralea’s Socialist Peasant Party. During World War II, his activity was a low-profile one, Livezeanu being arrested on two occasions (January 1942 and February 1943) for “defeatist propaganda and news damaging the national security.” Livezeanu had a way of approaching the communists, and that afforded him a rapid rise in his political career.
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This paper analyzes policies of the Yugoslav foreign ministers Momčilo Ninčić and Vojislav Marinković towards the ideas of the Balkan unity. Not only were both of them prominent political figures, but also economists and in several mandates ministers of finance, national economy, trade (and industry) and/or construction. Therefore the aim is to analyze their views on the political unification and economic co-operation between the Balkan states, and factors that provided opportunities or stood as constraints to the implementation of their plans. Chronologically, the paper covers the period from the beginning of the Locarno period in the Balkans to the beginning of the Balkan Conferences. The paper is primarily based on the Yugoslav and Bulgarian archival sources, domestic and foreign published sources, and scientific literature.
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Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie, na podstawie ustaleń historiografii, ewolucji najważniejszych ośrodków osadnictwa wołoskiego w rejonach Olimpu i Vermio. Umocniły się one w następstwie wędrówek ludności z obszaru Pindosu, w XVIII i XIX wieku. W przypadku Olimpu kulminacja migracji przypadła na drugą połowę XVIII wieku, a w rejonie Vermio na pierwsze trzy dekady XIX wieku. Ukształtowane wówczas enklawy osadnicze, związane z Livadi, Kato Vermio, Xirolivado, w kolejnych dekadach ulegały rozczłonkowaniu. Choć część ludności kontynuowała wcześniejszą działalność ekonomiczną i jeszcze w XIX wieku utrzymywała kontakty z „macierzystymi” osadami z Pindosu, większość uległa asymilacji z Grekami. Wołosi zasilali greckojęzyczne społeczności miejskie w Werii (Veroia), Naoussie i Katerini, rezygnowali z gospodarki transhumancyjnej i tradycyjnego języka oraz migrowali do Rumunii.
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Anton Arnăuțoiu was one of the Resistance heroes. An army officer and a jurist by training, together with his brother, Toma Arnăuțoiu and Colonel Gheorghe Arsenescu founded the “Muscel Outlaws”. Due to his serious physical condition he was arrested from Toria Sanatorium and interrogated by the Securitate officers and he never turned his brother in. Alexandru Bârlădeanu was a leftist from the interwar period, who joined the Communist party in 1936. As a young man, he studied socialist economy in Moscow and in the 1960s he was the one who opposed Romania’s forced integration into the COMECOM plans, being well acquainted with the Soviet economic system. His disputes with Ceausescu in 1965 resulted in his marginalisation. In 1989 he was one of the signatories of the famous protest “Letter of the Six”. He ended his political career as president of the Senate between 1990-1992, maintaining his leftist views. Constantinescu Claps was a career officer who fought in the second Balkan War and in the First World War, becoming a knight of the “Mihai Viteazul” Order. During the Second World War he served as the commander of Army Corp 11 and, between the autumn of 1941 and February 1943, he was commander of the Fourth Romanian Army. Arrested in March 1949 for his connections with the National Peasants’ Party, he was released for lack of evidence; his was arrested again in September 1951 for allegedly having executed 6 Soviet partisans on the East front. He was sentenced to 15 years of forced labour, but following his appeal, he was released after 4 years in September 1955, at the age of 70. Gheorghe Grijincu, a military man from High Moldavia, who fought on the east front in 1941, became a POW in January 1944. He escaped and fled to the region unoccupied by the Red Army, where, together with his brother Vasile Grijincu, he joined the partisan group led by Vladimir Macoveiciuc. In October 1944 he was captured by the NKVD and sentenced by the Soviet Military Court to 25 years of forced labour. Imprisoned in Dnepropetrovsk and Matrasov labour camps, he was pardoned together with the other POWs in November 1955 and repatriated.
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The paper deals with such complex aspects of the rise of Romanian nationalism between the two world wars that historians have not yet cast light upon. The first part of this study focuses on both the international and the national environment at the moment when the nationalistic movement emerged and further develop; it also pays special attention to the elements that identify paramilitary organization (the uniform, the flag, the oath, the ranks, the positions, the units, the hierarchy, the decorations, etc.) in such groups as The Guard of National Conscience, the Romanian National Fascia, The League of National Christian Defense, the Fire Swastika. Corneliu Beldiman is a Ph.D. historian. Main researcher III with the NIST, assistant professor at the Faculty of History, “Dimitrie Cantemir” Christian University, Bucharest. The latest work: The events of January 1941 in Romanian and German Archives, volume II, 1998 (co-author).
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En 1915, l’historien et journaliste Teodor V. Păcățian lance dans la presse roumaine l’idée qu’ilserait bon de collecter toutes les données statistiques relatives aux sacrifices consentis dans cetteguerre par le peuple roumain des terres appartenant à la couronne hongroise en d’une manière opportune et précise. Environ un demi-million d’habitants de Transylvanie ont pris les armes.En tant que président de la section historique d’ASTRA, Teodor V. Păcățian soumit le 18 juin1921 un projet qui prévoyait un « modèle de peinture » pour chaque commune des 22 comtés, dans lequel seuls les Roumains seraient inclus.Il a été possible de recueillir des données statistiques sur l’ensemble des 22 départements, avec 40 communes urbaines et 4.183 communes rurales, en tirant les conclusions nécessaires.L’article passe également en revue la participation à la guerre dans le département de Bistrița-Năsăud. Après cela, nous avons présenté la situation de la participation des habitants de la ville de Bistrița. Dans les tableaux reçus du fonds d’archives de Sibiu, il ressort que 331 Bistrițes ont participé activement sur le front, 27 pour les services auxiliaires, totalisant 358 participants. Quant à la situation des personnes arrêtées et internées, elles n’existent pas, n’étant pas non plus des réfugiés. 15 sont morts sur le champ de bataille, 14 sont morts en prison, en fuite, à l’hôpital, à domicile, de maladie ou de blessure, 35 sont revenus invalides, 84 ont été blessés, malades mais guéris, 22 ont été portés disparus jusqu’à la rédaction de ce rapport, et 188 sont revenus en parfaite santé. 21 veuves de guerre et 50 orphelins de guerre sont restés derrière les morts et les disparus.Selon les classes sociales, 16 intellectuels, 154 commerçants et artisans et 188 laboureurs, economistes, palmiers, journaliers, charretiers et ouvriers ont pris part à la guerre.Un nombre de 127 combattants ont été décorés pendant la guerre, le nombre total de médaillesétant de 262.Les bistrițes qui étaient prisonniers dans d’autres pays, comme la Russie, la Serbie, l’Italie et laFrance.Il convient de noter que la situation des participants de Bistrița à la Première Guerre mondiale a été envoyée après la centralisation de toutes les données de tout le comté, ce fait étant déduit de la situation centralisatrice. Également de la même situation, selon les documents reçus de Sibiu, ils ne portent pas la signature de ceux qui s’en sont occupés.
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The issue of prisoners of war from the first world conflagration was little addressed in Romanian historiography. However, the military documents contain memoirs of the officers who returned from captivity, in which data are recorded regarding the circumstances in which prisoners fell and to which enemy troops, in which camp they were interned, the treatments they were subjected to by enemy. For most of the Romanian soldiers who ended up in the prison camps in Bulgaria, the real war experience was limited to the Bulgarian attack on the Turtucaia bridgehead, as was the case with Major Constantin Roescu. The shock of the defeat at Turtucaia was amplified by the physical sufferings and humiliations endured during his captivity, which he recounts in the memorandum prepared upon his return to the country.
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This paper focuses on two of the naval mines in the collection of the Romanian National Naval Museum, namely the maritime „Vickers” and the river „Rudmann” mine. There are some details on the acquisition proces that the Romanian Navy went through by sending a commission to investigate the „Rudmann” mine in Czechoslovakia. The „Vickers” mine was offered by the „Vickers-Armstrong” company, which had a stake in the „Reșița” plant in Romania, facilitating the process. Both mines were used with success in World War Two.
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The article contains a review of political circumstances preceding the unification of Yugoslav peoples into a common state, of the way of that unification and on consequences of both of these factors regarding the political situation in the new Yugoslav state in course of its existence. Although prior to the breaking out of the First World War Yugoslav peoples, regardless of the fact of whether they had an independent state (the case of Serbia and of Montenegro), or not (Austro-Hungarian Yugoslavs), were unified in their intention to create their own common state (of course, with different views as to the state order of future state), the attitude of the allied states, namely of heir governments, went through different stages, until it reached agreement at the end of the First World War that there is a need of creation of a separate Yugoslav state. Although the most significant projects of unification were the Corfu Declaration and the Geneva Agreement, the very unification was not effected on the ground of these acts. Following were the facts which have determined the way of unification: the creation of a new state of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs out of Yugoslav countries which wer under the Austro-Hungarian rule; the decision of the Novi Sad Assembly on joining of Vojvodina to Serbia; the decision of the Podgorica Assembly on the unification of Montenegro with Serbia. The unification of the state of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro has been performed as a unilateral act of the heir to the throne — regent who proclaimed „the unification between Serbia and the independent state of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs into the unified Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes" — on December 1, 1918. The circumstances which preceded the unification and the way of its putting into effect have expressed their impact over the entire political and constitutional life of the new state, which ceased to exist, in terms of the constitutional law, in course of the liberation war and socialist revolution in the country (1914—1945).
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Ernest Bernea was a great ethnologist and a profoundly Christian philosopher. This short biography places emphasis on his opposition to dictatorial regimes. Accused of Legionarism, he was imprisoned by king Carol II. After a short university career he was purged from the education system and arrested in 1948, going through the abominable prison circuit until 1962, when he moved from the little to the large prison, continuing his suffering up to the fall of the communist system in 1989. Miron Constantinescu was a professional sociologist, joined the Communist Party of Romania because he believed in it, at a time when the party was illegal in 1936, and he continued his career as a sociologist. After the establishment of communism in Romania, he was promoted editor-in-chief at Scânteia, then head of the development plans for the communist economy; he became vice-president of the Council of Ministers and chairman of the Grand National Assembly. He was removed from his leadership positions in 1957. Mihai Lascar fought as a lieutenant in the Balkan wars, then in World War I, he made major and later became a professor at the High Academy of War. In World War II he was the commander of the 11th Mountain Brigade, fighting in Bukovina, Crimea and then at Stalingrad, where he was taken prisoner and embraced communist values. He returned to Romania leading the procommunist Tudor Vladimirescu division. He was retired in 1950, interrogated and pursued continuously until his death.
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The problem of setting up a naval base for the Romanian navy became more important after 1913. If there was less discussion about the opportunity to build it, there were many opinions about choosing the place where it would be located. For the first time in Romania's military history, the issue of locating an important military base was brought up for public discussion. Newspapers at the time published dozens of articles on the subject. The subject was discussed with passion not only by military specialists but also by university professors or journalists, and in Constanţa public meetings were also organized to debate various opinions. The Romanian society of the time showed a keen interest in the problems of the navy. This article presents the most important opinions expressed then on this subject, emphasizing their diversity.
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The problem of cultural activity of British Council’s Polish post from its reactivation to further development in the course of two turbulent years of the post-war era, has not been taken upon in literature. The paper aims to present the data on British Council’s initiatives in Warsaw, based on queries made in the National Archives in London. The context is set in the times of communist-entrenching in Poland, focusing on the stagnation time of the Cold War (1949-1952), when all contacts of Western diplomats and officials with the Polish community were being gradually restrained. The communist regime continuously supervised the cultural content proposed by British diplomatic missions, though British Council continued its mission.
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Although it only existed for one year (1948-1949), the group led by Dumitra Apostol was active in the Topolog Valley and it was remarkable due to its huge number of members (40- 70) and to the tragic end of Dumitra Apostol and some of those who took to the mountains with him. Dumitru Apostol’s nephew offers both personal memories and details from conversations with members of the group who have passed away.
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