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The narrative Gradov town written by A. Platonov attracted attention of many researchers in Soviet and Post Soviet periods. The most interesting approaches to interpretation are revealed in this work: widening of “bureaucracy” and “red tape” meaning; a problem of revolutionary tasks substituted by bureaucrats’ victories; a way of traditions’ using. Some unsuccessful attempts of philological analysis of the narrative were mentioned.
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The article presents the development of the idea of a nation by comparing constitutional and social processes in Slovenia and Ukraine from the second half of the 19th century to the end of the 20th century. Upon examining the documentary and narrative sources on the formation of the Ukrainian and Slovenian nations, the authors point out that both Slovenians and Ukrainians co-existed within one country – the Austro-Hungarian Empire – as well as to the chronological and thematic similarity of historical independence movement processes in both countries, focusing on the period of Austria-Hungary, as well as on the time after World War I and World War II. The emphasis is on defining the following terms: What is a “national idea” compared to the political and state-related idea? What is the difference between the Slovenian and Ukrainian national idea? How should we define the “Slovenian nation” and the “European nation” today?
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This paper aims to discover the dependence on global media of foreign policy reporting of the Yugoslav daily newspapers in the period when Yugoslavia was a member of the Non-Aligned Movement and gave support to the attempt to reduce the influence of international news agencies around the world. The research is founded on the assumption that the reporting of international events by the Macedonian newspaper Nova Makedonija, the Slovenian newspaper Delo, and the Serbian newspaper Politika in the 1983 print editions, is insignificantly influenced by the global media. Empirical results were obtained using the method of quantitative content analysis. The data were gathered over a four-month period, using the issues printed from the year of 1983. Research results show that global media had insignificant direct influence on international reporting of all Yugoslav newspapers. At the same time, heavy, but indirect influence of global media is present in the newspapers Nova Makedonija and Politika. Media representation of international actualities in all newspapers was mostly geared toward information about actual events that had happened on the northern continents and regions of the earth. Military and political conflicts were the main topics of interest for covering the southern parts of the world. However, empirical results also revealed some surprising contrasts on these issues among the Yugoslav daily newspapers in 1983.
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The review of: Milan Guček, Pekoči sneg, Šercerjeva brigada 2. del, Ljubljana 1984 508 str.
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The article applies a constructivist approach to the idea of dissidence and the ‘figure’ of the dissident. Its first thesis is that it is not only action (i.e. expressions of dissent), which is constitutive of dissidence, but also the price paid for non-conformity: being censored, marginalised, repressed, exiled, even murdered. Therefore suffering (passion in the Christian sense) is no less important than active dissent. The second and main thesis is about the crucial role of the recognition, i.e. ‘gaze’ – from outside, through transnational contacts and presence in Western media, and from inside, in the local dissident publicity (insofar as it existed). These ideas are employed to make sense of the Bulgarian debate on dissidence in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
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The author presents two autobiographical fragments from the book under print by RIVA Publishing House entitled Participant. An Unsumming-up of a Personal Political Practice – in opposition to the Bulgarian communist regime. The first fragment deals with the foundation of the Club for support of glasnost and perestroyka, of which the author was a co-founder.The chief issue discussed is why that pro-dissident organization of intellectuals, brainchild of Dr. Zheliu Zhelev (future President of democratic Bulgaria), and thanks to him declaring concern with human rights, was so reluctant to support the cause of the Bulgarian Muslims (who had been foreefully deprived of their names by the totalitarian state), to the extent that the author left that organization to do HR work in other formats. The second fragment is the author’s take on the story of Eco-glasnost (which he also co-founded), an opposition group that did real environmental work, but was treated by the regime as politicl enemy. The author believes that among Bulgarian civic groups, Eco-glasnost has been the most successful and influential cooperation of intellectuals ever; there’s an analysis why it didn’t survive after the fall of communism.
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The text follows the net of conspiracy theories, produced in the 1990s and known under the common label ‘Operation wedge’. The paper is based on researches and memories of the active participants in the political life of Bulgaria during this period. The ‘Operation wedge’ is followed in three key moments: the first democratic elections in 1990, accepted as falsified till present days; the hunger strike of 39 deputies which led to the division of the democratic forces into ‘true’ and ‘false’ democrats, the government of the ‘true’ democrats who voluntarily relinquished power. The thesis of the author is that the invention of conspiracy theories in which some of their authors sincerely believe, served as justification of the powerlessness in implementing power. Addictions to symbols instead to pragmatics actually led to the collapse of the government of the Union of the Democratic Forces which by that time held all the levers of power. The most important of them are lost and the last ‘true’ democrats remained only with the reassurance that they are the sole rulers of the moral imperative.
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The removal of the dictator Todor Jivkov on 10 November 1989 marked the beginning of an revolutionary process of fundamental system change – the transition from a totalitarian communist state to a liberal democracy and a market economy. This process, the driving force of which was the Union of Democratic Forces, passed the Round Table agreements, the elections to the Grand National Assembly and the violent protests in the summer of 1990 against the ruling Socialist Party, which is forced to accept the UDF leader Zhelyu Zhelev as president. The onset of opposition in parliament backed by union and student strikes, and civilian demonstrations initiated by the UDF, reached their climax in the fall with the resignation of the Socialist government of Andrei Lukanov on November 29. The political peace revolution ended with the election in late 1990 of the first UDF-dominated democratic multi-party government that has undertaken radical reforms in the economic and political system.
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The paper follows the life trajectory of three women - Rayna Lapardova (1904-1980), Nevena Elmazova (1895-1981) and Tsvetana Tsacheva (1896-1974), who are not even mentioned in the history of the Bulgarian Agrarian Movement to which they devoted their lives nor yet in the stories about the resistance against the communist regime whose victims they became. The Bulgarian Agrarian Union was the biggest political party before the communist take over on 9th of September 1944. In the 1940s and 1950s the members of the Union were supressed and persecuted by the authorities. The author discovered the contradiction between the official archive documents about them and the documents of the repressive services of the totalitarian state. The two sources presented two different stories of the same person. The official archive memory about them contradicts to the true story of their difficult lives which could be reconstructed from their State Security dossiers. Two of them (Rayna Lapardova and Tsvetana Tsacheva) spent several years in the working camps, and the third one (Nevena Elmazova) was kept under observation and under pressure by the State Security for 10 years.
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A decree on municipal government of 4 February 1919, generally known as the „February decree” constituted the legal foundation for organisation of the municipal government and its functioning in the first years of Second Polish Republic. It was applicable and legally binding in one hundred and fifty cities of the former Congress Poland until the socalled „uniting act” of 23 March 1933 entered into force. Apart from presenting the legal grounds of the post-war municipal government in Lublin, the article also gives an outline of political relations in the city which had an impact on mutual relationships between local government authorities nominated in the course of first free democratic elections held in February 1919.
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Through the prism of original resources kept by the US National Archives, and secondary literature, the article deals with the American aspect of the negotiations for the accession of Yugoslavia to the European Payments Union (EPU), which operated between 1950 and 1958, with the primary objective of eliminating obstacles in the Western European trade. Yugoslavia never become a full member of the Union; it did, however, became affiliated with it just before the Union was abolished, when Yugoslavia achieved currency convertibility for foreign trade balances.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of historical dynamics of the organization’s means of cultural practices in Ukraine, in their power and politically-technological perspective, taking into account their optic modes. The difference between classical culture industry and global culture industry is formulated by British researcher Scott Lash is basis of our analysis. It is also taking into account his distinguishing a high culture model of Enlightenment in contrast to a cultural industry. Everyone has its own specificity in the constructing of cultural practices within the organizational dominance of social institutions. In describing the features of each historical form of cultural practices, an attempt has been made to outline their specificity in the Ukrainian cultural space. Each historical type of cultural practices organization (high culture, the classical culture industry, global industry of culture) has its own ways of involving in political technology, its mediators, and the modes of vision. The early Modern form of the material culture production was balanced by the normativity of social institutions and their disciplinary practices. The discursive practices of Modern provided the status of a high culture and its model of power-over. Its textual mode of vision served the cultural practices of the implementation of the national state.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of the variability of historical forms of comic, in particular the specifics of the organization of contextual socio-cultural practices and the appropriate way of the syndication. For this angle of study, reference is made to the works of modern British scholar Scott Lash, who substantiates the methodological connection of the cultural paradigm and the signification mode. The comparison is made out of the specifics of the organization of a comic in the conditions of the ancient Greek policy and modern Ukrainian politics. Postmodern synthesis of political comic and administration of horror testifies to a new level of cultural de-differentiation, and is a symbol of the end of the social. The horror of the total chaos of personified corruption highlights the ironic evidence of their political scheme and the comic populism of their representations.
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The most important success of the Ottoman army after Çanakkale, which fought on many fronts during the First World War, is undoubtedly the victory of Kutü’l Amâre. However, this great victory did not prevent the fall of Baghdad after about a year. In this paper, Major Mehmet Emin’s book, Baghdad and the Event of its Last Fall and his evaluations about the military errors which led to the fall of Baghdad, is examined. This memoir with 140 pages, was printed by General Staff Military Press in 1922, and includes four appendix and twelve photos. Mehmet Emin wrote his memoirs in this book which is translation from Ottoman Turkish to today’s Turkish has not been done yet, relating to his experiences and impressions during his service as a a director in the Intelligence Office of the Sixth Army in 1916-1917.The book contains very important details about the Iraqian front covering the period from victory of Kut’ül-Amare on 29th April 1916 to the capture of Bagdad by the English on 11th March 1917. Mehmet Emin gives the military mistakes which cause the loss of Baghdad. This memoiry, the greatest and most important engagement relating to the loss of Baghdad. In this context the aim of this study introduce this valuable work to the researchers and describe its content.
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Over the last hundred years, the terms “Yugoslavia” and “self-determination of peoples” intertwined in numerous ways. Closer inspection reveals that self-determination was important element of the rationale used in a period of establishment of the first and the second Yugoslavia in 1918 and 1945 respectively, and in the course of violent dissolution of SFRY during the last decade of the XX century. This article elaborates on legal status of self- determination in these crucial moments of history of Yugoslav peoples and on the way in which key political figures in Yugoslavia(s) used this principle/right to legitimize their goals. Hence, the article itself is primarily focused on the legitimising role of international law. The way that self-determination was used in the case of Yugoslavia illustrates its great power to influence creation and dissolution of states.
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The article deals with meaning of celebrations of 9 May – Victory Day – in Yugoslavia in the first few years after World War II and with the role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in organising these ceremonies. It is shown that this holiday was one of the cornerstones of the Communist regime propaganda and a very important occasion for creating the tradition of national liberation struggle and anti-fascism. The main role of Victory Day was to recall the victory over fascism, but also to contribute to consolidation of Communists’ rule and to display foreign and inner policy of the new autho-rities in Yugoslavia. The ruling party used the entire content of the celebrations to create and impose its own image of World War II and the national liberation struggle in Yugoslavia and to present the desirable image of the current international and internal political situation. These celebrations were conceived and designed by the top officers of the Communist Party, in its Agitprop apparatus, and all activities and details were dictated by Party guidelines and directives.
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Upon the introduction of martial law in Poland, the Study Office of the Security Service of the Ministry of the Interior was ordered not only to carry out operational activities against the most important organizations of the “Solidarity” Underground but also to create and gather analytical materials thereon. Reports were regularly prepared on the number of people engaged in the underground opposition and on the specifics of the organizations operating within its framework. Such analyses were also used to assess the extent to which underground communities had been infiltrated by different units of the Security Service (excluding the Study Office), as well as to forecast developments in the underground and to work out scenarios for potential actions that might weaken it. The published document is the last analysis of this kind prepared before the Round Table talks. It sheds light on the assessment of the Underground which was accepted by the Study Office of the Security Service and by the management of the Ministry of the Interior at that time. The document reveals that, despite of the Security Service’s successes in breaking up the underground structures and placing its agents therein, it was not able to control them and influence their development.
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