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4.90 €

Disidentstvo kao istraživačka tema – pojam i pristupi

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The concept of “dissidence’’ is most often used to denote critical activities directed toward the communist governments of the countries of Eastern Europe and Yugoslavia in the time after Stalin’s death. Its connection to the politics of the Cold War speaks to the fact that the definition was subjected to the widest interpretations and that dissidents were considered individuals or groups ranging from deserters from the communist movement to all those who were dissatisfied with one party rule. From a research point of view the selection of the best definition complicates the politicization of the historical context to which dissidence belongs, the question of value judgments, the problem of “measuring’’ dissident activities, and the personal perceptions of participants/dissidents. For the purposes of this conference a suitable definition of dissidence is any activity which attempted to constitute an autonomous public sphere outside of the official institutions of the party state and by which it opposed the desire of the regime to completely control the public sphere. This opens the possibility of analyzing the complexity of the mosaic of themes exploring different segments of activism in politics and culture: critical approaches, creative detachment from prevailing or official positions – whether the fruit of personal initiative or a group of like-minded individuals – in the recent past. While on a theoretical level dissidence is relatively clear, the attempt to apply some of the concepts in the analysis of historical practice in Croatia/Yugoslavia, or to compare these to situations in other countries of realist socialism, raises many uncertainties, which indicates caution in using historiographical models without regard to specific historical context or period.

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Dinamika političke promjene unutar komunističke vlasti: primjer SFRJ

Author(s): Krsto Cviić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Just as the governments of the other communist countries in Europe, the Yugoslavian government operated within the formula of “challenge and response’’, which was first devised by the once fashionable yet today almost totally forgotten British philosopher of history, Arnold Toynbee. For a long time dissidents were a relative minor threat to the powerful and proud Yugoslav authorities, but gradually, owing to the combination of internal and external events, the dissidents gained in importance and came to play a significant role in the defeat of the political system and the destruction of the Yugoslavian state. This process is the theme of this article.

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Vodice između križa i zvijezde

Author(s): Stipe Kljajić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Due to the part it played during the wartime Partisan movement and its prewar Communist experience the town of Vodice became an important stronghold in the district of Šibenik on the road toward the creation of a tradition which was founded on communist ideology, brotherhood and unity, and partisan struggle. In such circumstances a conflict grew between the Catholic Church and the Communist Party in this Dalmatian peasant town following the Second World War. Along the lines of this campaign exemplified by the events of Good Friday 1948, the polarization of its inhabitants is analyzed around two massive gatherings (procession and kolo). The clash of these two gatherings, which served to represent the power and social mobilization of the conflicting forces, took place in the ambiance of the small and narrow kaleta of Vodice and its fields which added to the atmosphere of tension and animosity. Such an atmosphere was channelled in postwar Vodice into a long doctrinal conflict between two institutions and traditions and in some sense symbolically personified not only Vodice’s, but also Croatia’s and indeed a universal experience of their conflict. In this regard, the clash in Vodice coincided with the zenith of their conflict which was expressed in the anti-Church character of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the potential expansion of communism to Italy, the centre of the Catholic Church. As far as the doctrinal differences between Catholicism, or the Church and communist traditions are concerned, they represented a particular segment of the general collision of the Church with “modernism’’. However, unlike other ‘’modernist ideas or ideologies’’, communist tradition was specific and distinct because of its ultra-radical animosity toward the Church and Catholicism, and Christianity in general.

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Razilaženja u SKJ – marginalizacija Vicka Krstulovića

Author(s): Josip Mihaljević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of existing literature and previously unknown source material, this article examines the work of politician Vicko Krstulović. Born in Split in 1905, he died there in 1988. His life followed an interesting path; from a worker in a rock quarry he reached the highest positions in government and the Communist Party. However, his activities from the late 1960s until his death are not well known, especially in the historiography. During this period an number of important historical-political changes took place, but through all of these events Krstulović, a man with the longest record of service in the Communist Party of Croatia, was not mentioned. Differences of opinion with Vladimir Bakarić, as well as other highly positioned members of the Communist Party, led to Krstulović’s marginalization. Especially after his declaration at the Fifth Party Congress of the Communist Party of Croatia in 1965, he was discreetly removed from significant roles in government. This author also analyzes Krstulović’s earlier conflicts with the Communist Parties of Croatia and Yugoslavia and points out certain unresolved issues.

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Jugoslovenska politička emigracija i disidentstvo u Jugoslaviji (Podrška Saveza “Oslobodjenje’’ demokratskoj opoziciji)

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the history of the postwar Yugoslavian emigration, most often formed on antidemocratic, anti-Yugoslav, anti-Serbian, anti-Croatian, monarchist, or antimonarchist lines, and generally right-wing in orientation, the League “Oslobodjenje” [freedom] belonged to the smallest emigrant grouping – democratic and pro-Yugoslav. Struggling toward the democratic evolution of Yugoslavia, the League insisted that to achieve freedom from one party rule and economic, cultural, and political backwardness Yugoslavia needed to rely on its own political and national strengths. Help from abroad, from emigration, could have a secondary importance. Led by such principles, the League through its organ Naša reč supported every instance of critical, oppositional thinking in the country. For the longest time the most attention was given to Milovan Djilas, not only the first, but for many the only ‘true’ Yugoslavian dissident, but afterwards to many others who over several decades came into conflict with the Yugoslavian authorities, state and party leadership. Among these a particular place is accorded to Mihajlo Mihajlov, “dissident no. 2,” as he is often called. Assistance to dissidents in Yugoslavia became more prominent in the time after Josip Broz Tito’s death, when the dissident movement began to grow. Even though it usually could not be direct and concrete, this help was seen in those things that were most important to every dissident, the ability to make public their political views and get domestic and international attention. In this sense Naša reč was the most important paper of the Yugoslavian democratic dissidents.

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List Nova Hrvatska 1958.–1962.

Author(s): Anđelko Vlašić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Among the youngest generation of Croatian emigrants who left Croatia from the mid 1950s onward through academic stipends offered by western countries or by crossing the border illegally there was a liberal-democratic current best expressed after 1958 by the journal Hrvatski bilten, which changed its name in the following year to Nova Hrvatska. The journal was published monthly in London from 1959 until 1974; from 1974 until 1990 it was published bi-weekly. Jakša Kušan was the editor of the journal during the whole of this time. Like other emigrant groups, this group supported national in-dependence for Croatia, but the realization of this ideal – unlike nationalists on the radical right – was proposed from the perspective of liberal values and with the vision of a constitutional democratic state in mind. The journal was interested in themes from national history and the life of Croats under the Communist regime, providing information about current political events in Yugoslavia and Croatia, especially about opposition activities.

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Neki aspekti položaja političkih zatvorenika u KPD-u Stara Gradiška nakon sloma Hrvatskog proljeća 1972.–90.

Author(s): Branimir Šutalo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on existing literature and available sources, this article attempts to provide a contribution to research into the dissident movements and opposition in Socialist Yugoslavia. The phenomenon of political offenses is treated only superficially as an unavoidable introduction to the presentation of the main theme. This work seeks to shed light on the darkest corner of the Yugoslav totalitarian system, that is, the gaol, and show the attitude of the authorities toward political prisoners. The Correctional Institute in Stara Gradiška (KPD Stara Gradiška) is chosen as an example because this gaol is a synonym for the suffering and death of those individuals who were opponents of the totalitarian Yugoslav regime. An emphasis is placed on the derogatory attitude of the authorities and the penal system toward political prisoners and their psychological traumatisation in criminal surroundings.

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Zapadna kulturna produkcija u napisima Naprijeda 1950.–1952.

Author(s): Marko Fuček / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Naprijed, the party organ of the Communist Party of Croatia (KPH), was in practice the executor of cultural politics of the KPH during the early 1950s. Consequently, an analysis of the articles published in this weekly allows one to reconstruct the attitude of the leadership of the KPH to western culture. The liberalization of the early 1950s did not mean that the idea that culture was the implement of creating a socialist society was abandoned, but the focus shifted from prevention of ideological errors to education, deliberation, and dialogue which would lead towards “correct” ideological conclusions. Through a series of comments and reviews of western literature, drama and especially films in Naprijed, an attempt was made to gain an understanding of the prevailing attitude toward western culture, the main evaluative criteria of imported works and the level of ideological flexibility toward their evaluation.

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Praxis: neuspjeh kritičkog marksizma

Author(s): Marko Zubak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This essay, on the example provided by the Yugoslavian philosophical journal Praxis and a group of sociologists and philosophers gathered around it, points to certain characteristics inherent in the formation of critical thought within communist society. Revisionist Marxism, just like the very system it sought to cleanse from within, contained many contradictions within itself. This text emphasizes a deconstruction of the prevailing relations between the conditions which generally enabled the emergence of critical thought of the ‘praxist’ type on the Yugoslavian social-political scene and its ultimate failure. Deeply entrenched Titoism, a general philosophical orientation as well as an elitism tied to it and a non-transparent relation toward the broader social classes, an anti-national line of criticism, utopian language and Marx as the main and basic starting point – these were all conditions which helped Praxis maintain its position of a relatively independent subject through an entire decade. All these, moreover, were reasons why Praxis’s criticism, however original and humanistic it may have been, was unsuccessful in generating the all-encompassing social transformation for which it called.

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“Slučaj Mihajlov’’ u bilješkama diplomatskih predstavnika Velike Britanije 1966.

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This article provides a brief overview of the activities of Mihajlo Mihajlov in 1966, while documents about his activities found among the diplomatic papers of Great Britain form the basis of an understanding of British attitudes toward dissidents in Yugoslavia. An academic assistant at the University of Zadar, Mihajlov, due to his literary work (the travel-essay Ljeto moskovsko 1964) and his political activities, was from 1965 to 1975 sentenced and jailed on a few occasions. Ideologically similar to dissident Milovan Djilas, Mihajlov in 1966 gathered around himself a group of intellectuals and artists from several Yugoslavian cities with the aim of launching an independent opposition newspaper. There was great interest in his literary work and political analysis in the west. In 1978 he moved to the United States. On the basis of documents from British diplomatic representatives in Yugoslavia in 1966 the second part of this article provides a study of the British attitude toward the “Mihajlov case.” Though partial, this analysis shows that the official politics of the western countries approached the theme of Yugoslav dissidents more carefully than in the case of dissidents from the eastern bloc. An evaluation of the activities of Mihajlov as well as the reaction of the Yugoslavian authorities is seen to indicate a certain amount of restraint.

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Vladimir Bakarić i Praxis

Author(s): Dino Mujadžević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of transcripts of conversations of Vladimir Bakarić and his comrades during the period 1964-1968, which are held among the Bakarić papers in the Croatian State Archive, it is possible to trace the attitude of the leadership of the Communist Party of Croatia (SKH) in quite close detail regarding the dissident Marxist circle gathered around the journal Praxis. Bakarić looked very negatively upon the activities of this group, which among other things had sharply criticized the economic reforms carried out in 1965 that introduced some elements of market economy in Yugoslavia calling for a return to utopian ideals of socialism, and he orchestrated a media campaign against them in the mid 1960s. After student demonstrations took place in Belgrade and Zagreb in 1968, which Bakarić believed were inspired by the group around Praxis, he was personally engaged in the Party’s discipline of individual sympathizers and the group at the Faculty of Philosophy and the Faculty of Political Sciences in Zagreb.

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Otpadništvo 1968. – radikalizacija komunističkih rješenja

Author(s): Igor Graovac / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Over forty years after the student unrest of 1968 occurred, it is still variously interpreted. Mystifications concerning the first emergence of democratic, liberal and other similar denotations are attached to the era of the revolt, while the radical communist solutions proposed by the participants in the revolt are mentioned least of all. The Zagreb demonstrations, under the banner slogan of “eminent communist solutions,” confirmed the later intent of the revolt, which – despite official criticism that it was led by “Demagogic-Anarcho-Liberal phrase-makers” (the so-called ‘DALF’ovists) – was in fact led by individuals who considered themselves “the last SKOJevists” (leaders of the communist youth movement). Thus the revolt was not the work of dissidents, but rather of schismatics characterized by their demand for the further radicalization of communist solutions.

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Disidenti/”divergenti”, ljudska prava i osamostaljivanje Hrvatske

Author(s): Albert Bing / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the affirmation of political pluralism at the beginning of the 1990s in Croatia and Yugoslavia a new political (administrative) elite was created in which various types of political (communist) dissidents had a central role. Their life and political experiences, value systems and intellectual capabilities directly affected the dynamism and quality of their management of the turbulent circumstances of war and the implementation of radical social changes as well as the question of national emancipation. In this framework some of the most important social changes are analyzed and especially the issue of Croatian independence. This article highlights the attitude of the new (ex-dissident) political elite toward political and other freedoms, that is, the complex of the-mes associated with various aspects of human rights, as one of the most important components of the democratization of Croatian society. These matters were not only closely related to the internal development of Croatian society, but also of exceptional importance to the positioning of the Croatian state in the international community. Since the issue of dissidents generally represents one of the most important components of 20th century communism, this work encompasses a summary analysis of the typologies and historical pretexts of the peculiarities of Yugoslavian and Croatian dissident movements (it is in this context that the notion of “divergent” makes an appearance).

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“Planinsko hrvatstvo”: slovensko-pravaške teze i veze

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

From the time of Ivan Tavčar’s youthful greeting of Croatian state right ideas and his declaration of being an “alpine Croat” in the 1880s, Slovene politics was based on an emphasis of cooperation with Croatian ‘Rightists.’ Thanks to Tavčar this cooperation was first prevalent among the Slovene National Progressives, but after the turn of the century, the initiative shift ed to the Catholic nationalists. In 1898, at the well-known congress in Trsat, they accepted Croatian State Right as the basis for the constitutional unification of the South Slavs of the Habsburg Monarchy. At the outset the majority of Croatian Catholic nationalists remained sceptical toward “clericals” from Carniola, despite the comments made in Croatian lands by the rather popular Christian Socialist ideologue Janez Evangelist Krek about Slovene-Croat fidelity. But because the Slovene People’s Party under the leadership of Ivan Šusteršič indisputably developed into the strongest South Slavic political party in Cisleithania, in the eyes of the Croatian ‘Rightists’ it was also a welcome partner in the struggle to establish Trialism in the south of the Habsburg Monarchy. Slovene national Catholics emphasized the commonality in views between the Slovene Catholic camp and the constitutional programme of the Croatian Party of Right. In this regard, for example, they referred to the decision of the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) of 9 March 1712, in which the Croatian estates accepted the Croatian Pragmatic Sanction under the condition that Croatia would be ruled only by those daughters of the Habsburg dynasty who ruled Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. On the eve of the First World War the Slovene Catholic nationalists with all their effort attempted to tie their party to the ‘Rightists’ in some sort of a Trialist power bloc, so much so that in their statements of party programme they tried to prove the compatibility of Starčević’s ideas with those of Christian democracy. The height of the building of the Slovene-Croat political alliance was undoubtedly the “First Croat-Slovene parliament,” which met on 20 October 1912 in Ljubljana. The assembly was certainly a shining manifestation of Slovene-Croat alliance in the struggle for Trialism, and Mile Starčević and Ivan Šusteršič were selected as co-presidents of the Croat-Slovene Party of Right. Its foundation was personally welcomed, as a sign of South Slavic loyalty to the dynasty, by none other than heir apparent Franz Ferdinand in his memorandum directed to the Emperor and King Franz Joseph. However, the Balkan Wars which broke out that autumn wrecked the optimism of the adherents of Croatian State Right in Ljubljana: Slovene political fate was increasingly becoming subject to the growing activity of Serbian diplomacy, and less so that of cooperation with the programme of the Party of Right.

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Ideološke razlike između milinovačkih i frankovačkih pravaša uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata (1908.–1914.)

Author(s): Mislav Gabelica / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The philosophy of Ante Starčević had two components. The national component contained the contention that the Croats were a unique nation, which could not be compared to any other nation. As an expression of this contention ‘Right-ism’ denied the existence of Serbs as a unique nation, believing them to be a mix of various peoples without their own culture or common tradition. The political component of this philosophy taught that Croats, as a unique people, had the right to their own state, by which this component came into conflict with not only Yugoslav or Great Serbian political programs but also with all the programs in the Monarchy which would reduce the Croatian state to a region of either the unified Monarchy or its Hungarian part. At the end of the 19th century, limiting the territory of the Croatian state to the lands that were incorporated into the framework of the Monarchy, ‘Rightism’ recognized the existence of Serbs in lands outside of this framework, tying at the same time their political program unconditionally to the framework of the Monarchy. As a result the ‘Rightists’ viewed the Croato-Hungarian Agreement (Nagodba) and not the Austro-Hungarian Agreement as the main obstacle to the realization of their political program, clearly believing that it was possible to realize the unity of the Croat lands and the full sovereignty of the Croatian state even within Dualism. This assumption was supported by the belief, which was held by the ‘Rightists’ as well as their political opponents on the eve of the First World War, that the key tenets of ‘Rightist’ ideology was the negation of the existence of Serbs in Croatian lands and the negation of the Nagodba. In this period the wing of the Party of Right that was supporting Josip Frank (frankovci) based its work on both of these fundamental tenets of ‘Rightist’ philosophy; even if they were prepared for tactical reasons to accept the legality of the Nagodba, that is to say, at least temporarily suspend their political program. The wing of the party supporting Mile Starčević (milinovci), on the other hand, convinced that the Orthodox population of Croatia might accept the ‘Rightist’ political program, rejected that national component of ‘Rightist’ ideology and recognized the existence of Serbs in Croatian lands. Though Mile Starčević’s followers remained true to the rejection of the Nagodba, they likewise came to reject the legality of the Austro-Hungarian Agreement, attempting to replace the union of the two halves of the Monarchy with a federalist framework. Thus, indeed, they also rejected the political component of ‘Rightist’ ideology.

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Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)

Author(s): Ante Gverić,Ante Bralić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Great political events such as was the First World War led to a metamorphosis of the political tenets of Don Ivo Prodan. On the eve of the War he was a vehement opponent of any notion about state unification with Serbia. During the War, and especially towards its end, he accepted the idea of a Yugoslavian state. It must be emphasized that Prodan’s metamorphosis was conditioned upon a radical shift in political circumstances, but it never went so far as to negate the existence of Croatianness. At the moment of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s destruction he accepted the idea of forming a Yugoslav state, though he never clearly defined his position on how this new state should be organized. During November 1918 he supported a decentralization of this state and its organization on republican lines, but faced with a growing and more comprehensive Italian occupation in northern Dalmatia he avoided expressing this view and accepted a monarchy under the Karađorđević dynasty. Prodan was far from any notion of an integral Yugoslavism.

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Pravaški župnik Juraj Tomac i seljački vođa Stjepan Radić: prilog povijesti jedne borbe za hrvatsko seljaštvo

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The conflict between Juraj Tomac and Stjepan Radić analyzed in this text had many causes. The first and foremost was determined by their various parties’ differing views of the place and role of the peasantry in political and public life. To the followers of Josip Frank, regardless of what their party was formally called, the Croatian peasantry was only one class within the Croatian nation and it was indivisible from the whole of the Croat political people. Certainly, due to its difficult political and social situation it required particular attention. To the Radić brothers, especially the younger Stjepan, the peasantry was the most important class of the Croatian people, to which, because of its national consciousness and numerical majority, the leading role belonged. Indeed, because of this the Catholic priest Juraj Tomac most oft en pointed out the negative consequence to which this principle of Radić’s could logically lead, a weakening of the ‘Rightist’s’ main goal, that is, the unification and independence of the Croatian lands. An important difference also existed between these men in terms of their views on the political and legal position of the Serbs in the Croatian lands: Tomac often criticized what he felt were Radić’s naïve views on Slavic and South Slavic reciprocity, in which he saw the opportunity for Serbian expansionism. In Monarchist Yugoslavia both of the men found themselves in the same situation, as a result of which Tomac demonstrated his preparedness to recognize the growth in power of Radić’s party. Similarly, Tomac, unlike Radić, demonstrated a higher degree of commitment to his political principles, which was especially obvious after Radić recognized the Monarchy officially. Radić’s pragmatic use of attacks against clericalism was likewise criticized by Tomac; in it he saw nothing more than yet another naïve attempt by Radić to rely on Slavic reciprocity in an attempt to weaken his political opponents. The preference of the Croatian peasantry, mostly because of reasons Tomac could in no way have an influence on, fell on Radić and his party.

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Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian priest, theologian, and politician Dr. Fran Barac (1872–1940) has to be counted among those prominent individuals attached to the Church who at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century began their work in the social and political life of Croatia. He used his position as a public figure, a professor of the Theological Faculty and Rector of the University of Zagreb, as well as editor of numerous Church publications, to broaden his public activities. During the First World War he actively involved himself in political life as an adherent of Starčević’s Party of Right, but he did so also as a person who enjoyed the confidence of the Archbishop of Zagreb at the time, Antun Bauer. At this time Barac’s political activity was very instrumental as he maintained the link between representatives of some of the political parties in Croatia with the members of the Yugoslav Committee and the representatives of the Serbian government in Switzerland. During the war years Barac took part in a series of meetings with politicians of ‘Rightist’ orientation (V. Spinčić, M. Laginja, A. Pavelić sr., I. Peršić, M. Drinković, and others). He continued his cooperation with pre-War ‘Rightists’ following the war in Monarchist Yugoslavia, working within the framework of the political platforms of the various parties – the Croatian Union and the Croatian Federalist Peasant Party – in whom leading roles were played by former members of the Party of Right (A. Trumbić, M. Drinković, I. Peršić, and others). At the time of the 6th of January dictatorship, Barac’s curia in Zagreb was used to hold political meetings of like-minded politicians in which former members of the Party of Right took part.

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Nova država, novi putevi (Predratni dalmatinski pravaši u političkim zbivanjima 1918.–1920. godine)

Author(s): Zdravka Jelaska Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The politics of national concentration in Dalmatia were initiated in 1918 by politicians from the Party of Right, the Croatian Party, and the Serbian Party. Leading roles were played by Ivo Prodan, Juraj Biankini, and Dušan Baljak. But their efforts later proved worthless. At the 2 July 1918 meeting in Split, the notion of national concentration adopted in Croatia-Slavonia by the group around the journal Glas SHS pre-dominated. This notion called for the dissolution of all previous political parties and the creation of a unified National Organization. In time, as the work of the National Organization attempted to remove all elected representatives from the political scene; the movement of national concentration turned into a farce. This situation was made worse because the Dalmatian Sabor was not called to sit. Thus, instead of equitable representation of all the previous political parties, only certain political groups were represented; this became especially evident during the selection of representatives from Dalmatia to the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in Zagreb. Politicians from the prewar Croatian People’s National Party obtained far greater influence than they would have if more equitable representation had been made. An important role was also played by the ‘Rightist’ dissidents Mate Drinković and Ivo Krstelj. The core members of the Dalmatian Party of Right were ignored even though they were among the first who had voiced their support for the politics of national concentration. The Croatian Party also fared poorly, despite the fact that in prewar election results they were a leading party in the region. Neither did the cooption of certain prominent politicians in the National Council lead to a more equitable representation of delegates from various parties and groups from Dalmatia, while the core of the Dalmatian Party of Rights was totally ignored even then. A lack of consideration for the principle of equitable representation of all political forces was also evident during the creation of the Regional Government for Dalmatia at the beginning of November 1918.

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Žrec muslimanskog starčevićanstva: Munir Šahinović i sarajevska Muslimanska svijest o Anti Starčeviću i pravaštvu (1936.–1938.)

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Munir Šahinović Ekremov entered Sarajevo public life at the time of the 6th of January dictatorship as a young participant in the Muslim cultural, national and political scene, formed on the basis of Croatian (‘Rightist’) national thought during the Austro-Hungarian period. He expressed his political-national views in Sarajevo’s Muslimanska svijest (1936–1941), though they can be summarized in two elements: the demand for the indivisibility of Bosnia and Hercegovina and its administrative-political autonomy as long as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia perseveres as well as the promotion of cultural-national and social renewal of the Bosnian-Hercegovinian Muslims on the basis of the symbiosis of Islam and the legacy of Croatian national ‘Starčevićism.’

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