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The Syrian Crisis: A Protracted Social Conflict?

The Syrian Crisis: A Protracted Social Conflict?

Author(s): Emirhan Kaya / Language(s): English Issue: 22/2021

Since the Syrian conflict has been going on for over ten years, it is often stated that the civil war in that country became protracted or intractable. In addition, the emphasis on the sectarian dimension of the conflict draws attention to the social and religious structure of the Syrian population. In spite of these characteristics of the conflict, the Syrian civil war has been rarely associated with Edward Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). This paper tries to explain the Syrian civil war with the theory of PSC that presents a multi-dimensional approach. Thus, it is argued that a crisis of legitimacy that stems from socio-economic and sectarian imbalances triggered the civil war in Syria.

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Civilizaţie aulică şi civilizaţie urbană în Moldova şi Ţara Românească. Secolele XIV-XVII (Cuvânt înainte)

Civilizaţie aulică şi civilizaţie urbană în Moldova şi Ţara Românească. Secolele XIV-XVII (Cuvânt înainte)

Author(s): Maria Magdalena Székely / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 67/2021

On February 11, 2021, the proceedings of the conference “Aulic Civilization and Urban Civilization in Moldavia and Wallachia. 14th-17th centuries” took place online, organized by the Faculty of History of the “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iaşi and the “Curtea Domnească” National Museum from Târgovişte. The program included 16 archeology and history papers, presented by specialists from Bucharest, Cluj-Napoca, Craiova, Iași, Pitești, Ploiești, Suceava and Târgoviște, whose field of research is connected to the topic chosen for this meeting. Unfortunately, not all authors have submitted texts for printing. However, given the interest shown by medievalists in the topics discussed at the conference, the organizers decided to publish the summaries of the missing papers from this group, in the hope that the studies, in their entirety, will be introduced without delay in the scientific circuit.

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Muzica nunţilor domneşti

Muzica nunţilor domneşti

Author(s): Eduard Rusu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 67/2021

The princely court has over time hosted everything that was most important in the country in terms of music. Here you could find a great musical diversity, catalogued according to the specifics of the area, with many foreign influences, taking into account the taste of the princes, who commanded and supported financially different events. Nowhere outside the Court could a greater musical diversity be found, as music was for a long time an attribute of sovereignty, through which its exponents could manifest their pre-eminence. Therefore, the music of princely weddings not only had the role of beautifying the atmosphere, but also was intended to transmit a message of power. In the case of weddings held at the Court, great emphasis was placed on pomp and spectacle, and the examples we have clearly show emphasize that music was one of the elements that made the difference. Considering that in general the matrimonial ties were established with important people from outside the country, proving the power and the wealth was a priority for the Romanian princes. Therefore, in this context we have many testimonies of the presence of musical groups and games (intrinsically linked to music) brought from outside the country, especially from Constantinople, which have the role of proving the power of the prince.

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Between “millet” and self-determination: the Ottoman-Armenian case

Between “millet” and self-determination: the Ottoman-Armenian case

Author(s): Remus Tanasă / Language(s): English Issue: 67/2021

The “millet” was an ethno-religious community within the Ottoman political system, created in order to facilitate the act of government and the relationships between the numerous religions and ethnicities ruled by the Sultans and Ottoman authorities. The Armenian “millet” was defined by three dimensions that shaped for better or worse the “Armenian question”. Firstly, the geopolitical characteristic of the Empire: the center of power where most important decisions were made was Istanbul, while the powder keg of the matter in discussion was Eastern Anatolia. Secondly, the daily cohabitation of Armenians and Kurds at the eastern border of the Empire, where they needed to share and fight for the same land and resources. Last but not least, the diplomatic interests that transformed the Ottoman Empire into an open field of battle for influence. All this elements shifted the commitments of the Armenian leaders and the decisions of the Ottoman government in such a way that the path from “millet” to “self-determination” blended together gradual reform and secessionist activity.

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The new Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Centre is a Trojan horse for Putin’s hybrid war
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The new Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Centre is a Trojan horse for Putin’s hybrid war

Author(s): Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern,Jerzy Sobotta,Aleksander Palikot / Language(s): English Issue: 06 (49)/2021

An interview with Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern, a historian, philologist and essayist. Interviewers: Aleksander Palikot and Jerzy Sobotta

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Novgorod, violence and Russian political culture
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Novgorod, violence and Russian political culture

Author(s): Miłosz Jeromin Cordes / Language(s): English Issue: 06 (49)/2021

The themes of violence, plots and suspicion are integral parts of Russian political culture. Although it is not easy to trace the origins of these issues, they appear to partly stem from the times of Ivan the Terrible. His oprichnina and the sack of Novgorod marked the beginning of instutionalised oppression on an unprecedented scale.

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Blindspots in Second World War History
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Blindspots in Second World War History

Author(s): Kristina Smolijaninovaitė / Language(s): English Issue: 06 (49)/2021

Historical memory related to the Second World War is too complex for there to be a single version recognised around the world. This is because historical “truth” is by no means a simple matter of black and white. Addressing various blindspots and imbalances in understandings of the past may subsequently help tackle difficult historical legacies at political, legal and civil society levels.

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The disintegration of the Soviet Union is still going on and it is not peaceful
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The disintegration of the Soviet Union is still going on and it is not peaceful

Author(s): Serhii Plokhy,Adam Reichardt / Language(s): English Issue: 06 (49)/2021

A conversation with Serhii Plokhy, Professor of Ukrainian History at Harvard University and director of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. Interviewer: Adam Reichardt

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Stefano BOTTONI, Lungul drum spre Occident. O istorie postbelică a Europei de Est, Editura Mega, Cluj‑Napoca, 2021

Stefano BOTTONI, Lungul drum spre Occident. O istorie postbelică a Europei de Est, Editura Mega, Cluj‑Napoca, 2021

Author(s): Alexandra Cojocaru / Language(s): English Issue: 58/2021

Stefano BOTTONI, Lungul drum spre Occident. O istorie postbelică a Europei de Est [Long Awaited West. Eastern Europe since 1944], Mega Publishing, Cluj‑Napoca, 2021, pp. 360, ISBN 978–606-020–301-8.

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After the Soviet Union. A melancholy of unwanted experiences
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After the Soviet Union. A melancholy of unwanted experiences

Author(s): Bakar Berekashvili / Language(s): English Issue: 06 (49)/2021

When perestroika emerged and the Soviet Union gradually collapsed, a lot of people fell prey to great illusions. Many believed that the disintegration of the Soviet Union would bring the “American Dream” to the desert of post-communism. Inspired by Hollywood movies, they saw capitalism as the road to becoming rich, powerful and independent. But what they missed is that not everyone is happy in Hollywood films.

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Society vs the elite. Belarusian post-Soviet experiences
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Society vs the elite. Belarusian post-Soviet experiences

Author(s): Anton Saifullayeu,Maxim Rust / Language(s): English Issue: 06 (49)/2021

After the collapse of the USSR, opposition groups in the republics found themselves unprepared for the new political and economic reality of independence. The anti-Soviet elites were expected to present a concrete socio-economic programme for the country. This was despite the fact that the group was deprived of earlier political or administrative experience. Its political capital was only limited to a vision of nation-building.

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თურქეთ - ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატების ურთიერთობების პოლიტიკური  ანალიზი თანამედროვე ეტაპზე

თურქეთ - ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატების ურთიერთობების პოლიტიკური ანალიზი თანამედროვე ეტაპზე

Author(s): Beka Makaradze / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 1/2021

At the end of the XX century and in the 10s of the XXI century, there was observed some tension in Turkish-American relations, that were not developed in accordance with the expectations of Turkey. This was due to problems related to Armenia, Syria, Israel, Iran, Kurds, which were the most important and sensitive for Ankara.The end of the "cold war" in the 1990s and the "withdrawal" from the political map of Turkey's main threat - the Soviet Union - provided Ankara with an opportunity to act independently in the region, And at the beginning of the XXI century, Turkey began to work most actively in this direction. Turkey's modern foreign policy is distinguished by many features. This is the "New Turkey" model, which is especially concentrated on the Middle East and Islamic countries. The main goal of the policy is to influence the Muslim population of this region and spread neo-Ottoman values. Turkey attaches great importance to its international relations.Turkey occupies a leading position and is at the head of the triangle of the Balkans - Caucasus - Middle East, and it should not be thought that all this is connected only with the subjective self-realization of Turkey. The Turkish Republic was brought to this state by the attitude of other Western states. Relations between Turkey and the United States began in the middle of the XX century, although the idea of Turkey as a secular, democratic Muslim state became more widely known only in the early XXI century.At the beginning of the XXI century, Turkey's renewed foreign policy approaches, of course, also influenced its relations with other countries. First of all, there have been some changes in relations between the Republic of Turkey and its long-standing strategic partner, the United States.Turkey, which wants to transform itself into a country with a "world-class economy" and become a state with a liberal democracy, will inevitably have to forge ties with the United States, which in part will require it to clarify its foreign policy priorities.

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Raspad multietničkih zajednica

Raspad multietničkih zajednica

Author(s): Senadin Musabegović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

In the end of the 1980s and during the 1990s, the religious communities in Yugoslavia wholeheartedly critiqued the ‘totalitarian communist government’ claiming that it had imposed, from the above, the ideological restraints and suppression of religious freedoms. Therefore, many religious elites accepted the process of Western European liberalization in order to win the fight for religious freedom, as well as to affirm its role and power through free elections. In the anti-communist context, the religious elites insisted on the return to tradition, to ancestors, to the past, and mostly neglecting the narrative of ‘the new future.’ This paper examines the way in which nationalism – which establishes its power through the use of religious symbols in order to unify and mobilize the masses— came to existence after the disintegration of a multi-ethnic state, such as the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empire, on the one side, and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, on the other. In such a way, religious universalism reduces itself on the particular national myth, which, through the symbol of the victim, constructs the ‘chosen people’ whose politics is not based on joining, connecting with other people, but on separation and division.

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LIJEVO ORIJENTIRANA SOCIO-POLITIČKA USTREPTALOST I ESTETIČKO-KRITIČKA MISAO DŽEMILA DŽEME KRVAVCA

LIJEVO ORIJENTIRANA SOCIO-POLITIČKA USTREPTALOST I ESTETIČKO-KRITIČKA MISAO DŽEMILA DŽEME KRVAVCA

Author(s): Ikbal Smajlović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: XIX/2021

The paper provides a brief overview of cultural and socio-political circumstances in BiH from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, whose repercussions inevitably and strongly reflect on the overall literary and artistic creation in BiH, with special emphasis and focus on the literary criticism segment, the one with Bosniak determination. Although this paper offers a basic insight into totality of literary criticism creation between wars, revealing the general guidelines of its evolutionary and formative-qualitative paths, it is primarily focused on specific texts of Dž. Krvavac, which at the same time mirror and confirm the previously selected general characteristics – distinct underdevelopment of literary critical practice (at least in terms of systematization and scientific foundation according to modern standards), its conditionality of socio-political circumstances, hybrid form of texts which combines and unites different elements at the same time: literature (and art in general), ethics, politics, philosophy...

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Dobrobyt zamiast walki klas. Wielki Kryzys i wizja socjalizmu w publicystyce Daniela Grossa

Dobrobyt zamiast walki klas. Wielki Kryzys i wizja socjalizmu w publicystyce Daniela Grossa

Author(s): Kamil Piskała / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

Great Depression, which unveiled flagrant contradictions and imbalances of the capitalist economy, caused deep transformations in socialist political thought. In the 1930s socialist thinkers and commentators intensively discussed potential forms of the new (and usually post-capitalist) economic regime. In the Polish context, the ideas of Daniel Gross, basically forgotten thinker and senator (1929-1935), seem to be particularly interesting and unusual. The following article is presenting Gross’s notorious inflationary agenda in wider theoretical framework, as a part of the comprehensive plan for economic transformation. Gross believed that the foundation of the future socialist economy laid in general prosperity and high level of popular consumption on the domestic market. In contrast to other socialist authors, he argued that proper monetary policy was much more important than socialization of the means of production. His unorthodox views on the rules of future socialist economy and possible ways of economic transformation were not much popular in Polish Socialist Party in the 1930s, but in fact they were quite close to the economic agenda of the West European Social Democracy in post-war decades (up till 1970s).

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Jerzy Rohoziński, Najpiękniejszy klejnot w carskiej koronie. Gruzja pod panowaniem rosyjskim 1801-1917

Jerzy Rohoziński, Najpiękniejszy klejnot w carskiej koronie. Gruzja pod panowaniem rosyjskim 1801-1917

Author(s): Anna Sęderecka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

Review of: Anna Sęderecka - Jerzy Rohoziński, Najpiękniejszy klejnot w carskiej koronie. Gruzja pod panowaniem rosyjskim 1801-1917, Wydawnictwo Dialog, Warszawa 2018, ss. 292

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The USA’s Attitude Towards the Russo-Japanese Conflict in View of Reports from Arthur Cassini, Russian Ambassador to Washington

The USA’s Attitude Towards the Russo-Japanese Conflict in View of Reports from Arthur Cassini, Russian Ambassador to Washington

Author(s): Janusz R. Budziński / Language(s): English Issue: Sp. Issue/2020

The article presents the perceptions of Russia and Japan during the dispute about the areas of influence in the Far East and the Russo-Japanese War by the American authorities and society in the period from January to September 1904. The American government’s position and the public opinion were presented on the basis of selected reports from the Russian ambassador to the USA, Arthur Cassini. They allow for a statement to be made that both before and during the initial phase of the conflict, Americans sympathised with Japan. Apparently, this resulted from the pragmatic approach taken by the American government, as well as from the activity of Japanese diplomats, thanks to which American press published information that was favourable for the Japanese and disadvantageous for Russia. However, when Japan gained advantage in the conflict, the feeling slowly shifted. The grounds for this was that the American public became aware of the threat to American industry and trade, related to Japan’s reinforced position in the Far East. It may also be observed that excessive weakening of Russia and strengthening of Japan at its expense did not correspond with the idea of global balance of power and the concept of the appurtenant spheres of influence, advocated by the president of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt.

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A skald in royal service – the case Þórarinn loftunga. Part 2: Poetics and ideology of Tøgdrápa

A skald in royal service – the case Þórarinn loftunga. Part 2: Poetics and ideology of Tøgdrápa

Author(s): Jakub Morawiec / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The present study is focused on Tøgdrápa (Journey drápa), a poem Þórarinn devoted to Knútr’s expedition to Norway in 1028. A distinguished feature of Tøgdrápa is its metre – tøglag (journey metre). It differs from dróttkvætt by having four syllables (instead of six) in each line. Presumably, referring to the title of the poem, the metre was to be used in accounts on war expeditions, optionally other travels of the king. Tøglag seems to be especially bound to Knútr’s court. Close metrical analysis of the poem as well as comparison with Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Knútsdrápa suggests that, contrary to previous assumptions, it is very likely that neither of the poets was an inventor of tøglag. Rather both, as talented and already distinguished skalds, did not hesitate to take another artistic challenge, most likely put up by somebody else. It seems reasonable to assume that such a challenge was born at Knútr’s court, probably as a side effect of the king’s success in Norway in 1028.

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Bir Ermeni Köyü Olan Adiş’in Siyasî, Sosyal, Ekonomik ve Dinî Durumu

Bir Ermeni Köyü Olan Adiş’in Siyasî, Sosyal, Ekonomik ve Dinî Durumu

Author(s): Oktay Bozan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2021

Adish i a village in the Chungush district of Diarbekir province. Chungush is a residential center where Muslims and non-Muslims live. According to the administrative regulation made after the Ottoman rule in 1516, Adish is the only village where Armenians live among the villages of Chungush. Although Adiş is mentioned as Adiş-i Süflâ (Lower Adiş) and Adiş-i Ulyâ (Upper Adiş) in most of the Ottoman records, it was defined as Adish only in some records. According to the records of the 16th and 17th centuries only Armenians lived in Adiş, since the beginning of the 19th century, Muslims have also settled in the village of Adiş. Since Adish village has insufficient agricultural areas, a significant portion of the men of the village had to go to Istanbul to meet the needs of their family. There were educational institutions and churches in the village, which reached 300 households at the end of the 19th century. During the Armenian events of 1895, the bandit which came from Gerger attacked the village of Adish and some grievances were experienced.

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Polityczny zmierzch birmańskiej noblistki

Polityczny zmierzch birmańskiej noblistki

Author(s): Michał Lubina / Language(s): Polish Issue: 02/2021

Against the background of the dramatic events unfolding in Myanmar/Burma – the military has been pacifying the mass peaceful protests there – the political career of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, the political leader of Myanmar/Burma in 2016-2021 and previously the most famous political prisoner worldwide, is nearing its end. Once the darling of the Western world, then mercilessly criticised by yesterday supporters, Suu Kyi remains an ambiguous personality evoking strong emotions both domestically and internationally. As such Suu Kyi represents a fascinating case in leadership studies. Using the agency-centred explanation in political studies, this article tries to answer the following questions: What enabled Suu Kyi to take power and which factors contributed to her loss of power? What caused her political demise? Why did Suu Kyi enjoy the West’s support and why did she lose it? How can we assess her governance?

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