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Já dokážu na Facebooku komunikovat s Romy z celého světa. V romštině - Ignác Zima (1938)

Já dokážu na Facebooku komunikovat s Romy z celého světa. V romštině - Ignác Zima (1938)

Author(s): Ignác Zima / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Narodil jsem se v roce 1938 v Kopčanech na česko slovenském pomezí. Bydlel jsem v romské osadě. Z dětství si pamatuju, jak moje matka vařila. Pamatuju si, že když nebyl cukr, tak se udělaly kolečka cukrové řepy a to se dalo do melty a uvařilo se to. A moje specialita byla, že jsem ty kolečka vyndával a jedl, protože to bylo nasáklé tou meltou, to jsem jedl dost často. Matka když vařila, tak desetilitrový hrnec polívky. Pak vzala kastrólek, naplnila ten kas trólek a řekla mně: „Ďa, de, ďa.“ „Zanes to, tam a tam.“ Aji kdyby to bylo jen o padesát metrů dál. Když věděla, že tam nemají co jest, nebo já nevím co. A mně bylo devět deset a s velikou hanbou jsem tam šel a donesl jsem to. Býval jsem proto vzteklý. Ale ona tak byla zvyklá. A oni jí zase na oplátku třeba něco vrátili, když vařili. Ty polívky byly teda vynikající. Akorát že já, když jsem už začal chodit do školy a měl jsem kamarády Neromy, a teď jsem tam někde viděl, že spolužák má polévku a ještě druhé, další jídlo, tak jsem to doma taky tak chtěl dělat. Tak jsem z té polévky vybíral brambory a maso. A polévku jsem snědl jenom s nudlema. A ty brambory s masem zvlášť a měl jsem druhé jídlo. No. Matka byla takhle zvyklá a moc Romů bylo takhle zvyklých a nejsem moc daleko od toho říct, že to tak dělají někteří i tady. Ale už to není v takovém rozsahu a dělá to spíš ta vzdálená rodina. Zůstal u nás ještě zakódovaný ten zvyk, že to ani jinak být nemůže, že host vždycky dostane najíst, i kdybychom s ním nepočítali. Kdyby došel i žebrák, nějaký tulák, že ho necháme sednout a dáme mu, nabídneme mu. To je tak v duši toho člověka zapsané, že ho pohostí. Nikdy nemá výmluvu, ba naopak když někdo došel náhle, tak ho nechal na svojí posteli si lehnout a on si lehl třeba na zem. A taky se stávalo, že policajti hledali takových těch pochybných lidí u Romů. Že se tam někde zatoulali, no.

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O Romy nikdo nemá zájem, my jsme pro ně spodina, nic víc - Julius Absolon (1941)

O Romy nikdo nemá zájem, my jsme pro ně spodina, nic víc - Julius Absolon (1941)

Author(s): Julius Absolon / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Maminka se narodila roku 1898. Tatínek se narodil 1900. Já jsem narozený 1941. Pozor, já jsem dvanáctej kluk a měli jsme pět sester. Nás bylo sedmnáct dětí. Tatínek věděl anglicky, francúzsky, samozrejme německy, maďarsky. Čítat, písať, všecko. Jeho bratři, všecky. Teď mi řekněte, on byl narozenej 1900, kdy von chodil do školy? Já jsem byl doma na Slovensku a pátral jsem po mojem tátovi. Kde chodil do školy a tak dále. Našel jsem takovou kroniku, ale bylo tam strašně málo. Ani nevím, kde se táta narodil, já ho nemám napsaného v rodném listě. Já jsem se bavil s mojí matkou. Říkám: „Mami, kde táta chodil do školy?“ „Já nevím.“ Ona nevěděla, chudinka. Ona sloužila u Maďarov. Ona byla bílá. Na ní nebylo poznat, že je Cigánka, tak jí Maďaři brali a ona tam vařila. Táta byl taky bílej. Voni nevěděli, že voni jsou Cigáni. A celá rodina, jich bylo sedm bratrů, bydleli v tej jednej dědině. Když jsem se ptal tých lidí tam, říkám: „Prosím vás, ale vodkuď voni teda sem přišli do tých Bučan?“ „To nevím.“ „Ukažte mi jejich rodné listy.“ Vytáhli, nic. Akurát víme, že děda pochádza z Anglie, to víme. On sem utek do Československej republiky před trestem. A von neměl nohu, ten děda. No ale když já jsem se narodil, děda už byl po smrti. Můj táta dělal kováče. A přitom byl číšníkem v Bučanech. Teď, když jsem tam byl, tak to tam našli, že dělal číšníka v takzvaném Spolku. To byl nějakej besední dům. Ani žádnou jeho fotku nemám.

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MEĐUNARODNA ZAJEDNICA IZBJEGAVALA JE ZLOČINE U BIH NAZVATI PRAVIM IMENOM

MEĐUNARODNA ZAJEDNICA IZBJEGAVALA JE ZLOČINE U BIH NAZVATI PRAVIM IMENOM

Author(s): Irena Antić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Irena Antić

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SPC-E JE U PREDVEČERJE RASPADA JUGOSLAVIJE VJEŠTO MOBILIZIRALA EMOCIJE SRPSKOG NARODA ZA RATOVE 90-TIH

SPC-E JE U PREDVEČERJE RASPADA JUGOSLAVIJE VJEŠTO MOBILIZIRALA EMOCIJE SRPSKOG NARODA ZA RATOVE 90-TIH

Author(s): Irena Antić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Irena Antić

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ZA MENE JE MOJE SARAJEVO BILO OGROMNA PRIČA

ZA MENE JE MOJE SARAJEVO BILO OGROMNA PRIČA

Author(s): Rémy Ourdan / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Rémy Ourdan

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ERDEMOVIĆ JE BIO UMORAN I POMALO IZMUČEN. ARKAN MI JE HTIO POLJUBITI RUKU

ERDEMOVIĆ JE BIO UMORAN I POMALO IZMUČEN. ARKAN MI JE HTIO POLJUBITI RUKU

Author(s): Vanessa Vasić-Janeković / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Vanessa Vasić-Janeković

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RAT SE NIJE MOGAO IZBJEĆI

RAT SE NIJE MOGAO IZBJEĆI

Author(s): Mladen Bosić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Mladen Bosić

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RAT JE BIO TRAGIČAN SUKOB NAŠIH NARODA

RAT JE BIO TRAGIČAN SUKOB NAŠIH NARODA

Author(s): Nebojša Radmanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Nebojša Radmanović

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Războiul ca o călătorie

Războiul ca o călătorie

Author(s): Valeriu Leu / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Anul 1716, când Eugeniu de Savoya cucerește Timișoara de la turci, inaugurează în istoria Banatului etapa imperială. Acum provincia va dobândi, din multe puncte de vedere, o fizionomie central-europeană. Desigur, este vorba în acest caz nu de un eveniment sau de o conjunctură, ci de un fenomen care ține de duratele lungi ale istoriei, o amplă mișcare în care s-au cuprins fluxuri și refluxuri, dar al cărei sens rămâne totuși unic.

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La marginea războiului. Liviu Rebreanu și Sorin Titel între istorie și ficțiune

La marginea războiului. Liviu Rebreanu și Sorin Titel între istorie și ficțiune

Author(s): Diana Ardelean / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Am fixat ca temă centrală a discuției de față războiul ca eveniment - moment conflictual - al istoriei, mai exact primul război mondial și ecourile sale în două romane generate de spațiul marginal al fostului Imperiu : Transilvania în cazul primului, Pădurea spânzuraților, și Banatul pentru cel de-al doilea, Femeie, iată fiul tău.

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Ultima zi de război : Andrzej Kusniewicz și Déry Tibor

Ultima zi de război : Andrzej Kusniewicz și Déry Tibor

Author(s): Teodora Szeplâki / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

În peisajul geopolitic și cultural al Europei Centrale de început de secol XX, evenimentele primului război mondial coincid cu momentul destrămării unei ordini seculare, Monarhia austro- -ungară, într-un proces a cărui ireversibilitate constituie unul din punctele lucrării de față, proces care se definește prin criza unei identități perimate și, drept urmare, prin căutarea alteia, atât la nivel individual, cât și general (statal). Ultima zi de război dobândește astfel o durată mult prelungită, și în același timp relativă. Unul dintre momentele semnificative ale acestei durate le instituie lipsa de vlagă a unui război prea lung, ilustrată de A. Kusniewicz, care, născut în 1904, e marcat puternic de experiența războiului, așa cum el însuși o mărturisește într-un articol publicat în revista „Secolul 20” : „Am scris Lecția de limbă moartă în decurs de 3 luni, dar ideea se născuse mai demult. Doream să închei într-un fel epoca primului război mondial care mi se întipărise prea adânc în memorie... să închei cu această perioadă atât de puternic fixată în mine”. Apoi, un moment de impas târziu, ilustrat de T. Déry, care, la rândul lui, trăiește din plin evenimentul războiului, chiar dacă nu este recrutat decât spre sfârșit, în 1918. Din toate aceste experiențe se naște ficțiunea, înscrisă în „Marele Text al Istoriei”, și mai precis dintr-o dorință de ordonare a haosului întâmplărilor reale prin filtrul literaturii, așa cum arată și Nemoianu în cartea sa, O teorie a secundarului : „...literatura influențează realitatea creând forme, tropi, imagini, care pot înlocui în mod satisfăcător dezordinea sălbatică a percepțiilor profund discontinue care ne asaltează”.

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III. Tragedia Europei Centrale - Tragedia europei centrale

III. Tragedia Europei Centrale - Tragedia europei centrale

Author(s): Milan Kundera / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

1. în noiembrie 1956, cu puțin înainte ca artileria să-i distrugă biroul, directorul Agenției Maghiare de Știri a transmis întregii lumi un telex disperat ce anunța începerea atacului sovietic asupra Budapestei. Depeșa se încheia cu următoarele cuvinte : „Murim pentru Ungaria și pentru Europa”.

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Цар Иван Александър и развоят на гражданската война във Византия през 1343 – 1344 г.

Цар Иван Александър и развоят на гражданската война във Византия през 1343 – 1344 г.

Author(s): Momchil Mladenov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The paper presents the key moments of the participation of the Bulgarian state in the Civil war in Byzantium. The author emphasizes the information of the Turkish poet Enveri (15th century). He reports that Bulgaria is part of the sacred alliance organized by the Papacy to fight with emirate of Smirna. Аccording to the author, Tsar Ivan Alexander is part of the Christian coalition. His involvement in Byzantine civil war is a consequence of these diplomatic actions.

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Залезът на двете царства – татари и българи през втората половина на XIV век

Залезът на двете царства – татари и българи през втората половина на XIV век

Author(s): Aleksandar Uzelac / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

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Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Author(s): Gül Çakır / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Cyprus fell out of the hands of the Ottoman Empire after a series of crises towards the end of 19th century, which originally had been under the rule of the empire since 1571. Lands of the Ottoman Empire, defeated in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War known as the 93 War, came under Russian danger with the Treaty of San Stefano. The fact that the capital of the Ottoman Empire and eastern lands were under Russian threat, and the Russian pressure in the Balkans alarmed England. The British Administration, considering a new mission for the future of India, the Mediterranean and Europe, created a great sensation with the request to use Cyprus as a military base. Britain led the convening of the congress in Berlin to nullify San Stefano and entered a new era in its policies regarding Ottoman Empire. With the Cyprus Convention of June 4, 1878, the British promised to help Ottomans against a possible Russian attack on the Ottoman lands, and aimed to use Cyprus as a base to fulfill this promise. On July 1, 1878, the British gained the right to temporarily settle in Cyprus with an additional agreement. Through this process British Prime Minister Beaconsfield was subject to criticism by liberal wing at the British Parliament. The general arguments of the liberals were as follows. The Cyprus Convention imposed responsibilities on Britain that were difficult to fulfill. It was not a proper method to finalize the agreement secretly before it was presented to the British public. It was believed that the settlement of the British in Cyprus was not a peaceful policy. This project would bring costs and serious liabilities to England. It was believed that there was not enough research before decisions on the island were made. It was implied that the administration added territory to its lands with an imperialist motivation. These were some of the common points of the parliament and the press. When the British landed on the island, the opposition's accuracy in these predictions emerged one by one. They could not achieve their goals. Due Liberals taking power in 1880, and the occupation of Egypt, Cyprus was no longer suitable for British goals. However, the Liberals neither left Cyprus when they came to power, nor they give it back to the Ottoman Empire.

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Ermeni Mezaliminin Kars’taki İktisadi Boyutu

Ermeni Mezaliminin Kars’taki İktisadi Boyutu

Author(s): Nurhan Aydın,Kübranur Öztürk Derici / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Armenians lived in an environment of peace, trust and tolerance for centuries under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. However, in the 18th century, these privileged positions of Armenians in the empire attracted the attention of European states, and they wanted to create a new area where Armenians could rule in the Caucasus by taking advantage of this situation. As of the 19th century, Armenians took action to become independent. This thought of the Armenians was the result of the Russian provocation of the Armenians against the Ottomans. In particular, the use of Armenians in the Russian army against the Ottoman army during the 93 War also brought the Armenians' betrayal to the Ottoman Empire by contacting the Armenians in the Ottoman army. Armenians took action against the Ottoman Empire with their desire to be independent, and with the support of the European States, they took action in order to get what they wanted and to establish a state of their own in Eastern Anatolia. In this direction, they first started to work to cleanse Eastern Anatolia from Muslims and to establish an Armenian state in the region. Due to their excesses in the region, they were subjected to forced migration by the Ottoman Empire. The Armenians showed their deportation as a massacre against the European states and tried to gain a place in the world public opinion. Armenians began to massacre the people of Eastern Anatolia in order to become independent and establish a state in Eastern Anatolia. This study reveals the economic dimension of the massacre committed by Armenians in Kars and its surroundings.

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Millî Mücadele Dönemi Anadolu Basınında Makalelerin Dilinden Birinci İnönü Muharebesi

Millî Mücadele Dönemi Anadolu Basınında Makalelerin Dilinden Birinci İnönü Muharebesi

Author(s): Mesut Yavaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Birinci Dünya Savaşı sona erdiğinde İtilaf Devletleri, içlerinde Osmanlı Devleti’nin de bulunduğu İttifak Devletleri ile imzalanacak barış antlaşmalarının şartlarını görüşmek üzere 18 Ocak 1919’da Paris’te bir konferans toplamışlardır. Konferansın 6 Mayıs’ta yapılan toplantısında, Yunanistan’ın İzmir’e asker çıkarmasına karar verilmiştir. Bundan sonraki süreçte hazırlıklarını tamamlayan Yunan birlikleri, 15 Mayıs 1919 sabahı İzmir’de karaya çıkmışlardır. Her ne kadar konferansta Yunanistan’ın işgal bölgesi İzmir Sancağı ile Ayvalık ilçesi olarak sınırlandırılmış olsa da ilerleyen süreçte Yunan Ordusu bunu vahşi bir işgale dönüştürmüş ve Anadolu’nun içlerine kadar ilerlemiştir. Yunanlıların bu ilerleyişi, kuva-yı millîye düşüncesinin doğmasını sağlamıştır. Batı Anadolu’nun farklı bölgelerindeki vatansever asker, esnaf, eşraf, aydın ve diğer yerel gönüllüler bölgelerinde kurdukları kuva-yı milliye birlikleriyle bu işgalleri durdurmaya çalışmışlardır. Bu bölgesel direnişlere rağmen karşısına çıkacak düzenli bir ordunun olmayışı Yunanlıların işini kolaylaştırmıştır, ta ki 1921 yılının Ocak ayına kadar. Diğer yandan Yunanistan’da yapılan 1920 seçimleri sonunda Megali İdea’nın aşırı savunucularından Başbakan Venizelos, iktidarı kaybetmiş ve ülkeyi terk etmiştir. Yurt dışında olan Kral Konstantin ise yeniden ülkesine dönerek tahta oturmuştur. Yeni Kral, kendisinin ve hükümetinin dış politikada Venizelos siyasetinin takipçileri olduklarını göstermek için Yunan Ordusu’na ilerleme emri vermiştir. Bunu yaparken aynı zamanda silah zoruyla Türklere Sevr Antlaşmasını kabul ettirmeyi de ummuştur. 6 Ocak 1921’de başlatılan Yunan birliklerinin ilerleyişi, 9-10 Ocak günlerinde İnönü mevzilerinde yaşanan muharebeler neticesinde durdurulmuştur. Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı’nın dönüm noktalarından biri olan Birinci İnönü Muharebesi’nde genç Türk Ordusu rüştünü ispat etmiştir. Elde edilen bu başarı yurtta sevinçle karşılanmış, zafere susamış halkın moralini yükseltmiş, Milli Mücadele hareketine moral ve motivasyon açısından çok ciddi katkılar sağlamıştır. Milli Mücadele Dönemi basını da yaşananlara duyarsız kalmamış ve bu başarıyı sayfalarına taşıyarak sevince ortak olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Birinci İnönü Muharebesi’nde elde edilen bu başarının, Milli Mücadele Dönemi Anadolu basınında nasıl yankılandığı makaleler üzerinden ele alınmış ve makalelerin dilinden verilmeye çalışılmıştır.

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LOGISTIČKO OBEZBJEĐENJE JEDINICA 1. KORPUSA ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE OD 1992. DO 1995. GODINE

LOGISTIČKO OBEZBJEĐENJE JEDINICA 1. KORPUSA ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE OD 1992. DO 1995. GODINE

Author(s): Neziran Đogo / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Purpose of this paper is to provide a brief review how system of logistical security of the units within 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged, its organisation and functioning, given that the 1st Corps as a military formation served within the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Officially, 1st Corps was established on 1 September 1992 under the conditions of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the complete blockade and siege of the city of Sarajevo. Observed from the aspect of spatial, temporal and functional features, and given the lack of documentation ‒ as this topic was not elaborated in course of last 30 years ‒ achieving the expected result is a complex task. If we add to this that the logistical system as such is complex, big, open, and integral, complexity of this task is progressively increased. The author is aware that this task cannot be accomplished in this paper. By its specifics and manner of logistical securing of the units within the city under the siege, the time of war beginning in April 1992 until November 1995 is divided into four periods of logistical securing, which will be separately discussed further in the paper. First two periods precede the establishment of the 1st Corps. They are reflected in the fact that the logistics was not organised, that there were no permanent sources to supply the units with material and technical means, that there were no reserve sources, and also that there was no competent staff to carry out these tasks, so that the second period is in fact the beginning of establishment of logistics in the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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ULOGA I ZNAČAJ PRVOG KORPUSA ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U ODBRANI SARAJEVA

ULOGA I ZNAČAJ PRVOG KORPUSA ARMIJE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U ODBRANI SARAJEVA

Author(s): Vahid Karavelić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Sarajevo, as the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the biggest urban, demographic, economic, and political centre, and the city which during the siege and defence had around 350,000 residents. The 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was growing from the ashes, and its predecessors were Patriotic league and Territorial defence which with the state insignia became legal and legitimate force of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Government. In the period March-April 1992, the aggressors managed to achieve a deep operational military blockade and placed the city under the siege. The city was militarily and hermetically closed. With this closure of the city, the aggressor manged to create all preconditions to begin with an open military operation aimed at terrorising and disappearance of Sarajevo. It also believed that only several weeks were required to completely take over Sarajevo. The city was destined to die. The 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established on 1 September 1992 in Sarajevo and it encompassed all the military units, established up to that moment. The aggressor intended to remove from office the state, political and military leadership in Sarajevo, establish a new marionette presidency, occupy Sarajevo, declare capitulation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and thus and retain it within the ramp Yugoslavia, namely “Great Serbia”. The 1st Corps played a key strategic role in the defence of Sarajevo, during the longest siege observed in the history, and served as a principal holder the armed resistance and fight for the defence of Sarajevo. Valter was the 1st Corps, which based its fight for the defence of Sarajevo on his paradigm. This was the fight between David and Goliath, and despite the UN arms embargo, David won. It began with the groups, detachments, brigades, followed by Tactical groups, Operational groups and finally divisions with the total manpower of over 80,000 members. During the defence of the city, the 1st Corps manged to defend Sarajevo with the bodies of its soldiers. International community has left the 1st Corps and the Army to the mercy of the aggressor. At the end of the 20th century, the 1st Corps, in such an unfair fight from the aspect of the relationship of power in the technical factor, though fair from the aspect of justice and fairness, had to dig a tunnel under the airport, before the eyes of the entire world, which is the tunnel of the international shame and the tunnel of our pride, that had a strategic relevance for the defence of Sarajevo, including Bosnia and Herzegovina. International community has stopped the war with the architecture of the Dayton Peace Agreement, although the fight to make Bosnia and Herzegovina disappear by those same retrograde political forces, which started the war, continued, becoming even stronger in their ideology. That is the reason why the international community bears a huge responsibility for the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is obliged, responsible, and it would have to do everything possible to rectify those failures made in relation to Sarajevo and Bosnia and Herzegovina by way of ensuring its permanent prosperous future and building its political systema based on principles of civil democracy, as well as multi-ethnic and secular state.

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VOJNI  POTENCIJALI  JNA U PRIPREMI AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU I OPSADU SARAJEVA

VOJNI POTENCIJALI JNA U PRIPREMI AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU I OPSADU SARAJEVA

Author(s): Džemal Najetović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Faced with an open threat from Radovan Karadzic in the Republic of BiH Assembly on October 14, 1991 that the Muslim people would disappear, President Alija Izetbegovic visionary won the state, first through a referendum and then recognition from the European Community and the United Nations. With this, he repealed the SFRY laws. He formulated the general strategic concept of the defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is about small community waging a war, in a small territory, against incomparably militarily and economically stronger opponents. And precisely because of that, it was necessary to apply such a strategic concept that provides the opportunity to wage war in all domains, to engage all human and material potentials, activate all energy, to apply all forms of combat, all types and forms of combat operations. This means organizing the whole society into a solid monolithic community, which is completely identified with the total military force. Part of the RBiH leadership and its patriots, using the prior experiences from the war in Slovenia and Croatia, estimated that without the armed forces there cannot be any defense of an independent, complete, sovereign and multiethnic BiH. For the sake of easier and more purposeful leadership and command, all patriotic forces were united in the Army of RBiH. On April 6, 1992, the European Community recognized the independence of BiH, and one day earlier, on April 5, as this decision became public, the JNA, in fact Serbia and Montenegro, began with the aggression against BiH. This marked the beginning of the most terrible and bloodiest war in the history of BiH and the Balkans. Poorly armed units of the Territorial Defense, Ministry of the Interior, Patriotic League, Green Berets and spontaneously formed small armed groups provided heroic resistance to superior attackers who quickly took control over the large territory of the state. Our resistance was especially manifested in bigger cities, such as Sarajevo, Tuzla, Zenica... In a kind of the counterattack, armed units of the legitimate authorities liberated these places and the government was consolidated in them. On May 22, 1992, Bosnia and Herzegovina became a full member of the OUN.

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