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Klebelsberg Kuno (1875-1932)
Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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The article tackles the issue of pun structures used in love designations (denominations, namings) in Petko Slaveykov’s Anacreontic songs. They have been interpreted as an impulse for a new cultural identity, an accomplished Renaissance articulation of human passions, sympathy sought, joy and delight in everyday life, and thus they have secured P. Slaveykov – at the level of reception and by virtue of the popularity of songbook lyrics, the initial accrual of “literary assets”.
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Centenary activities of Community Centre "Miladinovi Brothers" are filled with significant educational and cultural events known at home and abroad.
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The paper outlines the events of the last year of the longest lasting Bulgaro-Byzantine war (967 – 1018). At the time, part of the Bulgarian aristocracy defended the independence of the Bulgarian Tsardom until the very end. Many leaders of the Bulgarian people died in battle with the Romaioi. Such was the fate of the Bulgarian Tsar John-Vladislav, the commanders Ivats and Sermon, etc. Others preferred to save themselves and retain their privileges. Among them were the Bulgarian Tsaritsa Maria, the ruler of the Inner region Bogdan, the Patriarch John, and the Governors of Pernik – Krakra, of Strumitsa – Dragomazh, of Skopje – Nikolitsa, etc. Left without its last ruler who had until then personified the independence of the Tsardom, some members of the Bulgarian aristocracy accepted their fate to be driven out of Bulgaria, but to keep their economic privileges. In their place, Romaioi from Asia Minor, Armenia and other provinces of the Empire were appointed administrative and military heads in the conquered Bulgarian lands.
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Along with the differences between the various organizational units of the territoryin relation to the time and manner of conducting the fighting, Ilinden Uprising and its leaders largely reminiscent of the April Uprising and the apostles of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee.
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Dr. Ivan Seliminski is one of the most prominent representatives of the Bulgarian Revival and Enlightenment. He was born in Sliven at the end of 1799. He received his education at a Greek school in Kidonia – Asia Minor. He participated in the Greek uprising (1821–1824), for which he received two Greek orders. He made a tour of several European countries. In 1825 he returned to his hometown and worked for six years as a teacher. During this time, under his leadership, a secret association called „People’s Brotherhood“ was created, which aimed to liberate the Bulgarians from the slavery of the Ottoman Empire. After the Adrianople Peace Treaty (1829), he organized the resettlement of the population of Sliven in Bessarabia and Romania. In 1840, he studied medicine at the Athens University, graduated with honors and specialized surgery in Italy. Since 1848 he was a doctor in Romania. He participated in the Crimean War (1853 – 1856). In 1858 he was appointed as a district doctor in the district of Ialomitsa. By the end of his life, he had a vigorous educational activity among Bulgarian emigrants, often healing them for free. Dr. Ivan Seliminski emerged as a great thinker and publicist. His natural sciences and philosophical works became known to the Bulgarian public through numerous reports, articles and speeches, as well as through the huge correspondence with the activists of the educational movement and with various Bulgarian municipalities and organizations. In his „spiritual testament“ written three years before his death, he determined three young people of his same ethnic group to study in European universities using funds coming from properties of his own. He died on July 21, 1867 in the Dalhautsi Monastery (Romania). The Sliven Hospital was established in the spring of 1879. Nowadays it is a leading medical institution in Sliven and in the Sliven region. In 1956 it was awarded the name of the distinguished doctor, teacher and public figure Dr. Ivan Seliminski. On April 7, 1980 a monument of Dr. Ivan Seliminski was inaugurated in front of the administrative building of the hospital.
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Alexandru Ciurcu was born at 29thJanuary 1854 inTransylvania (then in Austria-Hungary) where his Romanian parents took refuge after the 1848 revolution. Between 1876 and 1885, working as journalist in Bucharest, he invented a „jet cylinder”: a prototype of the future propulsion system he will make later in Paris with his friend Just Buisson. Ciurcu and Buisson tested the system on a boat, navigating upstream Seine River on 13thAugust 1886; so, 131 years ago, they tested the first manned vehicle ever powered by jet propulsion!On 12th October 1886, they received a French Patent for “Reactive propulsion system”.Before contract signing with French Civil Navigation Ministry, they made a last test on 16th December 1886; unfortunately, a pressurised container exploded, killing Buisson and anassistant. Ciurcu, wounded, survived. He later resumed testing the system on a railroad trolley; successfully, but not enough to develop an airship propulsion system.
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120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia.
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The year 1898 marked the first jubilee of Vasil Levski – 25 years since his hanging. The dynamics of political processes in liberated Bulgaria at the time present a rather interesting and particularly complex picture against the background of which this event unfolded. The stereotype of jubilee celebrations was yet to consolidate and this particular occasion – the anniversary since the death of the Apostle of freedom – makes visible the deep political contradictions inherited from previous historical realities. The manifestations of these contradictions can be seen in the press in 1898.
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ЯВОРОВ КАТО КОЛЕКТИВНА МЕТАФОРА
This article, which may conventionally be classified under the genre philosophy of history, develops two metaphors of high symbolic value. The first is the year 1914, as the start of World War I, the third and last in a se-ries of wars at the start of the 20th century in which Bulgaria was involved. It led teleologically to the year 1919 (Neuilly) which marked the symbolic – therefore absolute – end of the Bulgarian National Revival. The second metaphor is the figure of Yavorov in its his mytho-biographical projection – the poet’s suicide in October 1914 can be seen as a collective metaphor, as a metaphor of a collective ontological loss; but also as an attainment of a qualitatively new state; as the loss of the Revival’s monolithic national aspect and the acquiring of the tragic experience of Modernity and its social fragmentariness.
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Turkish intellectuals who has survived by taking the “state” as a pivot from Ottoman Empire till the Republic has switched to the questioning of “How does the state continue its existence and how does it modernize itself?” in 1930s from “How is the state established?” and tried to govern the political power with this mission attached themselves. This governance could be occurred by drawing of a dissent intellectualist figure to the political power or with a supportive and favorable manner of political power. Kadro journal which is a pioneer movement of the 1930s and its ideologist Şevket Süreyya chosen to govern political power with supportive manner and interpreted the Kemalism-ideology of revolution from this perspective. However, it is also difficult to say that the revolution ideology of 1930s overlaps directly with Kemalism. Turkish intellectual who is trained at the state, an officer at the government and state-oriented, reveal its own differences even with small nuances. This article focuses on Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, who revealed these small nuances in 1930s with further growing nuances in 1960s. The difference between the 1930s and 1960s is that in the 1960s the reason for existence did not depend on political power. Turkish intellectual, specific to Şevket Süreyya, can exist within the boundaries drawn by political power in the 1930s, was trying to lead both political power and the public in this narrow living area. However, the Turkish intellectuals were critical despite their avoidance of criticism of Kemalism. Şevket Süreyya had critical thoughts despite the limited partnership with political power and his ideology for the revolution did not coincide with Kemalism. The places where this non-overlap is most obvious are the principles of nationalism, populism and etatism.
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