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Klebelsberg Kuno (1875-1932)
Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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The article tackles the issue of pun structures used in love designations (denominations, namings) in Petko Slaveykov’s Anacreontic songs. They have been interpreted as an impulse for a new cultural identity, an accomplished Renaissance articulation of human passions, sympathy sought, joy and delight in everyday life, and thus they have secured P. Slaveykov – at the level of reception and by virtue of the popularity of songbook lyrics, the initial accrual of “literary assets”.
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Centenary activities of Community Centre "Miladinovi Brothers" are filled with significant educational and cultural events known at home and abroad.
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Along with the differences between the various organizational units of the territoryin relation to the time and manner of conducting the fighting, Ilinden Uprising and its leaders largely reminiscent of the April Uprising and the apostles of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee.
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120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia.
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The year 1898 marked the first jubilee of Vasil Levski – 25 years since his hanging. The dynamics of political processes in liberated Bulgaria at the time present a rather interesting and particularly complex picture against the background of which this event unfolded. The stereotype of jubilee celebrations was yet to consolidate and this particular occasion – the anniversary since the death of the Apostle of freedom – makes visible the deep political contradictions inherited from previous historical realities. The manifestations of these contradictions can be seen in the press in 1898.
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ЯВОРОВ КАТО КОЛЕКТИВНА МЕТАФОРА
This article, which may conventionally be classified under the genre philosophy of history, develops two metaphors of high symbolic value. The first is the year 1914, as the start of World War I, the third and last in a se-ries of wars at the start of the 20th century in which Bulgaria was involved. It led teleologically to the year 1919 (Neuilly) which marked the symbolic – therefore absolute – end of the Bulgarian National Revival. The second metaphor is the figure of Yavorov in its his mytho-biographical projection – the poet’s suicide in October 1914 can be seen as a collective metaphor, as a metaphor of a collective ontological loss; but also as an attainment of a qualitatively new state; as the loss of the Revival’s monolithic national aspect and the acquiring of the tragic experience of Modernity and its social fragmentariness.
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Turkish intellectuals who has survived by taking the “state” as a pivot from Ottoman Empire till the Republic has switched to the questioning of “How does the state continue its existence and how does it modernize itself?” in 1930s from “How is the state established?” and tried to govern the political power with this mission attached themselves. This governance could be occurred by drawing of a dissent intellectualist figure to the political power or with a supportive and favorable manner of political power. Kadro journal which is a pioneer movement of the 1930s and its ideologist Şevket Süreyya chosen to govern political power with supportive manner and interpreted the Kemalism-ideology of revolution from this perspective. However, it is also difficult to say that the revolution ideology of 1930s overlaps directly with Kemalism. Turkish intellectual who is trained at the state, an officer at the government and state-oriented, reveal its own differences even with small nuances. This article focuses on Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, who revealed these small nuances in 1930s with further growing nuances in 1960s. The difference between the 1930s and 1960s is that in the 1960s the reason for existence did not depend on political power. Turkish intellectual, specific to Şevket Süreyya, can exist within the boundaries drawn by political power in the 1930s, was trying to lead both political power and the public in this narrow living area. However, the Turkish intellectuals were critical despite their avoidance of criticism of Kemalism. Şevket Süreyya had critical thoughts despite the limited partnership with political power and his ideology for the revolution did not coincide with Kemalism. The places where this non-overlap is most obvious are the principles of nationalism, populism and etatism.
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The two authors consider the importance of the heritage of St. Sofronii Vratchanski in the history of Bulgarian education. The put emphasize on his ideas for revival of Bulgarian philosophy in the context of the criteria of the European thinkers.
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The article dwells on the causes which led to the famous Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9, its outcome and subsequent significance for the history of Germany. The author focuses on the inclusion of the victory over the Romans 2, 000 years ago in the construction of the German national idea from the from the Renaissance to the present day, as well as on the creation of the myth about Hermann the Victor.
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