Qortimi autoritar me Fjalor demokratik
Pleading against Qosja's totalitarian point of view, which were continuously published in the Albanian weekly review "ZERI"
More...We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Pleading against Qosja's totalitarian point of view, which were continuously published in the Albanian weekly review "ZERI"
More...
The author critically analyses Plessner's views on the lack of a clear idea of the state in German tradition as well as the consequences of that for its development in the 20th century. The author claims that it is not so much a question of the non-existence of the idea of the state as of the non-existence of a democratic social stratum that would have prevented the authoritarian and later totalitarian developments. He also rejects the interpretation of history as meaningful, goal-oriented processes, since they presuppose a philosophical knowledge about the goals and purposes of an inimitable historical development, the assumption which today cannot be methodologically vindicated by any historian.
More...
In his study, the author analyses two different views of nationalism: Arendt's and Kedourie's. Hannah Arendt focuses on the link between racism, nationalism, and imperialism. According to her, nationalism differs from totalitarianism, which represents a more recent development. Kedourie sets out from Acton's critique of the French revolution and concludes that radical nationalism is a product of Franco-German national tensions. Finally, the author offers both concepts as his contribution to an easier understanding of the antagonisms which brought about the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia.
More...
Defining the dimensions of political culture is a precondition in the elaboration of the theory of this phenomenon and for its systematic empirical study. It has been demonstrated that Almond-Verba's concept of the dimensions of political culture, in the form of a matrix of the three orientations (cognitive, affective, and evaluative) times four political objects ("system", "input-objects", "output-objects" and "I" as an object) is not plausible. If political culture is defined as a set of beliefs about politics (which it indeed is), then it is clear that each belief at the same time contains an intricate mix of knowledge, emotions, and evaluations. This makes it difficult to determine the dimensions according to the mentioned orientations. It seems this was sensed by Almond himself in one of his later works. Using his more recent concept, we define the dimensions of political culture according to the "objects" of politics and not vice versa, according to the orientations in relation to these "objects". Thus we have elaborated on the three fundamental dimensions according to the three fundamental objects of politics: the "system" as a universal object, the "process" as a dynamic object of politics, and the "conduct" as a manner of decision-making and the outcome of governing. It has been found that each of these basic dimensions of political culture has a series of subdimensions (a total of about twenty-five). Surely, this matrix may be added to or perhaps amended, but basically it is unassailable, since it represents a sort of a map of political culture.
More...
Polemically oriented towards Plessner's Belated Nation and the introductory presentations in the debate about this book at the Faculty of Political Science, the author is of the opinion that the German case is the one of a belated attempt at empire-creation, and that all the nations in the world are "late" - except for the Dutch. By referring to the literature on politico-economic history and the model and comparative analysis of the nation-state as a complex politico-economic community within the world system of the West, the author thinks that Schieder's typology of the creation of European nations is not plausible, neither theoretically nor factually/historically.
More...
The author analyzes the process of the NATO expansion in Europe following the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Paradoxically, after the end of the cold war, the security conditions in Europe have not improved. On the contrary, the danger of military conflicts has increased. That is why most former communist countries, including the newly-created states which emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, have been trying to eliminate this danger and strengthen their security by joining NATO. The Russian Federation is the main opponent of the NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly on the states which came into being after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author describes in detail the geostrategical and geopolitical implications of the admittance of the first group of Eastern — European countries into the NATO (Poland, Czech Republic and Romania), as well as the prospects of the NATO expansion onto the other countries in the region. He sees the American initiative for the cooperation in Southeastern Europe as a complement to the process of the NATO expansion. In the end he criticizes NATO's process of selection of new members, the process which has left Croatia (for the time being) in a sort of a geostrategical void.
More...
Plessner’s study The Belated Nation is very topical for Croatian readers since it (via comparing the constitution of the French and the German national community) shows how different types of polities within which national communities are formed (the state and the Reich) are central for the constitution of national awareness. German history proves how international community, primarily Europe, immediately upon its constitution as a system of national states, forced the “belated” nations to give up on the concept of empire and constitute themselves as national states. Plessner’s book is also topical in the post-communist regimes because it superbly proves the significance of both the process of modernisation and bourgeoisie as the social class in building national states.
More...
The paper analyses the development of journalism from practice to theory and outlines the stages in the formation of the science of journalism or novitology. As an interdisciplinary, synthetic science, novitology connects everyday journalistic practice and meta-theoretical deliberations on the scope and the potential of journalism as a social function. While cogitating on the general tasks of journalism, the author focuses on the creation of news, their dissemination, fostering awareness of the methodological instruments, the moral dimensions of journalism, and the modern media technology. All these chain-links should be connected in the journalistic science; also, the relationships and inter-relations among universal, particular, and individual disciplines within the system of novitology should be analysed by means of a systematic methodology. The paper analyses the development of journalism from practice to theory and outlines the stages in the formation of the science of journalism or novitology. As an interdisciplinary, synthetic science, novitology connects everyday journalistic practice and meta-theoretical deliberations on the scope and the potential of journalism as a social function. While cogitating on the general tasks of journalism, the author focuses on the creation of news, their dissemination, fostering awareness of the methodological instruments, the moral dimensions of journalism, and the modern media technology. All these chain-links should be connected in the journalistic science; also, the relationships and inter-relations among universal, particular, and individual disciplines within the system of novitology should be analysed by means of a systematic methodology.
More...
The changes in the social position of women in transitional countries is the consequence of the latest economic and political changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Croatians think that the social position of women today is worse than in the former regime; in this, women are more critical than men, particularly the well-educated women, working outside the home (modernists). Those who nevertheless do believe that the position of women today is better than it used to be, make a smaller group; they believe that a woman's place is primarily in the home, that the Church should have a decisive say in the position of women, that women are not born for politics, and that pro-choice attitudes should not be tolerated. Women should resolve their dissatisfaction with their lives and social position by choosing either the modern or the traditional variant, or a middle path, which has been suggested by the logic of the newly-created living conditions.
More...
First, the author analyses Plessner's interpretation of Husserl's phenomenology. He goes on to outline the cognitive limits of the phenomenological-hermeneutical method, successful in text-analysis, but inadequate in illuminating pertinent historical processes. In his conclusion, the author points to Plessner's uncritical mixing of scientistic and phenomenological interpretations of fascism.
More...
In a totalitarian society, the journalist profession could not grow; that is why politics still takes precedence profession in Croatian journalism. The mass media are controlled by politics, and journalists have remained socio-political activists. This has stunted the professional development of the journalistic profession, so that Croatian journalists cannot separate truth from fallacy, they equate (accurate) facts and (truthful) opinion, and conceive of commentaries in a rather odd way — as the ultimate and subjective journalistic form.
More...
The main parts of this article dealing with the Bessarabian situation are: - the massacre of Jews in the Second World War in Romania; - a short history of Bessarabia - an "antisemitic-anti russian" history of Bessarabia written by a "Bolshevic Jew" - a sovietic history of the Romanian antisemitism
More...
The author deals with one of the “classic” components of the state governed by law — the principle of judges' autonomy — on the example of German legal system and its practice after the unification of 1990. Following a short outline of the evolution of the postulate of judges' autonomy, the author depicts the institutional framework of the present-day German judiciary, and then the quandaries ensuing from the unification of the legal systems of the two Germanies. Finally, the author describes Croatian problems. The Republic of Croatia, as a country in transition, and due to the specific circumstances caused by the Patriotic War, has found itself in a similar predicament. It has responded to these challenges, but not as successfully as Germany.
More...
The article discusses the historical foundations and development of the right to free development of personality guaranteed by Article 2 section 1 of the BL. Though Article 2 section 1 has remained unchanged since enactment of the BL, the right to free development of personality has been significantly developed and elaborated by the Federal Constitutional Court. On the one hand, when interpreted in conjunction with Art. 1 section 1 of the BL it protects the general right of personality, and on the other hand a broadly defined general freedom of action. Both lines of jurisprudence are supported by a large number of cases which have granted protection to a number of unspecified rights. Examples are protection of private and intimate life sphere, data protection rights, right to personal dignity, right to one's own spoken word, etc. That leads to a conclusion that any attempt to create a comprehensive formal catalogue of fundamental rights must necessarily remain incomplete. An exhaustive list of fundamental rights is possible only in absence of their concretization. As the German experience shows, any interpretation, i.e. concretization of fundamental rights, necessarily leads to the change of their scope and substance.
More...
Understanding Central Europe as a particular European region is based on historical and cultural heritage of the Mitteleuropa and on the revival of the Central European identity in the 80ies. The Central European regional cooperation has been promoted in the late 80ies and early 90ies, particularly through the following cooperation schemes: Pentagonale/Central European Initiative (now dissolved), the Vishegrad Group and the Central European Free Trade Agreement - CEFTA. These schemes have been supported by the European Union and they fit its strategy of widening that is now based on the differentiated integration, which implies strengthening of economic and monetary union and defence union. The European Union tends to link Central European region to the Baltic countries, rather than connect it with the South Eastern Europe, which is regarded as a special case, covered by the peace restoration strategy. Central Europe is a region of uneven development and very diversified cultures and peoples. It is therefore difficult to treat it as a structured European region. EU focuses on a number of states that form “the intersection of different areas of integration”, and in this respect Central Europe may be best understood as a development and transformation project that might create a new type of differentiated relationships among states and cultures within Central Europe and between Central Europe and the European Union. Focusing on Central Europe may turn the region into the central project of European development.
More...
The author analyzes the results of Slovenian parliamentary elections, held on November 10th 1996, within the context of the structure of political institutions and characteristics of the party system. The Slovenian constitutional system is a parliamentary democracy. The parliament consists of two houses. The upper house is based on the principle of functional and territorial representation with limited authority. The parliamentary party system is defined by the composition of the lower house, National Assembly. In the elections of 1992, as many as eight parties won places in the parliament, which resulted in the pluralized party system, the dispersion of the political clout of various parties and the necessity of forming a coalition government. Up to the beginning of 1996, the power was held by the tripartite, politically balanced coalition, gathered round a centrist party, Liberal Democracy of Slovenia. The withdrawal of the reformed communists from the government shifted the political balance towards centre right. The corresponding rightist shift of the public opinion was noted during the preelection campaign as well. The outcome of the elections, in which seven parties ran for the parliament, has been an extremely polarized party system: on the one hand, there is a coalition of three rightist parties, and on the other there are the liberals, as the strongest parliamentary party, and other smaller parties. The even distribution of mandates between these two poles has, for the time being, brought about the political stalemate, which stands in the way of forming a coalition government.
More...
The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term “Central Europe” and its omission or inclusion in encyclopaedias and lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German and Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural and economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the “decadent” West and create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a “special path” (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism and the rebuttal of liberal and democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytised with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, and ensuring its place in world history.
More...
Contemporary constitutional and political debates have for quite some time toyed with the concept of republican monarchy as a model which is becoming the common denominator of both presidential and parliamentary as well as mixed systems. Namely, the contemporary democratic state, regardless of its constitutional structure underlying it, has been asserting one of its aspects by which presidential, parliamentary and hybrid regimes have been regaining the efficacy they forfeited in late 1930s. In that respect, elected monarchs, i.e. republican monarchies are characteristic for old as well as new democracies. In the text, the author gives the reasons for the emergence of republican monarchy, its forms, advantages, disadvantages, and offshoots. U suvremenim ustavnim i politološkim raspravama već je dugo prisutna ideja republikanske monarhije kao oblika koji postaje zajednički nazivnik, kako predsjedničkih tako i parlamentarnih, ali i mješovitih sustava. Naime, suvremena demokratska dr`ava, neovisno o ustavnoj strukturi koja je podupire, sve očiglednije afirmira jedan svoj dio kojim predsjednički, parlamentarni i hibridni re`imi sebi vraćaju efikasnost što su je izgubili potkraj tridesetih godina ovog stoljeća. U tom smislu izabrani monarh, odnosno republikanska monarhija karakterizira, kako stare tako i nove demokracije. U tekstu autor iznosi razloge pojave republikanske monarhije, njezine oblike, apologiju, kritiku i nadogradnju.
More...
The analysis of the constitutional practice of the United States, based on the concrete example of the 1995-96 budget crisis, leads the author to conclude that the American constitutional system is stable. An incredible tenacity and longevity of the constitutional model of the division of power, established on the Constitution of 1787, has been affirmed. The system has evolved through practice, increasingly so within the democratic political atmosphere of American political process. Americans are putting to test the limits of their constitutional frame's efficiency. This framework works. Most Americans still think that the price they have been paying is worth the purpose: the prevention of power getting concentrated in the hands of one individual or an institution. Analizirajući ustavnu praksu SAD na konkretnom materijalu budžetske krize 1995.-96. autor zaključuje stabilnost američkog ustavnog poretka. Sa ustavnog se stajališta, ponovno potvrďuje nevjerojatna izdržljivost i trajnost ustavnog modela diobe vlasti uspostavljenog u temelju donošenjem Ustava iz 1787. godine, i razvijanog praksom, u sve vi š e demokratskom političkom ozračju američkog političkog procesa. Amerikanci danas doista iskušavaju krajnje granice djelotvornosti svoga ustavnog okvira. Ustavni okvir, dakle, djeluje. Većina Amerikanaca i dalje drži kako je cijena što je za to plaćaju vrijedna s obzirom na svrhu: onemogućavanje koncentracije vlasti pri jednoj osobi ili instituciji.
More...