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This chapter offers a detailed demographic analysis of Syrian population and compares it with the trends and patterns in Turkey, UK and Germany. Thus it offers an opportunity to reflect on future of Syrian refugee populations in host countries.
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In most bibliographical references, both Anglophone and Francophone, the “birth of Hispaniola” dates back to its discovery by Cristopher Columbus. The pre-Columbian stage is much less discussed and the documentary material dedicated to it is significantly less substantial. In an attempt organize the disparate and sometimes contradictory information provided by some bibliographic sources, we have consulted several chronologies and various historiographical references that show the socio-political evolution of the whole island of Saint-Domingue. Aside from drawing a historical image of Haiti as close to reality as possible, I have considered that it would only be possible to sketch a substantiated picture of the socio-cultural, political and economic situation of this inscribed state (with a spectacular vocation for failure, on a downward spiral of generalized corruption, social chaos and overturned values and of an inexplicable rejection of any real chance for betterment) by exploring its past and identifying the mechanisms through which the “Haiti phenomenon” took place.
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U Portugaliji je 1975. godine kontrarevolucija bila sama revolucija, zatočena u ponavljanje svojih obrazaca, u odsustvu teorijskog rada pobornika pretvorenih u vojnike, koji su se poduhvatili da, još jedanput, gestom kolekcionara, ponovo ožive praktična iskustva Lenjina, Trockog, i, u novije vreme, Rosela ili generala Klisrea, koji su im bili poznati iz kolonijalnog rata. Tim povodom Žan Danijel se zapitao: “Šta bi zaista mogla da znači ideja avangarde potpuno odvojene od masa, oslonjene samo na manjinu oružane sile?”.
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This article renders problematic the prosecutor’s supervision over public administration in contemporary Bulgaria and explores what limitations need to be delineated so that such supervision to be in line with the rule of law. The “general prosecutor’s supervision” is a fundament of socialist administrative law, grounded in the political ideas of Leninism. After the adoption of the democratic Constitution in 1991 that institute passes over to the contemporary administrative law without any theoretical or practical debates for its place in the paradigm of the rule of law. The Prosecutor’s office continues to exist in the same old socialist model as a united, centralized, hierarchical system in the branch of judiciary. While the prosecutor’s supervision is no longer theorized as a general one,the powers of the prosecutor, especially the supervision over public administration, have not been substantially constricted. The article raises the question whether the existing prosecutor’s supervision over public administration in Bulgaria actually turns into prosecutor’s supervision over the citizens and organizations, on one side, and over the court, on the other side. Moreover, the research tackles the balance between the public interest and human rights in the complex relationship between the administration and citizens and offers for debate certain formulas for laying down adequate limitations of the prosecutor’s supervision over public administration.
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It is well known that since the 1980s the political importance of regional political movements in Europe has grown ever more and yet there exists a huge amount of mostly political and sociological investigations about the phenomenon. The majority of the authors seem to agree, that the regionalist movements should be viewed in relation to discrepancies between the respective national government and the supranational European level.
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The article discusses major weapons investments carried out at present and planned in the future by the United Kingdom. Individual investments are analyzed in terms of their potential relevance for the British armed forces, the costs of completion and the factors that influence the decision to choose a particular variant of the weapon. In the last part of the paper, the British dilemmas with nuclear forces are characterized.
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In his work the author presents the relations between Scotland and England. He tries to explain how Alex Salmond’s party NSP (National Scottish Party) gained majority in Scottish Parliament
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The article discusses Poland’s foreign policy in 2017/2018. The governmentcontinued the implementation of main foreign policy plans adopted after the Lawand Justice party came to power. It showed scepticism towards further deepeningof European integration, but it did not present any official proposals of EU reforms.Poland’s position in the EU was weakened by the rule of law control mechanisminitiated by the European Commission. Bilateral relations between Poland andWestern European countries were limited. There was no breakthrough in the East,in relations with Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine. Opportunities for development ofcooperation within the Visegrad Group, the Three Sees and the Nine of Bucharest were explored. As in the past, its security policy was determined by the fear ofRussia’s policy. It was focused on NATO and cooperation with the United States.Postulates of permanent presence of American soldiers in Poland were formulated.The government has not used the 100th anniversary of Poland’s independence toorganize international celebrations.
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The aim of the paper is to determine whether Donald Trump’s foreign policyemploys a power politics perspective. The proposed hypothesis states that theprimary goal of President Trump’s foreign policy is a great powers competition.The paper is divided into three parts. Firstly, research design is presented. Secondly,empirical analysis of four selected issues is conducted: (1) Donald Trump’s politicalbeliefs; (2) released US strategic documents; (3) institutional change in the field offoreign policy making; and (4) the shape of defence budget. In the final part, thehypothesis is confirmed at the level of President Trump’s political beliefs (fully) andthe US strategic documents (partly), however, at the level of institutional change andthe defence budget shape it is hard to find unambiguous conclusions. As a result, thepower politics approach declared by the US President – considered by some expertsas realism on steroids – is, in fact, implemented only selectively. The research strategyused is a case study. The method of data acquisition is qualitative text analysis.
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The aim of this article is to examine, from the perspective of power politics,Turkey’s foreign policy after the so called Arab Spring, particularly in the last fewyears (2015–2019). The author answers the following questions: Has power politicsin Turkey’s foreign policy intensified? If so, how does it manifest and how is it different from the policy of the first decade of the 21st century? Is it justified toclaim that Turkish foreign policy has turned back to the 1990s model? What are thereasons for the current change in the foreign policy of Turkey? The text providesarguments that in the last few years there have been elements of power politics inTurkish foreign policy, which have been the result of adaptation, i.e. keeping theparadigm and main directions of the policy unchanged while making more frequentuse of hard power tools in relation to soft power measures which are still applied.The current incarnation of Turkey’s foreign policy is a reaction to specific externaland domestic determinants, similar to those in the 1990s (though not the same) andleading to re-securitization of Turkish policy as well as to attempts to enhance itsweakened regional position.
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An erudite academic lecturer and researcher in the field of Balkan history, a competent and committed leader and intellectual boheme who dedicated his entire professional lifeto History, to the department of International Relations at UNWE and to higher education in Bulgaria.
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It would not be an overstatement to claim that political cooperation on the Balkanshas been thwarting in the last three decades. Looking retrospectively, it becomes very conspicuoushow scarce, inconsequential or even dead-born have been the attempts at multilateral cooperationamong the Balkan states in that period. The present paper offers possible answers to the question"Why regional political cooperation on the Balkans has not marked sufficient success after the endof the Cold war?" Usually answers are sought in historical past and experience from previousinteractions and/or influence and intervention from extra-regional (f)actors. These (f)actors by nomeans should be neglected. Our claim, however, is that answers should be sought also on regionaland internal political level. In other words, in explaining the crippled efforts at all-Balkan political cooperation we look at internal political actors and the ways they might perceive externalstimuli and incentives. We argue that unlike previous historical periods when external environment and circumstances were rather unfavorable or even hostile to cooperation within the Balkans, since the beginning of the new century the external environment produces more positive incentives and stimulates political cooperation on the Balkans. Hence, the uncertain and stumblingpolitical cooperation on the Balkans is not due to external (f)actors. The emphasis on the internalpolitical actors reveals that political cooperation among Balkan states depends significantly onthe actors’ political will. Thus, the (im)possibility of Balkan political cooperation leans on theways political actors in the region perceive and interpret the signals from external environmentand communicate them back and forth to the national internal settings.
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Innovations are making the world more and more interconnected, but some regionsand countries are performing better than others. The topic is particularly important due to thelatest developments in the Balkan region, which has important political, economic and culturalspecifics that distinguish it from other parts of the world. They are linked with the particularitiesof projects and realities of cooperation activities in a regional context. It is vital to give specificattention to the topic also because of the opportunities that can be developed to benefit all partners in the region. At the same time one should be aware about the challenges that have to betackled in the process of enhancing the cooperation and connectivity in the Balkans.The present paper explores the opportunities that innovation holds for enhanced cooperationand connectivity in the Balkan region. Best innovation practices will be discussed to increase theawareness about the complexities of the topic, which requires serious analysis that draws on theexpertise of professionals across borders.
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Citizen participation in the Balkans is an extremely important and up-to-date topic.During the Bulgarian presidency of the Council of the European Union, the integration of theWestern Balkans to the EU became a topical issue again. The aim of the current study is to find towhat extent the societies are ready to participate in the political life of their countries. The casesthat we focus on are Montenegro and Serbia. We use comparative approach and apply a quantitative method, namely secondary processing of already collected quantitative data. The source of the used data is the Comparative study of electoral systems, Module 4, Eurobarometer and Balkan Barometer. We compare the studied countries on various indicators, including participation in elections; evaluation of the personal role in the formation of the government; awareness of the political platforms, etc. We also compare the studied countries to the most democratic countries in the EU as identified on the basis of data from EIU Democracy Index.
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The focus on the present article is on Croatia – the newest EU member-state. It isargued that ethnic politics in the country, although still somewhat connected to nationalism as apolitical principle, has overcome the pitfalls of the past through successful social and politicalconsolidation. The successive efforts since the end of Tudjman’s rule have led to the fulfillment ofthe conditions imposed by the EU. The reconsideration of the country’s foreign policy prioritiesafter 2000 shows that ethnic politics in the Balkans is not necessarily conflicting. The country canserve as an example and even "export" good practices. Nevertheless, ties with other countries inthe Western Balkans remain tight and controversial. Unresolved disputes and mutual accusationsbetween Croatia and its neighbors persist.
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