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The author reviews and sums up areas of research focused on the centennial of the Russian Revolution, Civil War and the end of World War One. Special emphasis is put to the Russian question at the 1919 Paris Peace (Versailles) Conference. The article presents both new and little known data revealing the differences among the Allied Powers regarding the Russian Revolution, the Bolshevik regime, support to the White Movement and the integrity of the Russian territory. It also studies some scarcely researched aspects of W. Wilson's program and US secret diplomacy, including the role of the'Inquiry', the American study group at Versailles Conference; Bullitt's mission to Soviet Russia; negotiations between M. Litvinov and W. Buckler; plans to recognize the Bolsheviks on the territory they were controlling in 1919.
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The article is devoted to the place of the sovereign’s veto in the constitutional systems of Switzerland and Liechtenstein in relation to the position of each within the system. Due to the very unique constitutional structure of Switzerland (a special role of the parliament, a wide catalog and high frequency of using direct democracy tools) and Liechtenstein (sovereign defined in two entities – the prince and the nation; the exceptionally strong position of the head of state, who has the right to veto both laws adopted by the parliament and motions in referendums), attempts were made to analyze the political position of sovereigns in both countries, relying solely on the right to block legal acts adopted by the parliament (refusal to sign the law by the prince in Liechtenstein and people’s veto in both countries).
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Introduction: In recent years, the global plastic pollution and its derivatives and additives has become not only an environmental disaster, but also a causes of debates about human health. Purpose: The purpose of this report is to contribute to a better understanding of the problem of plastic pollution in the Varna region. Methods: A field survey was conducted on a certain section of the northeastern shore of Lake Varna and samples of plastic debris were collected, then categorized and described. Results: A total of 201 plastic debris (n=201) were collected in a section with a length of 61 m. All debris was assigned to a total of 5 categories, with the most common debris in the “Other” category. The debris from the “Bottles” category is in second place in frequency, and “Caps”, “Packages” and “Bags” are in third, fourth and fifth place in frequency, respectively.
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An organisational entity (non-governmental organisation, company, public institution or authority) should not be seen socially responsible if its staff is not satisfied and motivated. However, despite many publications of social responsibility in the literature, papers focusing on the social responsibility of the organisation towards employees are rare. The following article aims to analyse the social responsibility of an atypical NGO towards its employees. In this regard, a survey conducted by using one questionnaire was used. The analysis is based on several aspects of the organisations’s social responsibility towards employees, namely recruitment and employees’ retention, employees' health and safety, effects generated by the employees’ satisfaction and dissatisfaction, reward system. The study revealed that the workplace atmosphere, the organisation’s concern towards the employees' problems, as well as the reward for their efforts leads to the increasing their loyalty and to achieving high performances.
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The president has a peculiar, somewhat unclear function in the Polish legal system. Despite being elected by common vote, which should give him significant authority, the Polish president does not hold important prerogatives. The main goal of the article is the analysis of different head of the state models, best exemplified by the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of Italy, and a major aspect of the presidency — the significance vested in the fact of being elected. The analysis leads the author to postulate introducing gradual changes in regulations pertaining to the office of president in the Polish Constitution modelled on of the German Basic Law and Constitution of Italy.
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In the Nile basin, there has been a conflict between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan over the construction of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) by Ethiopia. Egypt and Sudan, relying on the alleged historical title to the waters of the entire Nile, are demanding that this project be abandoned, eventually threatening to take military action. For Ethiopia, the construction of this installation is an opportunity for development, as it will contribute to the country’s energy independence and improve the possibility of irrigating farmland. Since 2011, when the announced commencement of the implementation of the plans has been announced, talks between states, supported by third states (even great powers) and international organizations, have been ongoing. So far, no agreement has been reached, although the 2015 Declaration has offered some chance for a peaceful solution. Unfortunately, countries have moved away from it, preferring the less friendly ways of resolving this dispute.In fact, there may be several solutions to the present situation. The first of the most dangerous is an armed conflict; the second is finding an agreement that guarantees the rights of all riparian states; the third is to maintain the status quo, in which no one trusts anyone, states take action on their own, which in turn may lead to the degradation of the Nile. It is also worth noting that none of the conflict states takes into account the environmental effects of the work carried out, or the possible climate changes, leading to extreme phenomena such as periods of very high rainfall and subsequent long periods of drought. The interests and needs of all river basin states are equally important and they all have the right to use the river safely on equal terms, without infringing the rights of their neighbours.Ethiopia has the right to use the waters of the Blue Nile, but under international law, this should not lead to permanent damage to Egypt and Sudan. The question to which we do not know the answer is whether it is possible at all, having in mind the expectations of the lower basin states.
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The liberalization of the energy markets in the EU is the result of the understanding that their efficiency is not possible within vertically integrated monopolies. This text shows that the EU energy policy priorities can be explained using a “standard” framework for the liberalization process. The experience of its implementation is important in the implementation of reforms in the energy sector today.
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Рано-вранці 24 лютого 2022 року росія розпочала свою широкомасштабну агресію проти України. І майже одразу розгорнулася співпраця соціологів України та Польщі, конкретно соціологів Львівського національного і Вроцлавського університетів, з метою осмислення нової соціальної реальності, яка утворилася з цього часу в їхніх країнах та у світі. Важливою части- ною цієї співпраці став випуск низки бюлетенів, які підготували представники кафедри соціології Франкового університету, а їхні колеги з університету Вроцлава переклали польською та англійською мовами і розмістили на сайті свого університету. Львівські соціологи поставили собі завдання інформувати широкий загал у Польщі та через неї – і в інших країнах про перебіг російсько-української війни в її «гарячій» фазі та про стан громадської думки в сучасній Україні, а також про теоретичні рефлексії, які виникають на ґрунті емпіричних досліджень цього часу. Одним з перших наших узагальнень стала теза: «Соціологія також зброя».
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In the early morning of February 24, 2022, Russia launched a wide-scale aggression on Ukraine. Nearly instantly, cooperation developed between the sociologist from Ukraine and Poland—from the National University of Lviv and the University of Wrocław—the aim of which was to understand the new social reality that has been shaping since that moment in these two countries and in the world. A significant part of this cooperation was the publication of bulletins prepared by the representatives of the Department of Sociology at the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. Their colleagues from the University of Wrocław were translating the bulletins into Polish and English and were publishing them on the website of their university. The sociologists from Lviv aimed to inform the public in Poland and, through Poland, in other countries about the course of the Russo-Ukrainian war during its ‘hot’ time as well as about the state of the public opinion in Ukraine and about the theoretical reflections emerging from the current empirical studies. One of the first generalisations we arrived at was the thesis: “sociology is also a weapon.”
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The role and importance of rural areas for the overall socio-economic development of the European Union is underestimated, also often neglected. The widespread discussion of this perception in the last few years and the factors that determine it have catalyzed the process of finding flexible and innovative solutions to valorize the potential of these areas. The instrument for achieving this change is the Long-term vision for EU`s rural areas in the horizon 2040, which aims to model stronger, connected, sustainable and prosperous rural areas within the Community.
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Tekst ten poświęcony jest sposobowi prowadzenia polityki monetarnej poprzez Europejski Bank Centralny, System Rezerwy Federalnej oraz Narodowy Bank Polski. Wstępna analiza kreowanych polityk pieniężnych (przez trzy w/w banki) wskazuje na różną specyfikę każdej z odpowiadających im gospodarek. Porównanie dwóch walut światowych, jakimi są EUR i USD, oraz krajowej pozwala na określenie różnic wynikających z zaufania do gospodarki danego kraju lub ugrupowania gospodarczego „udzielanego” przez inwestorów zagranicznych. Artykuł ma za zadanie przybliżenie Czytelnikowi wybranych zjawisk ekonomicznych, które są brane pod uwagę podczas realizowanej polityki pieniężnej przez banki centralne. Podkreślono także znaczenie krótko i długoterminowego horyzontu czasowego postrzegania gospodarki i polityki pieniężnej.
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Russia’s large scale aggression war against Ukraine is a first step, never anticipated, in the direction of bringing back war into Europe, in the middle of the 21st Century. Even if only one year of war has passed, some lessons learned have brought into question the type of weapons, the ability to adapt and plan the transition from a peace time defence industry to a wartime industry capable of countering a war fought at wide scale. Moreover, some lessons are related to Ukraine's perspectives of winning for sure the war, but also to the time required to find a solution to such an aggression.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the way in which Romania and France have interacted between 1934 -1939, at the level of the European security system, in the light of the national security interests. This interaction wasn’t carried out in a regular fashion due to the fact that France, as one of the world’s greatest powers, had much more complex interests, the East-European space being for Paris a region where negotiation involving political and military influence could be carried out with the other top European players, including those who considered the ”Versailles system” to be anachronistic.
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The article is intended to give an overall picture about electronic warfare action conducted by Russian and Ukrainian forces during the war started on February 24th 2022. I had this idea, after I read an article related to electromagnetic spectrum operations (EMSO) in which authors, two members of Joint Electronic Warfare Core Staff (JEWCS), Erik BAMFORD and Malte von SPRECKELSEN, came up with an interesting conclusion: “EW has been a sleeping dragon, hidden away and forgotten for a generation. Now the awakened dragon needs to be controlled!”As we all know, starting with 2008, Russian Federation invested a lot in the field of electronic warfare. Modern capabilities, most of them combat proven in Donbass or Syria, and specialized electronic warfare structures were established. Many military specialists stressed the fact that NATO is a long way behind Russian Federation in the field of electronic warfare. However, these investments haven’t helped a lot Russian forces during their offensive in Ukraine. Within the article, I’ll try to stress the importance of electronic warfare in the military actions, what went well and what went wrong for the both sides and the challenges faced by electronic warfare specialists within a period of one and a half year of conflict.
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Review of: Activitatea NATO în anul 2022 NATO. “The Secretary General’s Annual Report - 2022”. 21.03.2023. Disponibil online la https://www.nato.int/nato_static_ fl 2014/assets/pdf/2023/3/pdf/sgar22-en.pdf Activitatea UE în anul 2022 Comisia Europeană. “UE în 2022 – Raport General privind activitățile Uniunii Europene.” 2023. Disponibil online la https:// op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/d73b364e-c180- 11ed-8912-01aa75ed71a1/language-en Integrarea inteligenței artifi ciale în strategiile din domeniul apărării. Michael RASKA și Richard A. BITZINGER (eds.), The AI Wave in Defence Innovation: Assessing military artificial intelligence strategies, capabilities and trajectories, Londra și New York: Routledge, 2023. Geopolitica – disciplină cheie pentru înțelegerea relațiilor internaționale. MUSSETTI, Mirko. Roza geopolitică – Economie, strategie și cultură în relațiile internaționale. București, Editura Militară, 2023. Tendințe strategice. Center for Security Studies, ”Strategic Trends 2023: Key Developments in Global Affairs”, ETH Zurich, 2023. Disponibil online la https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/ special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/ ST2023.pdf Ecosistemul transatlantic de inovare– între cooperare, competiție și identifi carea de sinergii Bjorn FAGERSEN et al, ”Navigating the Euro-Atlantic defence innovation landscape”, Politea, Martie 2023. Disponibil online la https://media.politea.se/2023/03/Politea-Defence-InnovationReport.pdf Tendințe în percepția populației din Europa Centrală și de Est GLOBSEC, “GLOBSEC Trends 2023”, Mai 2023. Disponibil online la https://www.globsec.org/sites/default/ fi les/2023-05/GLOBSEC%20Trends%202023.pdf Percepția populației din România și Norvegia la un an după izbucnirea războiului din Ucraina Alina BÂRGĂOANU et al, ”A year of war: National Attitudes in Romania and Norway”, New Strategy Center and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Mai 2023. Disponibil online la https://newstrategycenter.ro/ wp-content/uploads/2023/05/A-year-of-War-%E2%80%93- National-Attitudes-in-Romania-and-Norway-policy-2.pdf Statul Major General al FA ruse – rol și responsabilități în sistemul decizional din F.Rusă Alexis A. BLANC et al, “The Russian General Staff : Understanding the Military’s Decisionmaking Role in a Besieged Fortress”, Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2023. Disponibil online la https://www.rand.org/pubs/ research_reports/RRA1233-7.html Statul Major General al FA ruse – rol și responsabilități în sistemul decizional din F.Rusă Alexis A. BLANC et al, “The Russian General Staff : Understanding the Military’s Decisionmaking Role in a Besieged Fortress”, Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2023. Disponibil online la https://www.rand.org/pubs/ research_reports/RRA1233-7.html
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The problem of language policy formation arises from combined efforts to achieve the long- term goals of civil peace and avoid ethnic conflicts. Globalization poses a range of challenges to society, such as migration and multiculturalism. However, the language situation in postcolonial developing countries is more complex than in developed ones. This paper analyzes the history of language policy in Kazakhstan by comparing the experiences of other post- Soviet countries and developed countries in Europe and North America. The study relies on comparative historical and conceptual analysis of language policies and population censuses. The paper also explores different approaches to language policy formation from influential researchers to highlight the most significant factors behind a successful language policy. The primary goal of language policy in Kazakhstan is to overcome the dominance of the Russian language without violating the rights and freedoms of ethnic groups. The country’s strategy involves promoting bilingualism to introduce the Kazakh language into all spheres of public life step by step. The results of the study may help other developing countries to shape their national language policies. They may also find applications in political science, futurology, and political forecasting.
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The matter and significance of the issue of the rights of national minorities belongs not only to the traditional subject matter of legal and socio-political sciences, but due to its legislative anchoring and actual implementation, it is included among topics that are often problematic, or have a controversial interpretation, which is manifested in plurality, or rather in the difference of opinion on their essence and meaning. However, lawyers, political scientists, sociologists, and also politicians agree on one thing – the rights of national minorities and ethnic groups are subject to constitutional regulation in the domestic environment, they are part of the constitution as the basic law of a democratic state. In this indicated sense, the concept of their constitutional adjustment can be understood in two directions. In general sense – when the status of national minorities and ethnic groups can be characterized as part of the constitutional principles of fundamental rights and freedoms; and in the specific sense – when constitutions grant national minorities and ethnic groups certain specific rights linked to their nationality, or ethnicity (Fridrich, 2013).
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The paper is focused on some issues of the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the point of view of international law. The main topic is terrorism, the question of the possibility of viewing terrorism as a new form of aggression is examined. This part is followed by a chapter on the internal structure of Palestinian representation. Attention is also given to more general issues of responsibility of some non-state actors, rebel movements, de facto authorities, de facto government, de facto regimes, and private individuals. This is followed by the main part of this paper, which is dedicated to the issues of the attribution of the actions of the Hamas movement to the Palestinian Authority.
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In geopolitical perspective, the Eastern Mediterranean with its potential gas reserves has turned into a zone of tensions and growing contest between regional as well as external actors. Furthermore, the maritime delimitation disputes have increased the likelihood of confrontation between Turkey and Greece. The aim of this paper is to discuss the major concerns of Greece with regard to power politics in the Eastern Mediterranean. Analyzing political and diplomatic relations and applying instruments of geopolitical analysis, the paper discusses current achievements of the Greek foreign policy, the worrisome relations between Greece and Turkey, the Cyprus issue and the energy projects competition. Greece perceives Turkey under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan as an increasingly authoritarian, unpredictable and revisionist state. Therefore, Greek policies aim to counter Turkey’s expansionism by establishing a network of enhanced bilateral engagement with the US, France and countries from the Eastern Mediterranean. The paper, however, concludes that problems between Greece and Turkey still remain as one of the key challenges for Greece and its strategy in the region. It is particularly difficult for Athens and Ankara to solve their differences due to diverging mindsets and contradictory agendas. Trust can hardly be restored and time is required. There are hopes and expectations that common sense on both sides would prevail and a mode of cooperation with Ankara would be possible, even if the most difficult issues of the power gambit in the Eastern Mediterranean remain unsolved.
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