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Review of: Florian Bieber, Uspon autoritarnih režima na Zapadnom Balkanu, Profil knjiga, Zagreb, 2022
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Review of: Marvin T. Brown, A Climate of Justice: An Ethical Foundation for Environmentalism, Springer, Cham, 2022
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In Western Europe, the first integration policies emerged in the 1980’s as a reaction to the long-term settlement of foreign workers, originally perceived as temporary migration, transforming these countries into immigration ones. Based on this West-European experience, the article claims that Czechia has evolved into an immigration country in the last two decades, providing evidence from its integration policies. It shows how Czechia implements so-called “civic integration policies”, a novel form of integration approach promoted by West-European countries since the end of the 1990’s, inquiring in what aspects Czech civic integration policies resemble and differ from the West-European examples. For this purpose, the research offers a qualitative comparison with Austria as a representative of such a West-European experience. As a result, it brings new knowledge on immigrant integration policies in a region neglected in migration studies, while supporting the argument that immigration to Czechia has turned into a constant trend, requiring a complex set of integration policies in order to tackle successfully this new reality.
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This article presents a reflection on the experiences of Hungary and Poland in the face of the migration crisis. Its aim is to present the measures taken by the Hungarian government in 2015 and by the Polish government in 2021, when both countries were confronted with a particular threat related to the mass influx of illegal immigrants and the forcing of their borders. The response to the specific threat became the use of a special legal regime, Hungary introduced a state of crisis due to mass migration at the Hungarian-Serbian border, while Poland had a state of emergency along the Polish-Belarusian border. In this context, it was hypothesised that the decision to impose a special legal regime in Poland and Hungary was justified in the context of the specific threat that the migration crisis had become and the possibility to take quick action and respond adequately. In both cases, a decision was made to build a border wall to keep out illegal immigrants, so one can see some analogies in the actions of the Polish and Hungarian authorities, as well as their anti-immigration rhetoric. The comparative method, the normative approach and the discourse method were applied in the article.
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While the Slovak Republic is not one of the traditional immigration destinations, in recent years, the situation has changed. The current paper aims to analyse the migration processes in the Slovak Republic and identify the determinants for immigration. The results show that during the last three decades, the accession to the European Union and Schengen area affected the migration patterns in Slovakia the most. One of the crucial determinants causing labour migration to the country is the domestic labour demand and labour shortage due to emigration flows. While the COVID-19 pandemic didn't significantly influence the migration processes in the country, the restrictive measures are affecting the employment of foreigners. On the other hand, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict has caused unprecedented immigration flows to the country. The latter calls for a modernisation of immigration and integration policies that will lead to a more efficient labour market and sustainable economic growth in the Slovak Republic. Creating an Immigration and Naturalization Office aiming to bring together all migration processing and provision of related services is a necessary step forward in migration policy management. This article focuses on the migration developments shaping the migration policy in Slovakia in the near future and provides policy recommendations.
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The aim of this article is to assess the policy response deployed by the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia) during the humanitarian crisis of displacement following the beginning of brutal Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine, in the light of the theoretical framework of New Immigration Destinations (NID). Such a framework is introduced and assessed as relevant to explain how the scant previous experience of public institutions and the wider society in addressing the needs of forced migrants, and migrants’ presence in general, impacts reception and integration of refugees in the region. The paper explores the relevance of NID in analysis of forced migrants’ situation in Central Europe. The study is based on qualitative methods, including desk research, expert interviews in four analysed countries, and legislation analysis. The paper argues that in the wake of the humanitarian crisis on an unprecedented scale, the lack of experience, coupled with scarce infrastructure, insufficient legal framework and resourcing, and poor coordination of different stakeholder groups’ engagement, impeded and delayed the implementation of the newly-established policy tools, and in some cases led to the lack of an adequate and timely state-coordinated response.
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Conflicts in everyday life are considered to be bad, they should be neutralized, solved or avoided. Management science and organizational theory say that conflicts are not unwanted. On the contrary, they are desirable to the extent that they bring about positive changes. They are not manipulated, but managed. How it is implemented in practice depends on the national culture, the characteristics of the organization and its culture, the personality structure of individuals and their relationships in the group, that is, the organization. In successful and stable organizations, there are always conflicts, at different organizational levels, and they can be uncontrolled, spontaneous or deliberately created, with the aim of preventing the organization from becoming static. The minimum level of conflicts makes the organization alive and creative. In organizations that are in the process of organizational changes, the level of conflicts is higher and they must be controlled, in order not to cause negative effects of changes, but to be useful for future performance. Education in Serbia for the last 20 years or more has been facing problems of modernization due to: new educational standards, state graduation, application of IT, methods of financing, etc., which leads to contradictions. These contradictions arise between: new requirements for the quality of education and traditional ways and methods of teaching, the need for new ways of management in educational institutions and the unwillingness of the existing staff for changes, the need of modern society for rapid changes in educational institutions and the psychological unpreparedness of the pedagogical community for innovation . Resolving these contradictions often takes the form of conflict. Educational activity as a specific activity implies a difference in the interests of students, teachers, management staff, administration and parents. So, there are different interests that are a prerequisite for the appearance of conflicts. Is it possible to manage conflicts in an educational institution? As much as teachers know their school, i.e. their colleagues, the aim of the paper is to point out the need to know the problems of conflicts, management and finding solutions for them. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to have knowledge about the forms and nature of the conflict. The paper gives an account of the experimental research on the state of conflicts among the teaching staff, practical classes, in the high school of Graphics and Media, Belgrade . The results show a higher percentage of avoiding, or withdrawing from, conflicts. The reason for this is that individuals do not insist on fulfilling their interests at the expense of others, as well as a developed awareness of conflict behavior in specific institutions, such as educational ones. The age of the teaching staff also contributes to this. Teachers of practical classes are highly professionally prepared, which is evidenced by a favorable socio -psychological climate.
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One of the classic tasks of constitutionalism in all its many forms(l), and of modem constitutional law specifically in the American federal governments, is that of legal and constitutional control of the administrative system. In the American system the task is two-fold. It is that of preventing administrative injustice to individuals. It also is that of assuring that the powers, necessarily broad, of the administrative are properly usedj It is often said that „the bureaucracy is the core of modern government”(2). This vital core must be managed with alert care, and with attentive good judgment, wisdom, and consistency by the polity in general if these great powers are to do their work and to avoid derangement and loss of effectiveness, let alone actual abuse. Constitutionalism is usually an important means to this end. Certainly it is always an appropriate one particularly when it is coupled with appropriate politics and policy. This paper is a brief account of some central elements of American arrangements and American experience. Constitutionalism and constitutional law are of course much used on problems of every kind throughout the whole of the American political order, including the problems of the constitutionalization of the bureaucracy — the administrative system.
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Feminism, which arose as a result of women’s struggles for equal rights in the 19th century and is exposed in Simone de Beauvoir’s book 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑆𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑑 𝑆𝑒𝑥, is eminently observed in modern culture. The article examines how the theme of female identity is presented in international film productions such as 𝑂𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐵𝑎𝑠𝑖𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑆𝑒𝑥, 𝑃𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑖𝑡 𝑜𝑓 𝑎 𝐿𝑎𝑑𝑦 𝑜𝑛 𝐹𝑖𝑟𝑒, 𝑃𝑟𝑜𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑌𝑜𝑢𝑛𝑔 𝑊𝑜𝑚𝑎𝑛, 𝑁𝑜𝑚𝑎𝑑𝑙𝑎𝑛𝑑, and in Bulgarian films such as 𝐿𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑜𝑛, 𝐼𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑎, 𝑊𝑖𝑙𝑑 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝐻𝑎𝑝𝑝𝑦, 𝑊𝑜𝑚𝑒𝑛 𝐷𝑜 𝐶𝑟𝑦; what the issues are that are raised and how the ideological stereotypes in cinema are discussed.
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Swedish Marriage Code was passed in 1920. In 1973. it was amended by introducing certain provisions which simplified the rules on formation of marriage and divorce. The Swedish law is based on the ideology of neutrality towards marriage and cohabitation without marriage: the fact which can be seen in Tax law, the Law of social welfare, as well as in Real property law and Family law. The Swedish legislation on marriage and family is soon to be amended. The amendments will be based on a report of the Family law Committe from 1981. which is being supervised in the Ministry of Justice. The report is also based on the ideology of neutrality. The Committee made various suggestions, among which: introducing of a new form of joint property of the common dwelling and furniture for married and cohabiting couples; recognition of a right of maintenance of the common dwelling after termination of the cohabitation: unification of the procedure of the division of property after termination of cohabitation and in case of divorce; as well as introducing of a right of the surviving cohabitee to get a part of the value of the common dwelling and furniture in case of death of a cohabetee. The author is of opinion that legislation represents one of the factors influencing the marriage rate. He considers the Swedish idea of a neutral marriage legislation to be a pragmatic and compromising solution. The legislation could make another option between two extremes: it should either diminich the number of provisions an cohabitation vithout marriage to the least possible measure, or make legal consequences of marriage and cohabitation without marriage completely equal. The author is of opinion that at an earlier stage of development the legislation should adopt a solution by which the cohabitation without marriage should be given as little legal consequences as possible.
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The article presents the possibility of using the Between Satellite Single Difference method (BSSD) in the precise determination of the aircraft position in the Global Navigation Satellite System GLONASS navigation system. The paper presents the mathematical model of the BSSD method, describes the research test and presents the results of conducted examinations. The research test was conducted within the implementation of the GLONASS satellite technique in air navigation. The test research uses the actual GLONASS navigation data registered by the Topcon HiperPro receiver, mounted onboard a Cessna 172 aircraft. Obtained findings of the research work are interesting from the perspective of implementation of the GLONASS satellite technique in aviation. It should be emphasized that standard deviations of the determined position of the Cessna 172, using the BSSD method, do not exceed 2m. The article also determines the accuracy of a position of the Cessna 172 in the GLONASS solution with reference to a solution in the GPS navigation system.
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For years the European Union has tried to solve conflicts over the rule of law with the Hungarian government through dialogue-based instruments. The deployment of these has not, however, led to substantial results. Instead, Hungary has become the first “electoral autocracy” in the European Union. Against this backdrop, the European Union has expanded its strategy of financial conditionality to the area of rule of law and EU values. While the so-called rule of law conditionality, established in 2020, is the most prominent instrument of value-related financial conditionality, it is by no means the only one. This article briefly overviews the EU’s expanded ability to put financial pressure on member state governments that dismantle the rule of law. It then examines how the Commission has recently combined several of these instruments to put pressure on the Orbán government. While financial conditionality is the most promising alternative to previously used instruments, it is nevertheless unlikely that it will lead to a fundamental change in the government’s policies.
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The article aims to document that Western efforts to find a solution to the decades-long Serbia-Kosovo crisis are doomed to fail. This is because they address the symptoms without getting to the roots. The Kosovo issue has become the central instrument of Serbia’s political class to cement its own rule. A lasting solution for Kosovo would also threaten the socio-political situation in Serbia. If the West does not succeed in democratising and reforming the ruling system in Serbia, the Kosovo conflict cannot be resolved either. Above all, changes in the censored media landscape and the nationalistically instrumentalised school education are a conditio sine qua non.
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Understanding the process of genesis and formation of political identities is a compelling theme of political science and sociological analysis not only of the electoral behavior, but also of the manner and forms of political participation and the nature of political culture. The aim of the article is to describe and explain the interrelationship of the dimensions of historical consciousness on the formation of political identities in the Czech Republic. The basic research hypothesis is that political identities of the population aged 40 and over differ with respect to patterns of historical consciousness and related sociodemographic characteristics. Based on the general hypothesis, we formulated three specific hypotheses: 1. differences in political identities result from historical consciousness measured in terms of its various dimensions and related sociodemographic characteristics. And consistently, memory of the past is influenced by current political attitudes, regardless of self-expression or sociodemographic characteristics. 2. It is possible to identify several different patterns of historical consciousness, i.e., there are some significant communalities in respondents’ relationship to the dimensions of historical consciousness. 3. It is possible to relate different patterns of historical consciousness to different political identities.
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The paper examines the views and approaches of anthropologists, ethnopsychologists and characterologists Jovan Cvijić and Vladimir Dvorniković from the beginning of the 20th century, as well as Bojan Jovanović and Žarko Trebješanin from the end of the 20th century. Their views and research of the causes, reasons and motives why the inhabitants of Serbia have accepted and participated in corruptive activities are significant and valuable for contemporary research of corruption. In their opinion, the causes are related to the dark side of human nature, particularly, greed, due to which bad features in the characters have become pronounced. These features are: subjugation, furtiveness, distrust, treachery and dishonesty. The reasons have derived from unfavourable living circumstances such as slavery and poverty. The motive is related to the fulfilment of needs and interests without choosing means for survival and/or persistence. By accepting corruption as a way of surviving, with the passage of time, a pattern of corruptive behaviour has been created. The pattern is of profound nature and long¬lasting. Even today it still pressurizes people in modern Serbia. The pattern particularly emerges at the moments of thorough changes in the political order and social crises. The paper is aimed at analyzing the research by the above¬listed authors to use the results as a basis for getting more comprehensive insights into the origin, structure, forms and development of corruption in modern Serbia.
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This analysis of a sample of territorial or border disputes 30 years after the beginning of Yugoslavia’s disintegration is informed by a pluri-angle analytical framework. With territorial disputes, a single reading of the phenomenon by international law with its established principles and standards of peaceful dispute settlement can be insufficient. More often than not, territorial disputes not only relate to territorial sovereignty per se, but also to issues of nation-building and statehood, identity narratives, ontological security, and (perceived) legitimacy as to whether a border is ‘just’. In the context of EU enlargement, the level of power (a)symmetry between actors also plays a role. Looking at the case studies (i) Croatia v. Slovenia, (ii) Serbia v. Croatia, and (iii) Serbia v. Kosovo, this paper demonstrates why States sometimes do not comply with EU conditionality and that the behaviour of State actors is by no means irrational, but can well sustain a dispute and/or pose a threat to dispute settlement by international law.
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Does any relationship in both theory and practice exist between political institutions and economic performance? In other words, do political institutions enhance economic performance in terms of an economy being able to steadily and permanently attract and stimulate foreign direct investments (FDI)? How can the relationship, in the standard version of social science research, be measured and determined? What are the local varieties and peculiarities that tend to condition how political institutions encourage and stimulate foreign direct investments (FDI)? To what extent do the variations and peculiarities impact on the policies and initiatives that are aimed at the attraction and stimulation of FDI? To what extent does the attendant result help in the analysis of the volume and sectoral allocation of FDI? How have the results influenced and impacted the contrasting perspectives in literature? And what will the study of Nigeria add to the debate as it ensues? Relying on data from secondary sources, in particular the Reports of the Central Bank of Nigeria, the Bureau of Statistics and newspapers, the study examines the volume and sectoral allocation of FDI in Nigeria with the return to constitutional democracy between 1999 and 2012. The aim is to discover how the Nigerian environment of democracy can influence the existing debate on the affinity of FDI to democracy. The study finds out that there were influxes of FDI into the Nigerian economy only on paper. The policy implication is therefore that the hope of a greater Nigeria rests on the determination of Nigerians to use its resources to address the fundamental problems of the Nigerian economy rather than deliberately seeking to attract and stimulate FDI.
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