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Liberal West and its philosophy security face a number of challenges. On the one hand, these are internal problems of the West, on the other hand, are different in cultural and civilizational modes.
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This article analyzes the money spent by the Bulgarian parties during the election campaigns and the institutional advertising in the media during the period 2003 – 2018. The purpose of the study is to examine public funding of state institutions, and the task is to track the cost of the so- „Institutional advertising“ and the different funds invested in various electronic and printed media. Thus, the fundamental problem of the public funding of Bulgarian political parties is based on the understanding of the essence of political advertising. Specific results are given in the funding of the parties and the media in Bulgaria, which is supported by empirical material. The relevant conclusions drawn from the factual data, as well as some recommendations for improvement of party financing in the country, were also made. The limitations of the study range over a 15-year period (2003 – 2018). The value of the development is characterized by the fact that this problem is one of the first to be analyzed in Bulgarian political science.
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This paper is about financing US elections, particularities of this process, the role of big business and its impact on elections, and about the relationship between money and politics in the country reputed to be one of the oldest democracies. In the second part of the paper the author deals with the relationship between the media and the election process, sensationalist coverage and the role of media owners in the political process and/or their ability to create and change public opinion. The author also looks back on last presidential election of 2008.
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The deteriorating state of municipal budgets creates a number of obstacles to their use as a tool for policy-making. The discontinued fiscal decentralization process and some of the recent attempts to address the problem of increasing indebtedness among local authorities created prerequisites for an increase in the local tax burden, while prospects for improving the fiscal situation of municipalities are still lacking. The structure of municipal expenditures shows an increasing importance of the absorption of EU funds and a continuing dependence on the decisions of the central government. The relocation of personal income tax proceeds back to municipalities seems the only viable alternative within the existing tax system.
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After the so-called ‘dictatorship’ period in Albania the country becomes recipient of financial assistance from the EU in the 90’s. This assistance is allocated through the PHARE program as well as other international donor programs (supporting food security, humanitarian aid during emergencies, development of voting standards as well as education, including loans by the European Investment Bank). This article analyses the financial aid provided by the EU to Albania and Bulgaria prior to their EU accession as well as some difficulties experienced by Bulgaria during its pre-accession funds utilization made available through PHARE program. This research is conducted with the following important limitation: the analysis covers only the duration of the pre-accession instruments and funds and the issues experienced prior to the formal accession of Bulgaria to the EU.
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The article discusses the prerequisites and directions for financial decentralization in Ukraine. The results of its implementation for the period 2014-2017 are analyzed. The author reveals how financial centralization creates conditions for more efficient activity of local self-government bodies in ensuring social and economic development of the regions. The use of the infrastructure subvention for the budgets of amalgamated territorial communities is assessed. Dynamics of development funds of the local budgets is analyzed. The role of project budgeting in ensuring the development of regions is substantiated.
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The report looks at EU and national legislation concerning the imposition of financial corrections.
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The successful fiscal decentralization in the Republic of Macedonia is of essential importance for the economic development of the country. Both central and local government levels have interest in creaming conditions for functioning of the fiscal decentralization. The EU accession process requires a wide range of political and economic reforms and the fiscal relationships between the different levels of government are key component to these reforms. The author of this article is looking at the different aspects and challengers of the proper implementation of the fiscal decentralization, in order to achieve the maximum benefits at the least possible cost.
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Fiscal policy is a key element of the economic policy. It should be targeted at economic stabilization and smoothening of the business cycle. Its significance is even bigger in countries with currency board arrangement, which limits monetary policy responses to external and internal shocks. In this paper the specific measures towards mitigation of the current crisis by the Bulgaria’s government will be examined as well as their impact on country’s economy.
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The necessity to justify the state comes directly from Fichte’s speculative attitudes. Man, i.e. his I, is the core of every thought, existence and every value. The essential and highest value of man, which is the foundation of his existence, is freedom. Freedom is a means of man’s existence, because he is determined through the freedom of his actions. In order to exist, every state has to deprive each citizen of part of his natural freedom. Therefore, the state needs justification for that, which Fichte does by giving a rational explanation of its existence. He does it by proving that man exercises his right of ownership through his freedom, which requires a contract which guarantees safety to every individual. That is how the state comes directly from the need of the reason and its purpose is to establish legal relations between people and to help them progress in culture toward freedom.
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The aim of the article is to deepen the theoretical and methodological concepts regarding the essence of political flash mob (political mob) as a spectacular and game-like variety of political actionism, to define the modern types of political mobs. The research methodology is based on: the model of society of spectacle (G. Debord); the simulation model (J. Baudrillard); the individualized society model (Z. Bauman); the model of society of interactive spectacle (S. Best, D. Kellner) etc. The methodology synthesized the theoretical and methodological concepts of symbolic interactionism, postmodernism and post-structuralism. The scientific novelty lies in the author’s original analysis of political mobs as a spectacular and game-like variety of political actionism technology, which consists of one-time or wave-like conduction of short-term dramatized mass actions according to a pre-agreed scenario. Conclusions. The analysis showed that political mob is a spectacular network interaction, performed on the basis of horizontal social communications. The author defined the following features of political mob: non-institutional character; organization through online resources; spectacularity, pronounced game context; chronometricty etc. There are following varieties of modern political mobs: “silent” flash mobs, online flash mobs (i-mob); wave-like relay and others. It is noted that the vast majority of political flash mobs are peaceful in their nature. It is emphasized that in some countries flash mobs are considered equal to protest actions, such as rallies and pickets, therefore their spontaneous self-organization is forbidden.
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The Presidential institution is comparatively new in the Bulgarian tradition of state administration. In the historical aspect, it is essentially a democratic version of the figure of the Chairman of the State Council and of the monarch. Since its inception, the new institution has been called upon to respond to the expectations of society and to adopt standards familiar to traditional democracies.Fluctuations in confidence reflect a change in attitude, contribution, presence, and behavior of the holder of the position in times of social or political crisis.Envisaged as equally distanced from, and with different functions than, the three levels of government (legislative, executive and judicial), while not representing a branch of power, the presidential institution is the highest and only state body that derives its legal status and powers directly from the Constitution; it embodies the unity of the nation and the dignity of the state. The fact that the President is directly elected by all eligible voters gives the institution additional legitimacy. This enables it to serve as the foundation of forms of direct democracy, such as referendums on important national issues. This legitimacy allows the President to form cabinets in times of political crisis, as he/she is an institutional figure holding a mandate that embodies the sovereign, i.e., the people. In this sense, it is of interest to trace the behavior of the presidential institution, which is recognized as being one of the factors maintaining public order and democracy, preventing chaos and violence in Bulgaria. This study is focused on how, and why, public perceptions of the figure and activity of the President change over time.
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A music folk-created piece of work is a construction expressed as a paradigm, part of a set in the bureaucracy system and the public arena. Such a work is a mechanical concept, which defines inheritance as a construction of authenticity saturated with elements of folk, national culture. It is also a subject of certain conventions in the system of regulations; namely, it is a part of the administrative code. The usage of the folk created work as a paradigm and legislation is realized through an organizational apparatus; that is, it becomes entertainment, a spectacle. This paper analyzes the functioning of the organizational machinery of a folk spectacle, starting with the government authorities, local self-management and the spectacle’s administrative committees. To illustrate this phenomenon, the paper presents the development of a trumpet playing festival in Dragačevo. This particular festival establishes a cultural, economic and political order with a clear and defined division o f power. The analysis shows that the folk event in question, through its programs and activities, represents a scene and arena of individual and group interests. Organizational interactions are recognized in binary oppositions: sovereignty/dependency, official/unofficial, dominancy/ subordination, innovative/inherited, common/different, needed/useful, original/copy, one’s own/belonging to someone else.
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This paper aims at outlining phonostylistic tendencies with reference to the presentation of Brexit in the Bagehot rubric of The Economist from 2017 to mid-2019. The introductory section offers a theoretical framework according to which sound symbolism is important and indispensable part of language. The next section presents an analysis of the empirical data. The concluding section summarises the empirical results and makes predictions regarding the phonostylistic presentation of Brexit until Britain leaves the EU.
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Након увођења јавног бележништва и афирмације строжих форми (солемнизација и јавнобележнички запис) за уговоре о отуђењу непокретности, у српском правном поретку појавила су се различита схватања о томе које нотарске послове могу вршити дипломатско-конзуларна представништва Републике Србије за српске држављане у иностранству и да ли је за пуноважност пуномоћја које се даје ради закључењa уговора о отуђењу непокретности довољно да потпис властодавца буде оверен пред дипломатско-конзуларним представништвом. У првом делу рада аутор анализира различита становишта и на основу те анализе закључује: 1º да дипломатско-конзуларна представништва могу за потребе српских држављана који бораве у иностранству вршити све нотарске послове које познаје српски правни поредак, што укључује и сачињавање јавнобележничких записа и потврђивање (солемнизацију) приватних исправа и 2º да није пуноважно пуномоћје за закључење уговора о отуђењу непокретности ако је на њему само оверен потпис властодавца. У другом делу рада аутор разматра принцип паралелизма форми који је предвиђен чланом 90. Закона о облигационим односима и долази до закључка да је тај принцип оправдан само код блажих форми уговора (обична писмена исправа и овера потписа). Из тог разлога аутор предлаже да се промени законска регулатива и предвиди да је за пуноважност пуномоћја за закључење уговора, за који је законом прописана форма јавнобележничког записа, односно форма јавно потврђене (солемнизоване) исправе, довољно да потпис властодавца буде оверен.
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We adapt a principal-agent model that argues about the theoretical advantages of outsourcing public services. By ‘outsourcing’ we understand the private provision of public services. With limited information on the quality of the provision, monopoly and divergent prices, the client (the principal) will prefer the lower price. With market supply, there emerge price discrimination and market segmentation, which is better in terms of overall wellfare. We discuss the issue of quality in the provision of public services.
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The paper analyzes the legally enforceable attributes of political responsibility imposed on political parties in the Russian Federation. Attention is paid to the problem of objective forms of political responsibility incurred by political parties. Three variants for formalization of political responsibility have been suggested: legislative description of its bases, certain conditions, and potential application of negative measures.
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Against the backdrop of the “One Belt, One Road” Initiative, the “16 + 1” format, fostering cooperation between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE countries), has become an important project. The striving and desire to interact on the base of the formula of equal co-operation (win-win development) promise favorable prospects. Unfortunately, however, in recent years there started a phenomenon within the EU, which we can definitely call a “New Wave of “Sinophobia”. Although so far it is hidden, this phenomenon is undoubtedly beginning to negatively affect the “16 + 1” format. In the report, we are trying to find out what the roots of this “New Wave of “Sinophobia” are? Another key objective is to think about what should be the response of this negative shadow on cooperation under the “16 + 1” format.
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“One Belt, One Road” (OBOR), “Belt and Road” (B&R), “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI), The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road are some of the names of the large-scale geopolitical project, which was launched by the Chinese government after the serious changes in the international situation. It aims to strengthen the cooperation between the countries involved, given the slow pace of recovery from the global economic crisis. President Xi Jinping managed to organize and coordinate the support of Russia and the entire Eurasian Economic Union (Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan), the members of ASEAN, of Turkey with its project “The Central Corridor”, of Mongolia with its road investment program and Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC), of Vietnam with “Two Corridors and One Economic Circle” plan, of Poland with “Amber Road” and even the UK with its strategy Northern Powerhouse. A broad diplomatic activity is going on to reconcile the principles and opportunities of the initiative with Laos, Cambodia, Hungary and also with over 40 other countries and international organizations. A lot of European countries also have already stated their willingness and intent to implement investment projects without EU involvement. What is Bulgaria doing in the modern geopolitical situation and did Bulgaria miss the Chinese train?
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