Trpi li Bog zulum
Review of: Ivan Lovrenović, Trpi li Bog zulum, Rabic, Sarajevo, 2007., 371 str.
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Review of: Ivan Lovrenović, Trpi li Bog zulum, Rabic, Sarajevo, 2007., 371 str.
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The article attempts to conceptualize non-institutional politics, as well as shows the process of its growing role in contemporary politics. The thesis was adopted that a common element of the detailed reasons for the growing importance of non-institutional politics, which brings closer and even includes non-institutional politics into conventional politics, is protest. It constitutes the central analytical category around which to build a theoretical justification for the thesis adopted here, which states that nowadays non-institutional politics has become part of the so-called traditional politics. The arguments for this thesis can be divided into two main streams: the first, systemic, concerns the transformations that have affected the institutionalized politics within democratic systems over the last half-century, the second, participatory, refers to the multifaceted development of social movements. Both include a broad set of factors that the process of developing non-institutional policy and, consequently, increase its rank and legitimacy.
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The subject of the article is the phenomenon of successes of right-wing parties and their leaders. The contemporary rise of radical populism and its geopolitical scope are reflected in the discourse of its new features. Such a discussion offers a wealth of concepts and notions. Most of them describe practices of dismantling” democracy, threats of dictatorship or even fascism. The presented analysis focuses on the question of the ideological identity of cases that can be specified as consolidated populism. The thesis I advance shows that the source of the durability of electoral support is a specific narrative based on a thinking style which Zygmunt Bauman termed “retrotopia”. This popular world view functions as a legitimizing myth, which the process of limiting democracy hides in the form of culture war. I conclude that the concept of retrotopia adds little to the distinction between today’s different varieties of populist movements and political lead
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The aim of the article was to diagnose and characterize the main determinants of political contestation in the times of crisis of liberal democracy. For the purposes of achieving the adopted goal, a research perspective was proposed as part of studies on the crisis of democracy. Its main assumptions concerned a critical attitude towards the demoliberal paradigm and the recognition that: (a) the crisis of democracy is a natural process; (b) contestation as well as populism are not the cause of the crisis of liberal democracies, but a consequence of demoliberal dysfunctions; (c) opposition to liberal democracy does not necessarily mean negation of democracy itself. Answering the research question, on the basis of the adopted perspective, the derivative processes that have been taking place within liberal democracy over the last decades, such as technological changes in the area of social communication, limiting economic growth, demographic changes, and the hegemony of neoliberalism in economic and ideological dimension. The above processes affect the immediate determinants of contestation, among which we include those of a cultural nature (community identity at risk and changes within traditional values), economic (social inequalities and deprivation) and socio-institutional (elitization and technocratization of the demoliberal system).
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The aim of the article is to formulate the conclusions extending the Bobbio’s proposal and relating to such configurations of the systemic positioning of actors that are conducive to shaping the system of decision components able to the creation and consolidation of pro-deliberative binding patterns of behaviors in public policy. Their creation and conservation would most effectively approximate the consensus driven variant of democracy. At the same time, they would dismiss the threats of non-consensual democracy and also those weakened by agreement – e.g. by the bypassing the formal institutions through informal, but well established one. The model proposal contained in the text will fit into the implementation-oriented formula of the so-called mid-range theories, which are associated with the analysis of problems closer to the practical aspects of public policies, although without disregarding the studies on determinants typical for the broader context of politics.
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The article “Non-institutional or anti-institutional policy? Sociological approach to social movements” is devoted to social movements that create a growing area of non-institutional politics, which is a response to the failure of classical institutions creating a democratic order. The sociological perspective chosen by the author also takes into account the phenomenon movements, called also social anti-movements, that do not shy away from violence and gain momentum by using the new public space that is the Internet. Their influence is growing, powering those politicians who build their popularity on populism and ultra-nationalism, like Putin, Trump, Bolsonaro and Orban. Examples of non-institutional and anti-institutional politics in Poland refer to the last 10 years, when the number of protest movements and radical groups has increased significantly.
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The paper focuses on the issue of political subjectivity and its significance in the analysis of contestation activity in Spain, particularly in relation to the formation of the 15-M Movement and the Podemos party. The proposed research approach, taking as a basis the concept of politization of leisure and creative class proposed by Łukasz Młyńczyk, considers the importance of the relationship between the individual acting in order to realise his/her own goals and the functioning or created structures as important for deepening knowledge in the discussed area. The analysis is therefore complementary to the research conducted so far, demonstrating both the usefulness of the concept and the significance of the individualistic perspective in the process of explication of issues related to contestation activity.
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Parliamentary elections in Montenegro in 2020 marked an end of Milo Đukanović’s ruling Democratic Party of Socialists, DPS. The defeat was an outcome of clerical protests led and organized by the Serbian Orthodox Church, SOC. This paper explores the contentious politics used by SOC to bring down the DPS-led government over the controversial Law on Freedom of Religions. SOC used its well-rooted repertoires of contention in nonviolent religious processions and channeled the discontent that was present among the people in Montenegro to its advantage. Montenegro’s democratic deficits and systemic corruption helped mobilize the people against Đukanović and DPS. First part contextualizes the evolution of relations between SOC and the government in the past thirty years, to determine the internal dynamics that would define religious revolt in 2020. Second part looks specifically at religious processions traditionally used by SOC as a type of modular collective action for achieving its political aims. Finally, we discuss how the strategy of non-violent protests of 2020, changed discourse and general mo- nopolization of anti-government sentiments led to a successful outcome at the elections. SOC not only accomplished its goal of terminating the Law, but continues to behave as a state above the state.
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Screening polygraph tests are most often conducted before a candidate is hired. Bayesian statistics help to better understand the real meaning of the test results obtained. Retesting also happens - usually when a candidate fails on the first attempt. In the article, the author considers various scenarios related to retesting and their consequences, including for the internal security of individual institutions and countries. He seeks optimal solutions so that testing procedures promote tightness in systems while remaining efficient and useful.
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The imperial foreign policy of the Russian Federation has led to extensive changes in the security architecture of Central and Eastern Europe. In the article the results of studies were cited. Studies were carried out in the years 2019-2020, by the method of a diagnostic survey using the technique of expert interview. Eleven experts in the field of security and defense participated in the research. The threats generated by Russia in connection with its expansive foreign policy towards Ukraine and Baltic states and their impact on the security of Poland were the subject of the research. On the basis of the results of these studies and literature review, three scenarios were developed (destabilizing, expanding the sphere of influence and isolation) which concern possible actions taken by the Russian Federation in Poland and towards Poland.
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Screening polygraph tests are most often conducted before a candidate is hired. Bayesian statistics help to better understand the real meaning of the test results obtained. Retesting also happens - usually when a candidate fails on the first attempt. In the article, the author considers various scenarios related to retesting and their consequences, including for the internal security of individual institutions and countries. He seeks optimal solutions so that testing procedures promote tightness in systems while remaining efficient and useful.
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The right to safety and health at work is one of the fundamental human rights at work, which is protected by the highest international and national legal instruments. In Serbian law, such a right is protected, firstly, by the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia itself and then, further, through the Labour Law and the Law on Safety and Health, whose norms address this issue more thoroughly. These norms are embodied first and foremost in certain obligations of employers, with the aim of ensuring safety and health at work primarily for their employees. In cases where the employer fails to provide a safe and healthy work environment, or even when an injury happens despite everything in this process being done correctly, the question of the employer’s liability for the damage which was caused at work arises. This paper provides an analysis of this issue, with emphasis on the issue of liability for the damage thus caused to the athletes with an employee status.
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The aim of this paper is to examine the position of legal interns in Serbia. The first part of the paper provides the theoretical framework for the research, as well as an overview of the normative position of legal interns, whereas the second part presents the methodological framework of the research and analysis of the data collected from 517 respondents. The results of the study confirm the hypothesis that current socio-economic changes have led to the transmission of stratification within the legal profession to the position of legal interns. Additionally, the data provide valuable insights into the experiences and challenges faced by legal interns, which have implications for the review of legal regulations governing their rights and obligations.
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Due to today’s great societal challenges, such as climate change, demographic boom, resource scarcity, urban settlements find themselves trained in a tense race of reforming their urban development strategies. Turning cities into smart settlements, by improving their waste management and energy consumption seems like the only viable solution for a prosperous and sustainable future. Moreover, statistics show that smart cities create an auspicious environment for the establishment of start-up, as they provide incentives for citizens with creative and entrepreneurial skills. Accordingly, the objective of the current study is twofold: in the first instance, we would like to prove the existence of a causal link between the level of smart orientation in a city and the spread of start-ups, namely, the smarter the city, the bigger the number of start-ups, and vice versa by choosing as our case study, a city from the North-Western development region of Romania, Oradea; secondly, we stress, that the promotion of a collaborative governance model by the city leadership, involving all the stakeholders in the decision-making process enables smart orientation within a city.
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Document examiners are frequently asked to determine whether or not a printout originated from a particular laser printer. The printer can rarely be identified unless some unique defects or irregularities of the printing are present on the printout. This article presents an overview of a systematic approach to characterizing and discriminating the toner of different laser printers using scanning electron microscopy. A total of twenty-one collected printouts were printed on twenty-one different Brother and Konica Minolta printing machine models. Sixteen printouts were obtained using printers with original toner cartridges while five printouts were obtained using printers with compatible cartridges. Clear criteria were established for individual assessment. Based on the SEM images and established criteria the details of topography of the toner structure were revealed. Due to this study, the differences or similarities of toners on tested printouts were determined. The SEM technique can be successfully, simply, and rapidly applied to the analysis of toners on paper documents.
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The article presents the results of research aimed at determining the extent to which ozone used for disinfecting rooms affects the possibility of developing fingerprints on paper using the DFO method. A sudden increase in COVID-19 cases has placed the focus on disinfection techniques for user safety. It is also becoming important to ensure the safety of parcels addressed to various recipients by inactivating pathogens, while maintaining the possibility of examination that can identify the sender, which is important from the point of view of forensics. Ozonation is a disinfection technique that has been used for many years, in particular for water treatment or in the food industry. The experiments were carried out in rooms with a cubature of approx. 20 m3 using an ozone generator available on the market. The obtained ozone gas concentration did not exceed 10 ppm. The conducted research confirmed that the traces of fingerprints left on xerographic paper placed in a room subjected to ozonation in a concentration not exceeding 10 ppm are not damaged and can be successfully developed with the DFO method.
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The aim of the article is an attempt to define the sharp power strategy, present characteristic ways of its employment and propose methods of minimizing its negative consequences for the security of the Republic of Poland. The analysis of the issues related to the types of state power (soft power, hard power, smart power) is followed by a coherent definition of sharp power formulated by the authors of the publication. The consecutive section of the article describes examples of methods of implementing the aforementioned strategy of influencing participants of international relations. Finally, the authors presented proposals for institutional and legal solutions, which are to counteract potential sharp power moves aimed at undermining the security and international position of the Republic of Poland.
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The article examines the problem of the type of mitigated crime of electoral corruption. The author discusses examples of behaviour enabling criminal qualification under Art. 250a § 3 of the Penal Code, as well as situations that do not allow the application of this regulation. He also considers the legitimacy of isolating a minor accident in the normative structure of the election corruption crime, as well as the proposed legislative changes in this regard.
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The aim of the article was to present the characteristics of operational deception used by the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and to broaden the understanding of the evolution of operations using Maskirovka. Particular attention was paid to examples of its use in contemporary wars and armed conflicts - primarily in the conflict in Ukraine and in the Five-Day War in Georgia. The analysis led to an identification of trends regarding the use of deception in contemporary and future conflicts and activities other than war. It shows that the maskirovka will be increasingly used to achieve strategic goals and shape international opinion. One of the most important areas of its application will be cyberspace, enabling more effective disinformation and propaganda activities, including information warfare. Considering the dynamic development of technology and capabilities of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in the field of operational masking, it is justified to conduct further research in the Maskirovka area.
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The aim of the article is an attempt to define the sharp power strategy, present characteristic ways of its employment and propose methods of minimizing its negative consequences for the security of the Republic of Poland. The analysis of the issues related to the types of state power (soft power, hard power, smart power) is followed by a coherent definition of sharp power formulated by the authors of the publication. The consecutive section of the article describes examples of methods of implementing the aforementioned strategy of influencing participants of international relations. Finally, the authors presented proposals for institutional and legal solutions, which are to counteract potential sharp power moves aimed at undermining the security and international position of the Republic of Poland.
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