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Indian experts in South Asia are often haunted by a conventional understanding thatIndia’s policy towards the small states in the region does not alter with a changeof guard. Such understandings specifically hint at the role of the Indian bureaucracy,which is deemed a permanent government and a prominent actor in India’s foreignpolicy decision-making. On the contrary, several claims have been made about howIndia’s foreign policy towards its neighbours has been driven by inconsistencies andad hocism because of the lack of a clear-cut neighbourhood policy. Narendra Modi’sneighbourhood policy is generally interpreted from two conflicting perspectives:either Modi’s neighbourhood policy is a continuity of the tradition, or, if it is not,it is a change. To assess what has been continued under the Modi administrationin dealing with India’s neighbours, and what has been significantly altered, this studyuses a neo-Kautiliyan approach, i.e. an Asiatic term for India’s neorealist approach,which concurrently foregrounds a non-Western perspective. The reason for usingthis approach is the wish to discover how far the securitisation of the Indian foreignpolicy has continued in dealing with small countries. The second objective is toassess how such securitisation has impacted India’s rise, while the third one is tosee to what extent India’s rise has been laden with responsibility towards its smallneighbours while prioritising its security concerns. Methodologically, this study isembedded in literature review; the materials comprise both academic and generaldebates on India’s neighbourhood policy, particularly during the Modi administration.
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India–Nepal relations go beyond a conventional neighbouring state relationship. Bothcountries share linguistic, ethnic, and religious beliefs. The border movementsbetween these countries are less regulated and people have free access to bothsides of the market. Despite free and open borders, and cultural, linguistic, andreligious similarities, relations between India and Nepal have generally beenstrained. Since 2015, the relationship between India and Nepal has reached a newlow. First, there was a blockade initiated by the Madhesi population of Nepal atthe site of the border between the two countries, and then the Indian government’sdemonetisation policy came, which has severely affected Nepal’s economy. After2015, relations between these two countries have changed dramatically. Nepal hasaltered its long-standing trade relations with India and has gone about exploringoptions with China instead.This article discusses in detail India’s view on its neighbouring countriesand the South Asian border relations. It also explores how Indian academic anddiplomatic circles view the India–Nepal relationship in the light of China’s aggressivepolicy push in the South Asian region.
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The extraordinary rise of China is one of the most remarkable events of the 21stcentury and it has attracted tremendous interest in international politics. Yet,the ways in which the small states in South Asia strategically respond to the changesin the systemic structure have largely been neglected in traditional literature.This article seeks to fill this gap by systematically analysing the types and causesof strategies undertaken by three small states in South Asia in order to respond toChina’s rise. Empirically, it focuses on the contentious regional dyads in SouthAsia and its maritime domain, exploring how structural, behavioural, and pastexperiences shape the way in which Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Maldives respond toa rising China and the regional power politics. This article concludes that the smallstates in South Asia are neither bandwagoning nor balancing China, as structuralrealism assumes. Instead, these states have adopted a form of a ‘hedging’ strategywhere they do not merely act as Lilliputians in Gulliver’s world, but they maximiseopportunities that a rising China offers these countries of South Asia.
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Since the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) was announced, the United States has upscaled closer cooperation with the countries in the region. Small states in the Indo-Pacific region are facing a growing dilemma, balancing their ties with the US and inevitable economic engagement with China. Since Nepal’s Foreign Affairs Minister’s US visit in 2018, the US has consistently been urging Nepal to play a central role in the free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. However, the role that Nepal grants itself in this region is very small. The US has offered Nepal the status of a potential partner in the IPS, which brings a distinctly new and complex diplomatic conundrum for Nepal. In this context, the paper assesses whether the US has been genuinely willing to encompass Nepal’s role in the Indo-Pacific region, or whether it is looking for an opportunity to contain China via Nepal, elucidating Nepal’s strategic importance in the American initiative. The question that arises here is how Nepal is to deal with, survive, and maintain its strategic autonomy in the face of the growing great-power rivalry, even if it enhances both the mode and the momentum of its interaction. The study concludes that Nepal’s national interests are best served by remaining vigilant. The author considers alternative smart strategies of alignment and also identifies a number of areas where additional research could prove crucial.
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Hungary is one of the most active proponents of cooperation with China inEurope. Sino-Hungarian political relations are thriving and Hungary participatesenthusiastically in activities related to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), 17+1,and other Chinese initiatives. Hungary is regularly pictured in Western media asan advocate of Chinese interests and a Trojan Horse for China in the old continent.The Chinese influence in Hungary, however, is overestimated, and data shows thatChina plays a very limited role in Hungarian affairs. It is true that Prime MinisterViktor Orbán’s government frequently makes friendly gestures towards China, butthis reflects the ambitions and calculations of the Hungarian side more than China’sefforts to build up influence. This article discusses the context, the motivations, andthe aims of Hungary with regard to China and the BRI in order to assess the realimpact of Chinese ties with the country
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Śląskość, która wykracza poza ramy nacjonalistycznych identyfikacji – dylematy tożsamościowe chłopskiego działacza
More...Studiu de caz: alegerile prezidențiale din anul 2018
Both disinformation and propaganda are basic means of manipulation in the Russian society, thus contributing to the electoral decision-making process, as well as to the consolidation of the „orchestrated democracy“.In the case of such regimes, both information dissemination technologies and social networks do not embody the citizens’ right to be informed correctly; they rather turn into the state’s right to lie. This paper analyzes the electoral process and the voter manipulation techniques used in the pre-electoral stage of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation that took place on March 18th, 2018, together with the main ways to campaign through which Vladimir Putin managed to win a landslide victory.
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The article realizes, in a didactic manner, an analysis of the post-communist Romanian parliament, offering a revealing image of the institutional design, but also of the functional dimension of the legislature. Romanian bicameralism is analyzed in the light of concepts such as symmetry vs. asymmetry and congruence vs. incongruity, but also of internal political dynamics that highlight specific characteristics and a pattern of functioning.
More...Case Study: Iulius Town Timișoara
This article investigates the „discursive construction“ of the Iulius Town real estate development in Timișoara, Romania firstly by applying a critical discourse analysis of the discursive commitments of the property developer, and secondly by conducting a critical spatial analysis of the built environment. The results indicate the project is prone to exacerbate certain unsustainable environmental and social risks, contrary to the developer’s stated ‘urban regeneration’ claims. The critical spatial analysis also highlights that this privatized urban regeneration exercise effectively leads to a repurposed „right to the city“ supporting the establishment of public spaces with built-in for-profit purposes, in line with the neoliberal assumption that the fundamental priority of development should be consumption and economic growth.
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Party-based Euroscepticism has been the subject of multiple studies in the latest period, especially after the Brexit. By using a qualitative approach, this article analyses the evolution of the attitudes towards the EU expressed by Romanian parliamentary parties with a specific focus on Euroscepticism. The time frame chosen for analysis, 2016-2020, shows that the discourse presented by party leaders varies: PSD, ALDE and UDMR have an Eurosceptic discourse while PNL, USR, PMP and Pro Romania have an optimistic discourse regarding the integration in the EU. The evolution of the Eurosceptic discourse is gradual. Parties begin with a critical discourse, then present a soft Euroscepticism and some present in the end a strong Eurosceptic position.
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Eastern enlargement had tested the EU’s capacity of integration of former communist states. The role of EU in Romania`s democratization is fully acknowledged by literature, but Romania still has problems in reforming its judicial system and eradicating corruption. This article aims to investigate how discourses refect the political relations of Romania and EU between 2014 and 2019. In doing so, this paper analysis 20 formal public discourses of Romanian and European politicians and uses newspapers and official sites as sources. The results indicate that Romania faces another political crisis in 2017 consisting in passing of new justice law and Emergency Ordinance 13 that creates impunity for high-level officials who have been convicted for corruption. The UE responds with the CVM reports that shows Romania still has a long way to go in order to become a fully integrated EU member state.
More...Trendy globalne i europejskie
The article surveys an analysis of the most important energy market trends fromthe perspective of their importance for global and European energy security and globalclimate security. The author illustrates the importance of both climate change challengesand traditional threats to energy security – especially those related to the oil suppliesdisruptions and price fl uctuations – on the dynamically changing energy market. In 2019,global oil market experienced the largest disruptions in the 21st century due to the attackon Saudi Arabia’s oil facilities in Abqaiq. How did this spectacular event impact oil/energy security? How did contemporary demand-supply trends help in managingthe 2019 disruptions? Finally, the author examines the scale of transformative changesin the energy market with regard to energy effi ciency, renewable energy, CO2 emissions,and how energy-climate policy interacts with the energy security environment.
More...Wielka polityka w czasie impeachmentu
2019 was dominated by political tensions and the impeachment process against PresidentDonald Trump – only a third such case in the history of the United States (US).The domestic struggle between Democrats and Republicans did not leave muchspace for the administration to conduct and implement its political goals in other areas.Despite growing rivalry between major world powers (US, China, Russia), includingincreasing tensions and confl icts on a global scale, US foreign policy remained onthe sidelines. However, the US economy continued to fl ourish, increasing the incumbentPresident’s chances for re-election in 2020. The goal of this paper is to analyze the USdomestic aff airs and its foreign policy through the events of 2019. The main hypothesisis that the initiation of the impeachment process was a manifestation of a politicalcrisis in the US but, due to good economic conditions, the charges against the USPresident carried negative consequences neither for the country’s domestic situationnor for the President himself. Rather, the impeachment trial resulted in a deepeningof the leadership crisis in the US and overall weakening of the country’s position onthe global scene.
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The paper Issues of Religious Fundamentalism and Radicalization in Georgia refers to the proper study and analysis of the political, economic, cultural factors, external and domestic influences in the region. It focuses on the vulnerabilities of certain sections of the population living in the region, their views and attitudes. To what extent is it possible to incite religious fundamentalism and radicalism in the population of the region and what part of the target group can resort to extremism. The study emphasizes the importance of external forces and factors in shaping the mood of the popula-tion. It also answers the question of whether it is possible for an interested party to influence and manipulate the target group. The paper Issues of Religious Fundamentalism and Radicalization in Georgia refers to the proper study and analysis of the political, economic, cultural factors, external and domestic influences in the region. It focuses on the vulnerabilities of certain sections of the population living in the region, their views and attitudes. To what extent is it possible to incite religious fundamentalism and radicalism in the population of the region and what part of the target group can resort to extremism. The study emphasizes the importance of external forces and factors in shaping the mood of the population. It also answers the question of whether it is possible for an interested party to influence and manipulate the target group.
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The U.S. presidential elections in 2020 went down in history for many reasons, including the record turnout, the record number of mail votes, and the announcement of victory by the losing candidate, the incumbent president. The American media expected this post-election disinformation and behaved responsibly by consistently reporting the lack of a winner when a significant number of votes remained uncounted in the key states. Twitter, thanks to D. Trump, became one of the main forms of communication between the president and the public. Therefore, the precautions introduced by this portal regarding the premature announcement of victory were particularly important. The analysis is based on the broadcasts of the main American TV stations (CNN, Fox News) and Trump’s tweets. Using critical discourse analysis, we examine the thesis that the responsibility of traditional and social media in 2020 made enormous social unrest impossible and led to a peaceful change of power.
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