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Russian annexation of Crimea in 1783 (populated mostly by Tatar population) started the realisation of the integration of “New Russia” into administrative system, which was conducted mostly in accordance with plans and recommendations of Grigory Aleksandrovich Potemkin. His efforts led to Sevastopol becoming a naval base, which called for hiring a significant number of workers in the period from 1783 to 1787. Colonisation policy which accompanied these efforts did not yield significant results during its first years. In order to show power over “newly conquered territories”, a visit of Catherine II to Sevastopol was organised in 1787. Demonstration of power, which was supposed at the same time to display the success of Russia in Crimea, soon after the beginning of the new Russian-Ottoman was 1787–1791., indicated the main problem of such politics. Communication with the Mediterranean still was impossible, and will remain so until the moment when the Porte, pressured by the European public, decided to open up straits for navigation.
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Being educated in Zagreb, Bosnian Franciscans came under the influence of Illyrian national ideas since 1830s. As it was the case with most South Slavs, they as well felt drawn to Serbia because of its independent state. The young Bosnian Franciscans embraced Ljudevit Gaj’s Illyrian Movement as a renaissance movement of all South Slavs, but accepted Ilija Garašanin’s Serb national politics as well. In the years to come, the two national politics differed mostly around the issue of Bosnian Catholics’ national affiliation and the political destiny of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unlike the scholars Josif Šafarik, Jan Kolar and Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, who belived Bosnian Catholics were Serbs, which was the philological base of Serb national agitation, Gaj suggested the name of Serbo-Croats. This name initiated the contraries between the two national politics. Among Bosnian Franciscans, several names stood out very early. Friar Bartul Jurić, who would later convert to Orthodox faith and take the name Tomo Kovačević, turned to national agitation of Ilija Garašanin after a very poorly organized uprising against the Turks ended in disaster in 1840. Garašanin himself worked with the Illyrians and Gaj in the beginning. Kovačević would later become Garašanin’s main conspirer for Bosnian Catholics and the complete territory of Bosnia. The other notable name among Franciscans was friar Stjepan Verković who was at first the agent for Gaj, then Garašanin, and later on he would work for both of them at the same time. The third significant name was that of Ivan Frano Jukić, who was the first to notice the differences between the two agitations among the Bosnian Franciscans. In the early 1840s, particularly after the Načertanije was created in 1844, the draft of which that belonged to one of the authors Franjo Zah, Ljudevit Gaj copied personally and then sold to Meternich, the discord became more and more noticeable. As the relations grew increasingly tense, the future of Bosnia after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, which was yet to happen, emerged as one of the main points of dispute. Serbia and its supporters among the Franciscans believed, as the philology then stated, that one Serb people lived in Bosnia. Starting from 1844, through voices of several leading supporters of the future Party of Rights’ ideology, notably Bogoslav Šulek and Ivan Kukuljević-Sakcinski, the Illyrians started to promote openly the idea to annex Bosnia, or at least the west of the country or the so called Turkish Croatia, to Croatia. By that time, the Croatian tendencies have replaced the Illyrian ideas. In 1848, the year of revolution and appointing of Josip Jelačić for a Croatian ban, the Old Illyrian ideas triumphed in getting the Bosnian Franciscans stand for the Croatian national idea.
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As one of the most influential persons in Croatia during the 19th century, Strossmayer was in the political life of the Dual monarchy, both as a politician and as a bishop, the loudest advocator of Croatia’s struggle for independence. The thought on which his decades long political activity was based in many segments directly intruded into the political and religious relations within Bosnia and Herzegovina. If we take into consideration that Strossmayer considered that the Yugoslav program could be achieved exclusively by the expulsion of Turks from Europe, it is clear that his Yugoslav thought, which originated from Catholic hegemonism in the Balkans, did not as such treat Bosnian and Herzegovinian Muslims equally in the capacity of their ethnic individuality. On the other hand, the influence of Bishop Strossmayer was evident in his attitudes in which the issue of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s belonging was considered as a problem whose solution was a part of the Croatian national interest. The legal and political status of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the major preocupation of his political and diplomatic action from the second half of the 19th century. An especially important question, which certainly deserves more attention of historians, and which has been treated in the context of JosipJuraj Strossmayer’s policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in this paper, is the issue of representation of Muslims in Strossmayer’s political thought. The religious specificum of their identity as Bosniaks in his considerations, firstly through the idea of South Slavism and the Illyrian movement, and then within the Croatian national policy, was the subject of diverse interpretations. Due to the existence of national-romantic tendencies in history, that have deprived the explanation of this issue of its objectivity and scientific valorization, this problem should be treated with the ultimate goal of achieving scientific truth. In this sense, this paper represents and attempt to elucidate this question in historical science.
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The article tells about the Muslim women’s issue in the years of the First World War and the tribulations of the religious and political elite of the Bosnian Muslims – Bosniaks – in their efforts to protect the traditional moral character of a Muslim woman and stop or slow down the social trends that led to distancing of female generations from a deeply entrenched notion of a virtuous and withdrawn wife, mother and homemaker. Although the crisis of traditional morality was an inevitable consequence of modernization processes which with the arrival of the Austro-Hungarian rule took place in urban areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it was only the First World War that seriously confronted the Muslim society to the extent and implications of the “decline of the Muslim womanhood” which faced extreme difficulties trying to overcome the social problems and moral challenges brought by the reality of the war. Although a part of the elite insisted on the negative impact of European culture as a factor of the present “degeneration” of Muslim women, in the last year of the war the majority of the leading figures of Bosniaks was aware of the fact that the relativity of female morality was primarily a result of the misery and poverty of the war time and not the targeted distancing of Muslim women from the Islamic principles, even though some often pointed to weak religious and home upbringing as a factor that facilitated her moral degradation. By the end of the war the Muslim society only managed to get to know the extent of women’s problems, with no visible effects in the field of concrete solutions.
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