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A kulturális diplomácia gyökerei visszanyúlnak a világirodalom 19. századi geneziséhez. Ez utóbbi személyes innováció volt, Goethe azóta is megismé- telhetetlen hatású egyéniségéhez és kozmopolita tekintélyéhez kapcsolódott. A világirodalom szó- összetétel, a Weltliteratur a politikát s a diplomá- cia világát is alaposan ismerõ költõ naplójában elõször 1827-ben bukkant fel, és az újszülött fogalomba az öreg Goethe egy hosszú élet kivételesen gazdag és változatos tapasztalatait foglalta bele.
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Mûhelynapló a megtartó melankóliáról. Ezt a mûfaji megjelölést írta Lászlóffy Aladár A jerikói trombitás cím alá, a mi kiadá- sunkban (mármint a KOMP-PRESS, Korunk Baráti Társaságnál) 1994-ben, az Ariadné sorozatban megjelent kötetben.
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Hogyan juttathatjuk el kulturális értékeinket azokhoz, akik anyagi, egészségi okok vagy fizikai akadályoztatásuk miatt színházi elõadásokat nem tudnak látogatni? Ez a kérdés indította el 2009 tavaszán a világon elsõként – és jelenleg is mûködõ – internetszínház-projektet a www.amagyarkulturanagy kovete.com weboldalon. Célunk az volt, hogy a magyar színházi produkciók internetes gyûjtemé- nyének kialakításával, archiválásával és közreadá- sával a magyar színházi kultúra értékeit széles körben terjeszthessük.
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A koronázás napja egyre jobban közeledett, és ezt mindenképpen szerették volna ünnepélyes külsõségek között, többek kö- zött az újonnan egyesült erdélyi törvényhatóságok részvételével is megtartani. A törvényhatóságok fõtisztjeihez körlevelet intéztek: „A koronázás az alkotmány helyreállítása és fenntartásának legfontosabb és kegyeletes biztosítékát és zárkövét képezvén, szükséges, hogy az e magasztos tényhez méltólag külsõleg is magán hordja a nemzeti közöröm és alkotmányos önérzet jellegét, melynek kiváló emelésére szolgálna”, ha minden megye – „mint az alkotmány védbástyái” – 3-3 „tisztességes lovast” küldene, az egyiket a megye zászlójával, valamint földet a koronázási halomhoz.
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Jütlandról Norvégiába tartok. Az ég és a tenger összeolvad a mindent egybemosó szürkeségben, nincsen látóhatár, nincsenek hullámok sem, csak egy gyönge remegés érzõdik a hátsó fedélzeten, miután elhagyjuk Grenent. Már a Skagerrakban vagyunk, Terje Viggen tengerén. Itt kelt át a norvég partról Dániába az angol háború kegyetlen évében. A flottát legyõzték, és a norvégok éheztek. Terje 1809-ben átvitorlázott Vendsysselbe, hogy élelmet szerezzen feleségé- nek és leányának. Hazafelé tartott már a há- rom zsák árpával, amikor az angolok elfogták, és börtönbe vetették. Csak 1814-ben jutott haza Norvégiába, ahol felesége és leánya közben koldusbotra jutott.
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Ujváry Gábor: A harmincharmadik nemzedék. Politika, kultúra és történettudomány a „neobarokk társadalomban”, Ráció Kiadó, Bp., 2010.
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Az EGE–EMGE története páratlan sikertörténetnek indult, s 103 év után a történelmi tragikum gyilkos-öngyilkos szakadéká- ban végzõdött. Ha a siker titkát kutatjuk, talán Demeter Bélát idézném, aki a célt így fogalmazta meg: „Az erdélyi magyar gazdatársadalom megszervezése és ügyének teljes szolgálata”, illetve zászlajukról ezt olvasta le: „Egy az egészért és az egész egyért.”
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Sipos Balázs: Sajtó és hatalom a Horthy-korszakban, Argumentum, Bp., 2011.
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Murádin János Kristóf: Transformãri instituþionale în viaþa culturalã maghiarã din Transilvania în perioada 1944-1948, Scientia Kiadó, Kvár, 2012.
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Háromnegyed évszázados állomásához érkezett grafikus, festõ (és tehetségét más, a képzõmûvészetbe illeszkedõ, illetve azzal határos területeken kipróbáló) barátunk, a Korunk egyik legrégibb és legmegbízhatóbb munkatársa, Paulovics László mûvészete számos forrásból táplálkozott, táplálkozik. E háttérvilágnak korántsem elhanyagolható része a történelem, mindenekelõtt a magyar história. Amikor lovakat rajzol, örökít színesbe, akkor is gyakran a múltba réved (van egy 1991-es, kevert technikájú munkája, amelynek a Lovagkor címet adta); mitológiai kalandozásaiban ugyancsak megjelennek a lovak, akár kentaur formában; de a harci mének konkrétabb történelmi pillanatok megidézésében is szerepet kapnak, például Tinódi Lantos Sebestyént idézve (Vitézi ének, 2005.).
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Romsics Ignác: Magyar sorsfordulók 1920–1989, Osiris Kiadó, Bp., 2012.
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The roots of far-right politics in Hungary, which is a widely varied phenomenon in itself, reach back to the 19th century. The birth of the “idea of independence”, nationalism, imperial ambitions and Turanism all date back to this century. The ideas were associated in the final third of the same century with anti-modernist concepts like anti-Semitism, directed against Jewish emancipation, the agrarian movement, built up against capitalism, as well as the idea of a Christian Renaissance. One of the precursors of fair-right politics was Győző Istóczy, the father of modern Hungarian anti-Semitism, whose followers also took inspiration from Christian socialist thinkers like Ottokár Prohászka and Béla Bangha. The extreme right in its current form was born as a reaction against the revolutions of 1918-1919. The first national socialist groups appeared in Hungary during the worldwide economic crisis. The most successful far-right political party was the Party of National Will, lead by Ferenc Szálasi, who published an overview of his ideas with the title Út és Cél (The Way and the Goal), in which he elaborated his views on “Hungarism”. Szálasi considered Hungarism the specifically Hungarian form of National Socialism. He also called his politics, directed at the “dejewification” of Hungary, in contradistinction to the anti-Semites who proposed the limitation of Jewish rights, anti-Semitism, which would have entailed the expulsion of Jews from the country without their fortunes. The Szálasi government, which came into office on 16 October 1944, promised the solution of the “Jewish question” and the establishment of a Hungarist state, which meant the totalitarian regime of a single-party state. Accordingly, at the beginning of November, Szálasi took up the title “Leader of the Nation”, concentrating the functions of head of the state and of the Arrow Cross Party’s leader.
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After the fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic on August 1, 1919, the coalition government of Károly Huszár set out to normalize the political situation after November 1919. By the middle of 1920, a dualistic political system had emerged which showed the characteristics of a parliamentary democracy as well as of a dictatorship.The transitional character of the system disappeared with the premiership of István Bethlen, who introduced a new state and governmental system in the first phase of his government between 1921 and 1926. This essay surveys the phases of this process and makes an attempt to define precisely the characteristics of the political system introduced by Bethlen. According to the author, a parliamentarian political system emerged in Hungary by the mid-1920s with some characteristics of an authoritarian regime at the same time. This system had to face serious challenges during the 1930s, among which the emergence of the extreme right was the most important. Such reforms had been incorporated into the system during the 1930s, as the result of which it can described as an authoritarian regime after 1939. This system existed until March 1944, when Nazi Germany occupied the country.
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Although some contemporary analyses and historical reflections published immediately after 1945 could have provided a good starting point for a more systematic and archives-based research work concerning the character of the Horthy regime, the intellectual climate of the rigid Communist dictatorship established after 1947-1948 made this task totally impossible. According to the prevailing view on the time period between 1920 and 1945, succinctly stated by Erzsébet Andics, one of the leading figures of the communist historians, “there was an essentially fascist regime in Hungary too for 25 years”. The brochures and the school textbooks of the first 10-15 years did in fact outline this view in detail and illustrated it with concrete material. Due to the more liberal atmosphere of the Kádár regime, real historical research began after the 1956 revolution, and its first results were published in the 1960s. According to the new approaches published in the late 60s and early 70s, the power system of the Horthy regime contained not only fascist but authoritative and traditionally liberal elements as well. By the late ’80s it has been largely accepted that in respect of its political institutions and their functions the Horthy regime should be characterized as a limited parliamentary system with distinctly authoritarian features. Although the evaluations have recently diversified again, professional historians continue to consider the Hungarian regime of the inter-war years as one of authoritarianism with predominant party relations.
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This study focuses upon the press policy of the Hungarian governments in the Horthy era. The years of 1919–1921 were the period of state exception. The war times have not ended legally in 1918, because the Hungarian parliament ratified the peace treaty only in 1921. So the different governments had extra rights, and they could create basic executive decrees which restricted the freedom of the press. For example, a permit from the prime minister was needed to establish a journal or a magazine, and the Minister of the Interior had rights to ban any newspaper or literary magazine etc. Executive decrees of this kind were valid during the complete Horthy era, but censorship worked just in 1919–1921 and during World War II. On the other hand, the press could flourish between 1921 and 1938. Two anti-Jewish laws were established in 1938–1939, which restricted the work possibilities of so-called Jewish journalists and editors, and more than 400 journals were banned in 1938–1939.
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The first social security schemes were introduced in Hungary relatively early, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. These programmes, similarly to the practice of most of the European countries, only covered industrial workers, while the public employees were granted pension and other welfare benefits by separate schemes. The inclusion of other social groups into the welfare programmes took place fairly slowly and only accelerated during the Second World War. Thus, the welfare system of interwar Hungary was characterized by a serious contradiction. On the one hand, a major part of the industrial employees was covered by health, occupational injury and old age pension insurance, and the level of the benefits was also high in an international comparison. The public employees similarly received relatively generous benefits. However, the social rights of the agricultural population constituting the majority of the total population were very modest in that period. The social welfare system noticeably began to open up to the rural population as a result of the change in the political constellation from the mid-1930s.
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After the First World War, leader cults appeared in several European countries as a response to the critical social and political conditions. The Horthy-cult, a special type of this phenomenon, can be ranked among them. This paper attempts to analyze the role of Horthy's journey to Rome and Vienna (1936) in the cult-making process. According to the main message of the selectively constructed image of the leader Miklós Horthy, the Regent of Hungary was the only one capable of achieving the national goals and of restoring national glory. He showed the way to the revision of the Treaty of Trianon to the Hungarian nation. Consequently, his journey to Rome and Vienna was depicted as a step towards the so-called brighter future. The author attempts to identify the techniques of cult formation and the frequently used elements of the leader's image. Of course, there was a sharp contrast between the image of the Regent, manufactured by the propaganda, and the genuine Horthy.
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