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This work is dedicated to the policy of the Great Britain towards Balkan in the second part of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. This policy was founded on the three basic principles of the British foreign policy on the Balkans. First of all it was strictly respect decisions of the Congress of Berlin in terms of maintaining the status quo on the Balkans. Second, was prevented of the increase Russian influence and expansion in the Balkans. Finally Great Britain was against a creation of the wider union of Balkan states
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In the text entitled The character of social-economic and cultural development of the town of Nikšić during the rule of prince (king) Nikola I Petrović, the author analyses social-economic and cultural development of the town of Nikšić between the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and the beginning of the World War I in 1914. The aim of the analysis is demonstrating the complexity and comprehensiveness of changes that took place in the town of Nikšić at the time, but also pointing out the importance the town of Nikšić had in the political and economic plans of prince (king) Nikola I Petrović.
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In 1878 the Great Powers determined the fate of the Balkan peoples/nations without their participation, leaving compact masses of Bulgarians, Albanians, Greeks and Serbs in the territory of European Turkey. This situation led to aspirations for national unity and for forming a state as is the case with the Albanians. At the same time the Ottoman Empire was in crisis and that non-colonized part of the continent became the center of a race for the “Turkish heritage”. The European diplomacy protected the integrity of Turkey, contrary to the interests of the Balkan countries. In turn, they attempted to achieve agreement on an anti-Turkish basis but failed to overcome their differences. In this connection, they kept an eye on every political development and paid more attention to Albania, which became the hottest spot in the Balkans. In the early twentieth century, the Albanians had not yet created complications, but after the coup in Constantinople in 1908, their concerns began to take shape in the panorama of the international relations. Influenced by the Young Turks promise of “equality, fraternity, freedom”, the Albanian patriots raised the idea of autonomy, which was formulated by the League of Prizren. The subsequent rapid development of the Albanian national movement created the Albanian question, and it became a significant part of the national question in the Balkans. On the other hand, the Great Powers were worried by the aspirations of the Balkan politicians to use the ongoing events to strengthen their positions in that important Turkish province. The Bulgarian governing authorities did not remain foreign to that interest as they regarded the solution of the Albanian and Macedonian questions in direct connection. The first Bulgarian agent in the Montenegrin capital was reminded that the main motive for the opening of the agency was to function as an observation point from where information about the positions and the opinions of the Montenegrin court and government on the situation in the Balkans was expected. With its location Cetinje proved to be a convenient place for close watching the movement of the Albanian people as well. The reports of the Bulgarian diplomatic agents are valuable evidences of both the Albanian history and the political life in Montenegro. The “historical right” of King Nikola to expand the state increased after the proclamation of the Kingdom of Montenegro, which coincided with the tensed situation in northern Albania. This circumstance was an argument to seek the support of Russia, but King Nikola was advised to give up his plans about Albania as Petersburg feared a conflict between Montenegro and Turkey in which the European coun88 И с т о р и ј с к и з а п и с и tries might intervene. Despite the warnings, King Nikola went on with his diplomacy - alongside with the pursuit of influence in northern Albania, the monarch displayed remarkable humanity towards the Albanian refug
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The paper deals with Montenegrin high school and academic youth, educated abroad 1848-1918. in the neighboring countries, or in the European countries at all, having been awarded with the grants “blagodejanje” from the Ministry of education and church affairs of Montenegro. The aim of paper is to present the situation of the students whose scholarship was paid by the state of Montenegro, numbers of their presence at the high schools and Universities, explain the reasons of their education, as well as to objectively describe the role of the Prince- King Nikola I Petrović during the process of granting the scolarships – „blagodejanje“.
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The author deals with the issue of reflections caused by the first Montenegrin Constitution of 1905 and its influence on the political and social relationships in the countries of Montenegrin close environment. As a source of research, representative periodicals, namely press (one publication) from three neighboring countries: Serbia (Politika), Croatia (Hrvatske novine), and Bosnia (Srpska riječ). An accent in the research has been put on an objective influence that via the Nikoljdan’s Constitution could reach these countries regarding the existing quality of democratic relations in them. Apart from this, negative circumstances after the adoption of the Montenegrin Constitution could not favor the process of the initiated democracy in the mentioned Balkan countries.
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The relationship of Prince and King Nikola toward Drobnjak tribe was very specific. During the first part of his reign, he supported rebellions in this region, hoping for the enlargement of his state in this area. Troughout these wars and uprisings, the Drobnjaks were fully loyal and relied upon. But, at the end of XIX century, the educated youth and intelectual circles started to resist the king’s apsolutism, so the Drobnjaks found themselves among the most eager Nikola’s opponents. Political quarrels in the area, especially before the introduction of Constitution in Montenegro, provided that the tribe became the strong point of People’s Party, which confronted the unilateral wish of Montenegrin monarch
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The relationship between King Nikola and Metropolitan Mitrofan went from intense friendship to unhidden absurdness. In the exclusive melody titled “Montenegrin Serbdom“ composed by King Nikola himself, his loss turned out to be immeasurable. The acting of Metropolitan Mitrofan in the period from 1918 – 1920 was justifiably condemned by some contemporaries with the criticism of history, since it was this spiritual mentoring that led to the loss of the Montenegrin state and church and rekindled the civil war in the country. The disloyalty and stubborn inflexibility of the Montenegrin Metropolitan deepened even further the inexhaustible source of Montenegrin frustrations in the 20th century.
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The paper describes the report of the ambassador of the Ottoman Empire in Cetinje, Ahmed Dzevad Pasha, who accompanied the Prince Nikola on his journey throughout Montenegro. This journey was accomplished during May and June of 1884, some six years after Montenegro gained its independence at the Congress of Berlin. This report shows some interesting and picturesque descriptions of Montenegro in those times.
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The paper deals with activities of the Nikola I Petrović, Montenegrin Prince and the King, on codification of Montenegrin legislation. King Nicholas donated Montenegro modern codes with many originals rules in them in area of organization and functional procedure law.
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In conclusion, during the period 1860-1914, Austro-Hungarian leaders considered Prince/later King Nicholas to be, more often than not, a thorn in their side. They were continually irritated by Nicholas attempts to alter the Balkan status quo to his advantage. On numerous occasions, the Austrian political leadership attempted to pry Montenegro away from its traditional Russophilic stance and to bring the Nicholas Petrović-Njegoš in the Eyes of Austrian Leaders ... 59 principality -- later kingdom -- into a pro-Habsburg orbit -- but only with very limited, temporary success. In the words of Kuhn von Kuhnenfeld, Nicholas was considered a realistic politician who was interested first and foremost in two things: the expansion of Montenegrin territory and the enhancement of his own position in Montenegro and in the Balkans in general. For Giesl, he was an exasperating „dreamer and a chauvinist.” As noted by both Austrian representatives in Cetinje, Nicholas could be gracious and charming. By the same token, he could be brusque, abrupt, and almost insulting in his dealings with Habsburg representatives. This was especially in case with Giesl during his tenure here in Cetinje. Nicholas could run „hot and cold.” Still his moods swings, as irritating as they were to the Austrian ministers, were in fact almost totally predictable -- a function of the prevailing political winds and public pressures. Austrian diplomats realized that Nicholas was caught between a rock and a hard place: between a general Serbophilia on the part of a large part of his population (not to mention his own pro-Serb pronouncements and literary creations) and his own desire to maintain his throne and dynasty. For most of the period under discussion, the Austro-Hungarian government did what it could to frustrate Nicholas the dreamer. Only at the end, in 1914, as the prospects for an even greater Serbia under the scepter of the Karadjordjević grew, did Vienna begin to consider Nicholas as the lesser of two evils -- and contemplated promoting rather than frustrating the Montenegrin ruler in at least some of his territorial desiderata. Indeed, in July 1914 the Austro-Hungarian foreign minister finally contemplated issuing a guarantee to an independent Montenegrin state and promising to support additional Montenegrin territorial expansion into the Sandžak and, yes, even northern Albania. But it was too little, too late.
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The paper deals with uprising of the north-Albanian tribes 1910-1911, caused by the fact that Yung Turks started conducting policy of islamization, disarming non-Turkish popupulation and breaking political organizations. Although without direct military engagement, Montenegro was sanctuary to many Albanian refugees. King Nikola put great diplomatic efforts with Turkish authorities so that Albanian emigrates would be allowed free return home. By helping these riots, it was obvious that King Nikola is preparing a bigger liberation movement in Balkans, whose initiator would be Montenegro
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The paper presents the report of Italian lawyer Rabl from Trieste, who spent some time in Montenegro during 1889. His report contains many interesting and, until that time, new information about the country, people, customs and every day life. Since it contains the plethora of different data and having also been written in exceptionally beautiful style, it is presented in this paper in its completeness.
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The paper deals with the position, role and importance of the theatre in Montenenegro at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Its main actors until the very end of the 19th century, were the reading associations. These organisations, for the organizational and state hierarchy reason, had been functioned as state institution, although they had based as private society. Theatricals and performances were dominated by culture events of that time. King Nikola’s numerous drama parts, full of political attitudes and author epistles, were the main plays on the scenes.
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By the present text, the author deals with the role of Nicola I Petrovic Njegos in arhcheological exploration, preservation and presentation of the late antique and early medieval town Doclea at the end of XIX and beginning of XX century.
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In this paper I address an old anthropological problem of the relationship between nature and culture, this time not as ontological qualities, but as political concepts that shape current forms of political struggle in certain parts of the world. I have tried to show that the persistence of the idea that “primitive people” are green is the consequence of many interrelated factors and that it is necessary to see native groups within a concrete historical context instead of simply labelling them as more natural than we are. Sill, my aim it is not to say that industrial societies do not have anything to learn about environmental responsibilities from the non-industrial ones, but following Milton (1999), to show the value of more nuanced and historically situated approach to the understanding of the ways different societies understand and interact with their environment.
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The paper deals with the first Drežnica gathering held on November 17th 2012 at KPD ’’Jedinstvo-Egyseg“ facilities in Bajmok, Bačka. The gathering was held on the 67th anniversary of the settling of the people from Drežnica and other places in Gorski kotar in Bajmok. The day of all Drežnica people migrations was celebrated on this occasion too, starting from the moment when the Serbian population began to inhabit the Ogulin-Gomir region and the Drežnica area in 1600 and later. The gathering has the elements of national, regional, and cultural identity. It also indicates the belonging to the Serbian people and Orthodox faith, the life on the borders of Gorski kotar and Lika, and the songs and dances from these parts. All the above mentioned elements of the gathering are more or less visible indicators of identity. In contrast to this, there are some elements of identity which cannot be seen at the gathering, but which are present in the participants’ consciousness. It is actually a regional identity, that is, the attitudes of the Drežnica people concerning the regional belonging of the Drežnica parts. According to some opinions, the Drežnica area is historically, geographically, culturally and administratively tied to Gorski kotar. They are the people of Drežnica and Gora and their number is quite significant. According to others, whose number is much smaller, Drežnica is a special and self-sufficient area which exists independently of other areas. They are the people of Drežnica. The third group, the younger generations in Bajmok, claims that Drežnica belongs to Lika. They think of themselves as the people of Drežnica and Lika. They seem to be a majority. By all odds, this opinion came as a consequence of the generation gap between the older and the younger generations, parents and children, as well as the migrations with which many cultural roots were pulled out. It also came as a consequence of the influences made by the native inhabitants, the Bunjevci, Croats, and Hungarians, on the newly settled Serbian population, who probably just returned the information received from the colonists about their ancestry to them. So, the basic question for further wider researches on this issue, to which a special attention should be paid, is what makes the people of Drežnica identify themselves with Lika.
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The disaster movie is one of the most persistent genres in cinematography, but it constantly escapes our attention because it is presented as“easy summer fun”. If we want to understand it as a cultural document of an epoch in which the genre is important and popular, we need to come up with a definition, formula and conventions of a disaster movie. Also, we must propose one of many possible comprehensions of its popularity and religious heritage. The paper uses definitions of genre, conventions and formulae in the attempt to show a way of using popular narratives in the transmission of a world view. Using a narrative structure gives us a glimpse into the deeper cultural, social and political context in which the disaster movie is created, popular or rejected. The paper discusses disaster movies as cultural artifacts, as a ritual we are practicing without remembering its purpose. Also, paper is examining identifying apocalyptic and catastrophic as an product of interposition of Apocalypse to Johan and Great Tribulation. Using apocalyptic literature, end times narratives and disaster movies, the paper shows the fruitfulness of destruction representations and imaginarium of terror. Using fear and shock, the messages of disaster movies seems more urgent and relevant. Through the ideas of Susan Sontag and Maurice Yacowar, the paper presents a way for analyzing the contemporary disaster movie. Conventions and formulae of disaster movies help us to understand the way modern cinematography is used for cultural and political means. The popularity of disaster movies can be seen as a form of ”ritualization of discontent” wherein the viewers experience some sort of catharsis. Also, disaster movie gathers different interests and actualizes thirstness for transformation of order or achieving justice.
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Members of the Gorani community with whom I have spoken talked about the Gorani wedding ritual as a marker of the Gorani ethnic community. In other words, they did not present it only as an important event in their own lives, but also as an event which is meaningful for the whole community. I have assumed that if an event is of special significance then the memory of it must occupy a special place in individual memory. This encouraged me to analyze personal memories of Gorani weddings in this paper. In the paper I will show which elements contribute to the maintaining of certain contents in individual memory and how commonplaces of memory are made within individual memory. At the same time, I will attempt to answer the question of the influence of collective frameworks of remembering in the formation of these commonplaces. In this context I consider the question of the relationship between the individual and collective memory and rememberance. Furthermore, in the paper I will show that commonplaces of memory within personal memory are formed under the influence of collective memory, and that the selection of events which will be remembered more intensively that others, as well as the measure in which the retained memories will be near to the collective model depends on the individual’s personal (subjective) choice. It is evident that the Gorani wedding represents a social practice which is not comprised only of the influence of the collective on the individual memory and remembrance, but that the reverse is also plainly visible. Individual memory, because it is organized in accordance to a certain collective frame of reference enables that frame to last and reproduce.
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At the beginning of the 20th century in Serbia, female painters, following modern European artistic trends became leaders in the dissemination of avant-garde ideas. Women’s art became the object of sharp critique or was ignored by the critics and completely marginalized. Feminists strove to fix the imbalance in practices of subject production, to establish institutions and models of life in which the existence of ones did not entail the suppression of all others. Despite their significant opus, certain Serbian female artists are only now the subject of monographs. In the late 20th century, only M. Pavlović Barili got respect, and even that was posthumous. The ork of Nadežda Petrović, Zora Petrović and Kosa Bokšan was also valued later, most often with the presence of other (male) authors, which confirms that the patriarchy always values men, while the role of women was to be unnoticeable and meaningless, always outside the focus. In this paper the focus is on the art of Nadežda Petrović, and its reception indicates not only the individual path of the artist, but the problem of female expression through painting. By establishing the value of art in the spirit of contemporary strivings, Nadežda Petrović comes up against the outcry of painter colleagues who label her art as “naive” and “primitive”, neglecting and refusing to acknowledge her artistic individuality. As an illustration of the feminist engagement of Nadežda Petrović in her artistic expression, three paintings from different phases of her career were chosen: Woman with child, Portrait of Kosara Cvetković and Xenia. Nadežda Petrović radically oversteps the conventional way of looking at women from the viewpoint of men. Visual expression represses and destroys the traditional framework of seeing (in which man is the subject and woman the object), pointing to the projected viewer outside the painting and the woman’s gaze which prepares the establishing of dialogue. Creating in the time of establishment of new sociocultural relations on the ladder of male/female determinations, Nadežda Petrović did not want to run from problems, but heralds and “insists” in an open and direct way, flaunting her cosmopolitanism, desire for independence and aversion toward universal ideologies. The art of Nadežda Petrović maps the mosaic of incorporated fragmented positions of women in former as well as in contemporary society. By deconstructing and questioning the dominant presumption about creativity, as well as the meaning of the term artist, artists such as Nadežda Petrović directly pointed to the unspoken idea that the language of art is created by men, uncovering the relationship between language, art and ideology, thanks to them, women’s art becomes noticed and valued, which kickstarts the process of constituting an equal art, outside the categories of “male” and “female”.
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