Series:IIR - DISCUSSION PAPERS

Czech Republic with OSCE: From passive absorption to active transformation of Czech foreign policy

Česká republika s SZBP/SBOP: Od pasivní absorpce k aktivní transformaci české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Petr Kratochvíl,Vít Beneš,Mats Braun,Tomáš Dopita,Vladimír Handl,Michal Kořan / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Czech Foreign Policy; OSCE; Cze EU-accession;

While in the pre-accession period, the Czech Republic focused mainly on the internal functioning of the European Union and the adaptation deriving from it. The situation changed dramatically after joining the EU. For the first time, the Czech Republic has been given the right to participate actively in the decision-making process on EU policies and thus contribute to strengthening cooperation between EU Member States. Although the Czech political elites continued to deal primarily with the institutional mechanisms of EU functioning, the Czech representation in these mechanisms and the functioning of the internal market, membership of the Union had - and still has - a substantial impact on the foreign policy of the country. The representatives of the Czech Republic not only gradually understood the functioning and principles of EU external policy making but also gained experience with the representation of the European Union externally (eg. during the Czech Presidency of the Council). This experience had a major impact on the formation of Czech foreign policy; the Czech elites, however, were somewhat ambivalent about this development because their previous experiences with equivalent cooperation in the multilateral format were very limited.

Ukrainian Crisis: Impacts and Risks for the Czech Republic

Ukrajinská krize: Dopady a rizika pro Českou republiku

Author(s): Petr Kratochvíl,Yury Fedorov,Lucia Najšlová,Karel Svoboda / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Ukrainian Crisis;

Východiska: Ukrajinská krize představuje nejzávažnější narušení mezinárodního řádu v Evropě za poslední dvě desetiletí. Nebezpečnost krize spočívá v bezprecedentním narušení mezinárodního práva v kombinaci s ústupem od občanského principu k etnicky založené politice. Tato strategie může snadno vyostřit řadu zamrzlých konfliktů v postsovětském prostoru (Náhorní Karabach, Podněstří), ale také obnovit obavy z národnostních požadavků jinde (Pobaltí, a dokonce i maďarské menšiny). Krize je provázena faktickým hospodářským kolapsem Ukrajiny a špatně skrývanou recesí v Rusku, kterou dále umocní sankce Západu a vzrůstající izolace země. Výsledkem tak může být prudké chudnutí regionu, spojené s nárůstem emigrace, sociální nestability a politické nejistoty. Ačkoliv jsou potenciální socioekonomické i bezpečnostní dopady na ČR zcela zásadní, není reakce české diplomacie jednotná – od požadavku prezidenta Zemana ohledně intervence NATO na Ukrajině na straně jedné až po velmi zdrženlivý postoj premiéra Sobotky na straně druhé. Řada politiků (zejména ODS, ČSSD) navíc žádá, aby se ČR neodkláněla od prioritizace ekonomické diplomacie. Česká veřejnost dlouhodobě nejeví o Ukrajinu zájem a ačkoliv tento nezájem ustoupil v souvislosti s krizí do pozadí, pouze 14 % českých občanů souhlasí s aktivním zapojením české diplomacie do řešení konfliktu. Veřejnost vnímá kritičtěji případné zapojení USA (70 % proti) než angažmá Ruska (58 % proti), a většina nepodporuje dokonce ani zapojení Evropské unie (47 % pro). Ekonomické a sociální dopady dopady Z ekonomického hlediska by pro ČR byly podstatnější ekonomické problémy Ruska (2014: pokles o 1,8 %) než pokračující hospodářské potíže Ukrajiny (2014: pokles o 3 %). Přesto se ale například jenom v únoru 2014 český export na Ukrajinu propadl o 28 % a další propad je možno očekávat v nejbližší době. Další vyostřování konfliktu a zejména uvalení sankcí na Rusko by ale mohlo znamenat ještě prudší pokles prodejů v Rusku. Pokles rublu o takřka 8 % od počátku roku představuje ohrožení pro automobilky (Škoda, Hyundai), ale i celou řadu dalších podniků (např. Hamé – 25 % zahraničních tržeb z Ruska). Již probíhající obchodní válka mezi Ruskem a Ukrajinou naproti tomu nemá přímé důsledky pro českou ekonomiku, ale dále snižuje možnosti českého exportu do obou zemí. Z energetického hlediska bude důsledkem krize nepochybně rostoucí diverzifikace dodavatelských i tranzitních zemí, které ovšem nelze dosáhnout v krátkodobém horizontu. ČR hraje důležitou roli v reverzním toku plynu na Slovensko a případně dále na Ukrajinu, nicméně v okamžiku krize je přeprava plynu na Ukrajinu nepravděpodobná vzhledem ke snaze zajistit vlastní českou a slovenskou spotřebu. Navzdory současnému pozastavení projektu South Stream by cílem české politiky nemělo být plně se zříci ruského plynu, ale vytvořit systém, který umožní dodávky v případě dlouhodobého výpadku nahradit. Je třeba připomenout, že ruský plyn je pro evropské odběratele výrazně levnější než alternativní plyn z LNG terminálů. V případě další eskalace konfliktu je možné očekávat masivní vlnu migrace z Ukrajiny, na kterou nejsou sousední země, ale ani Česká republika připraveny. Vnímání ukrajinské menšiny v zemi (která je s více než 100.000 lidmi vůbec největší menšinou) je navíc již dnes velmi negativní – Ukrajinci patří mezi nejhůře vnímané menšiny, a jejich hodnocení je dokonce nižší než v případě menšiny ruské. Bezpečnostní dopady Míra ohrožení bezpečnosti ČR a jejích spojenců (např. Pobaltí) závisí na odpovědi na otázku, a) jaké jsou dlouhodobé cíle Putinova režimu a b) zda jsou současné ruské kroky součástí širší strategie, anebo zda se jedná o spíše intuitivní obranu údajných ruských zájmů v regionu. Rozlišujeme přitom tři základní scénáře: scénář finlandizace Ukrajiny (omezená míra eskalace) scénář velkého Ruska (střední míra eskalace) scénář masivní expanze (vysoká míra eskalace) V prvním případě je cílem Putinova režimu především odvést pozornost od narůstajících domácích hospodářských problémů a současně zabránit přičlenění Ukrajiny k vnitřnímu trhu EU. Putinova strategie se tak vyčerpává anexí Krymu a federalizací, neutralizací a celkovou finlandizací Ukrajiny. V druhém případě jsme svědky pokusu o sjednocení ruskojazyčného obyvatelstva v celém regionu, v půlměsíci od separatistických oblastí v Gruzii přes jižní a východní Ukrajinu až po Podněstří. Tento scénář staví Krym do pozice vojenského předmostí, z nějž může Rusko přímo i nepřímo ovládat jižní a východní Ukrajinu a Moldavsko. Případná anexe Podněstří je přímo vázána na anexi některých regionů Ukrajiny (Oděská oblast), jež jsou pro infrastrukturní spojení s Podněstřím zcela nezbytné. Pravděpodobnost tohoto scénáře posiluje (1) pokračující destabilizace na jihovýchodní Ukrajině, (2) závislost ruského obranného programu na vojensko-průmyslových podnicích v této části Ukrajiny a (3) všeobecná zranitelnost Krymu (absentující infrastruktura, závislost na dodávkách plynu (25 %), vody (70 %) i elektrické energie (90 %) z ukrajinské pevniny). Již nyní je patrná rychlá militarizace Krymské poloostrova (a to jak pozemních jednotek, tak i černomořské flotily, a dokonce - do roku 2016 - i bombardérů TU-22M3 s jadernými hlavicemi). Scénář masivní expanze představuje zásadní reorientaci ruské politiky vůči celému regionu zacílenou na anexi Běloruska a případně též Moldavska a Pobaltí. Tento scénář je v současnosti pouze hypotetický a jeho uskutečnění by bylo závislé na úspěšnosti předchozích dvou scénářů. Přesto jsou ovšem zejména země Pobaltí mimořádně zranitelné, a to jak kvůli své geografické poloze, tak i kvůli ruskojazyčným menšinám se statusem „neobčanů“ v těchto zemích. Proto se jeví jako klíčové poskytnout ohroženým zemím maximální podporu (počínaje diplomatickou podporou přes přehodnocení plánu Eagle Guardian až po rozmístění kontingentů NATO v pobaltských státech, pokud o to budou tyto země usilovat).

The EU Normative Power as a Shield for Dependency?

The EU Normative Power as a Shield for Dependency?

Author(s): Vittorio Giorgetti / Language(s): English

Keywords: EU Soft power; EU Normative Power; EU and South America;

This paper aims to assess the substance of the claim that the European Union acts like a normative power in its relations with Colombia. The first section explains the reasoning behind selecting Ian Manners’ normative power theory for approaching this topic and compares the relevance of this theory to alternatives. The second section examines the EU’s normative influence over Colombia based on the sub-regional and bilateral agreements made over the last 20 years. The third section contains a critical analysis of political and economic relations between the EU and Colombia, based on EU Country Strategy Papers, the EU-Colombia-Peru FTA, and EU-CAN relations in general. Having established that there is a gap between pure intentions and actual outcomes, the final section proposes the restoration of dependency theory as a useful means for examining this discrepancy.

Energy relations between Hungary and the Russian Federation: history, present and perspectives

Energetické vztahy mezi Maďarskem a Ruskou federací: historie, současnost a perspektivy

Author(s): Lukáš Tichý / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Hungarian-Russian Relations; Hungarian energy supply; Russian nuclear plant;

The energy relations between Hungary and the Russian Federation have undergone a number of different development stages since 1990. From the establishment of a new energy framework of mutual relations through the deterioration of the energy interaction to the creation of pragmatic friendly relations in the field of energy. Current energy relations are characterized by a significant energy dependence of Hungary on Russia, which is the main supplier of oil, natural gas, coal and electricity. In the future, we can expect a further continuation of closer energy co-operation and the political rapprochement of Hungary to Russia, with Hungary becoming the notional "Trojan Horse" of the Russian Federation within the European Union.

Bordering the Central Mediterranean Search and Rescue Assemblage

Bordering the Central Mediterranean Search and Rescue Assemblage

Author(s): Markéta Wittichová / Language(s): English

Keywords: Mediterranean refugees crisis; FRONTEX;

Since the beginning of 2015, the news about migrant boat disasters in the Mediterranean Sea have been filling the headlines of major national and international media. Horrible pictures of boat wrecks and floating bodies of migrants have made it to covers of well-known newspapers. Very soon, statistics suggesting that 2015 might be the deadliest year for migrants who have been crossing the Mediterranean Sea in search of a better life appeared. However, the death of so many migrants comes as a surprise, as the Mediterranean Sea belongs to one of the busiest shipping lanes in the world. Various different actors (national search and rescue bodies, merchant vessels, fishing boats, military vessels, civilian-volunteer manned vessels, NGO craft and boats under the Frontex mandate), bound by the international search and rescue legislation, can come to rescue migrants’ boats in distress. Since the international search and rescue obligation has not been always followed to the letter, this research has been dedicated to searching for an understanding of the inclusions and exclusions of actors in search and rescue operations in the Central Mediterranean Sea (an area between Northern Africa and Italy). It has also aimed to outline the boundaries that actors may face when entering or exiting the area of search and rescue. This research has conceptualized search and rescue as an assemblage composed of heterogeneous elements that entangle one another and that are entrusted with a strategic purpose. Moreover, it has specifically used Bruno Latour´s approach to assemblages and their mapping, as this has allowed the researcher to understand how inclusions and exclusions of actors in the assemblage arise and what constitutes the boundaries of the assemblage. It is argued that different elements of the search and rescue assemblage – such as legislation, actors’ scripts or their discursive strategies – can become means of both actors’ inclusion in and actors’ exclusion from the assemblage. These elements can at the same time become boundaries for involvement of actors in rescue operations. However, the irregular rhythms of actors’ inclusions and exclusions in search and rescue suggest that actors’ experience of political subjectivity can determine the shape of the assemblage and its boundaries. Furthermore, it is argued that the shape of the Central Mediterranean Search and Rescue assemblage can largely depend on the mechanisms of power being exercised within the assemblage. It is for the lack of power mechanisms that would force actors into the assemblage and also for the existence of mechanisms that make it less probable and more difficult for certain actors to get involved in search and rescue that so many migrants die on their way to Europe.

The Coalition Airstrikes in Syria from the Perspective of the Responsibility to Protect

The Coalition Airstrikes in Syria from the Perspective of the Responsibility to Protect

Author(s): Emir Abbas Gürbüz / Language(s): English

Keywords: Responsibility to Protect; Syrian War;

The widespread and massive human rights violations conducted by ISIS draw the international community’s attention to the Middle East. Especially after the humanitarian crisis in the Sinjar Mountains, the international community took action in order to prevent a possible further crisis in the region. However, since the current structure of international law prohibits the use of force at the international level with the exception of uses of force with UN Security Council authorization or for the purpose of self-defense, the legality of the military intervention in Syria remains contentious. In this context, the Responsibility to Protect doctrine has been proposed by many scholars to legitimize the coalition airstrikes in Syria. This essay discusses the status of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine in the customary international law and the applicability of the doctrine in the case of Syria.

At the right moment in the right place: Promoting the interests of the Czech Republic in the European Parliament

Ve správnou chvíli na správném místě: Prosazování zájmů České republiky v Evropském Parlamentu

Author(s): Zuzana Kasáková,Tomáš Weiss / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Czech politics in the EU; Czech national interest;

The study examines the current practice of the Czech Republic in the promotion of national interests in the European Parliament. Its aim, on the basis of an analysis of the current situation and the identification of weaknesses, is to propose actions that would lead to a better use of the European Parliament in the promotion of Czech positions in the European decision-making process. The research is based mainly on interviews with stakeholders in the processes under review, mainly by Czech MEPs, officials and other EP staff, Czech Ministries and the Czech Permanent Representation to the EU. The final recommendations are broken down by addressees and targeted to the Czech state administration, Czech MEPs and political parties.

The Implications of Democracy in the political Discourse of Russia, Belarus, Central Asia and China

Významy demokracie v politickém diskurzu Ruska, Běloruska, zemí Střední Asie a Číny

Author(s): Petr Kratochvíl,Rudolf Fürst,Lucia Najšlová,Martina Varkočková / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Democracy in Russia; Democracy in Belarus; Democracy in Uzbekistan; democracy in China; Democracy in Central Asia;

This study analyzes the level of democracy and its perception in the policies of Russia, Belarus, Uzbekistan and China. First, they assess these countries with the optics of Western research into democracy and hybrid regimes. From this point of view, in three cases, hegemonic electoral regimes (Belarus, Russia and Uzbekistan) and in the fourth case the closed authoritarian regime. It is therefore the country in the least democratic part of the classification spectrum. Russia has long been the most democratic of the four analyzed countries; in the last 15 years, the situation has changed and Russia has gradually moved closer to the level of authoritarianism in Belarus. On the other hand, Uzbekistan is approaching China, whose development in recent years has also been witnessing a renewed strengthening of authoritarian tendencies.Secondly, the study revealed similar positions in these countries in a number of areas in terms of democracy perception by representatives of the four countries surveyed. In all cases, the primary role of democracy was the link not to formal political procedures but to socio-economic stability and security. It can be assumed that this view is shared by the population of the surveyed countries, which is further supported by massive government propaganda and little understanding of the institutional aspects of democracy in the West.Emphasis is not usually placed on democracy, but on the legitimacy of a regime that is not derived from electoral results, but just from the degree of stability, security or prosperity. There are, however, significant differences between the countries studied: In the case of Russia, there are in parallel different discourses about democracy, many of which are very close to the Western concept. In China, there is a relatively open intellectual debate on democracy. In relation to the West, however, democracy in all four countries is perceived as an instrument of power intervention or, for example, in Putin's Russia, as a source of dual standards. If these limitations and cultural limits are taken into account, there is considerable room for effective democracy support in all these countries (see the recommendations in the conclusion of the study).

Success or Failure? Assessment of the Readmission Agreement Between the EU and Turkey from the Legal and Political Perspectives

Success or Failure? Assessment of the Readmission Agreement Between the EU and Turkey from the Legal and Political Perspectives

Author(s): Berfin Nur Osso / Language(s): English

Keywords: refugee crisis; Dublin System; EU Asylum Procedures Directive;

The current refugee crisis, which created a collective action problem among the EU Member States in terms of sharing the responsibility, is indeed an indicator of the lack of solidarity as regards the implementation of the Dublin System. The pressures over the Common European Asylum System due to the high refugee influx from the Middle East into Europe following the Arab Spring and the Syrian civil war has driven the EU to cooperate with its neighboring states at its external frontiers and the transit countries. Turkey, which is a transit country located at the external borders of the EU, and the only passage between Syria, Iraq and the EU, has been one of these countries with which the EU has negotiated a cooperation in solving the crisis. However, the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, as well as the treatment of asylum-seekers in Turkey, brought forward the questions of considering Turkey as a “safe third country,” which is one of the principles lying on the basis of the agreement. Although there are several concerns at this point, the EU and Turkey agreed to sign the agreement, where the motive of national interest prevails over the protection of human rights from the point of view of both sides. In the light of this background, the aim of this paper is to discuss the motive behind the agreement, as well as elaborate whether Turkey is a “safe third country” under the Asylum Procedures Directive.

Arctic Region: Political, Security, and Aspects of scientific Research

Region Arktidy: aspekty politicko-bezpečnostní, ekonomické a vědecko-výzkumné

Author(s): Barbora Padrtová,Zuzana Trávníčková / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Strategic interests in the arctic region; economic interests in the arctic region; scientific exploration of the arctic region;

Worldwide interest in the Arctic has increased considerably since the beginning of the 21st century. At the same time, its importance and geostrategic importance are increasing. With advancing climate change, the Arctic region is undergoing a dynamic development that brings with it a host of new research and economic opportunities, along with security risks and challenges. The Czech Republic currently has no political or economic interest in the Arctic. Nevertheless, involvement in international cooperation in this field is an important factor positively influencing the national security and the international position of the Czech Republic, especially within the framework of the EU and NATO structures. In addition, the interests of the world powers (including Czech allies in the Alliance), which have a direct and indirect impact on security in Europe and, respectively, in the Czech Republic, are in the Arctic. The interest of the Czech Republic is to stay out of this development and to develop engagement in the region.The presented RESEARCH REPORT is based on the identified research needs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic. The aim of the analysis is to acquire knowledge on the basis of which six long-term and three short-term recommendations for the decision-making of the state administration in the field of international relations and foreign policy of the Czech Republic are formulated. The RESEARCH REPORT contributes to the more active participation of the Czech Republic in shaping Arctic policy at European and global level. At the same time, it serves for qualified decision-making in the political, economic and international legal issues of the Arctic, increasing the importance and prestige of the Czech Republic, and directing further scientific research in the region.

The Czech-German Strategic Dialogue: Assessment of Current State and Future

The Czech-German Strategic Dialogue: Assessment of Current State and Future

Author(s): Benjamin Tallis / Language(s): English

Keywords: Czech-German relations;

This discussion paper seeks to examine such competing evaluations of the current state and future prospects of the CGSD. Partly this focus on the future is due to the ongoing nature of the work in the various working groups of the CGSD, which it is difficult or too soon to judge but also because of the predominance of underlying and overarching issues that will continue to affect the success- or otherwise – of the dialogue regardless of the specific decisions made by the working groups and the eventual review of their work that will be conducted in 2017. Also in keeping with the terms of the project, the discussion paper does not provide historical background to, nor a legal overview of the dialogue, but instead examines the current state and future potential of the dialogue to serve and fulfill the common values and interests of the partners in both bilateral and regional terms.This assessment is informed by the conceptual framework for evaluating the strategic partnerships of the Czech Republic that was devised in an earlier report(on conceptualizing strategic partnerships in general). The current discussion paper draws on this framework – and presents relevant aspects of it in Chapter 2, adapted for the specific purpose of this discussion paper – but also contextualizes the present and future of this specific partnership and its new expression in the CGSD in light of a variety of issues that arose in the course of the research conducted on Czech-German relations but which also have wider and deeper impacts and implications for Czech (and German) domestic, European and foreign policy. This approach allows for an in-depth look not only at the relationship itself but its present contingencies and conditions of possibly and how these may need to be changed or challenged if the CGSD is to deliver on its potential and the Czech Republic and Germany are to truly become strategic partners. The discussion paper also recognizes that the focus on ‘strategy’ is not the sole concern in Czech-German relations and that the CGSD has had positive impacts on these relations in more general terms. However, given the very branding of this dialogue as ‘Strategic’, the dialogue must either be evaluated on these terms or will force a re-think what is considered strategic in and by the two countries.

Collective Defence in the Age of Hybrid Warfare

Collective Defence in the Age of Hybrid Warfare

Author(s): Benjamin Tallis,Michal Šimečka / Language(s): English

Keywords: Hybrid warfare; Donbas Conflict; Crimea annexation;

Over the past two and half years, ‘hybrid warfare’ has turned from an academic fad into an article of conventional wisdom. Russia’s March 2014 annexation of Crimea and aggression in the Donbas – and, even more importantly, the lessons collectively inferred from the conflict by US and European policy-makers – has fashioned a new lens through which security in Europe, particularly the Eastern flank of NATO, came to be imagined and pursued. This is despite the lack of either an agreed-upon definition or a consensus on the manifestations of hybrid warfare. This discussion paper provides a (critical) reflection on hybrid warfare – as both a concept and a practice – in the context of collective security in Europe, and discusses the role of the institutions and policies of NATO, the EU, and Member States. This introductory section presents an overview of the state of play. It outlines the core challenges of hybrid warfare for collective defense in the post-2014 context, especially regarding the Eastern flank of NATO, as well as the strategic assumptions that underlie them.

Clash over policy towards the People’s Republic of China in 2016: Actors of Czech policy in the Far East and public and media debate

Střet o politiku vůči ČLR v roce 2016: Aktéři české politiky na Dálném východě a veřejná a mediální debata

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Czech-China relations; Dalai Lama; Jiří Dienstbier; Pavel Bělobrádek; Xi Jinping

Participation of actors in the Czech political agenda and public debate, problematic acceptance of President Si Jinping's visit to Prague and split between state institutions at the time of the visit to the Dalai Lama. The continuing trend of the strong role of lobbyist circles in the bilateral agenda. Increasing polarization and thickening of the Czech debate on relations with China, the ideology of most Czech media and their securitization obsessions.

Invented Traditionalism vs. Entrenched Informal Institutions: Viability of Hybrid Governance and Democratization Prospects in Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland

Invented Traditionalism vs. Entrenched Informal Institutions: Viability of Hybrid Governance and Democratization Prospects in Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland

Author(s): Tamar Lagurashvili / Language(s): English

Keywords: Hybrid governance;

Hybrid governance as a coexistence of state and traditional institutions challenges the conventional understanding of state fragility/failure and offers a new perspective for developing states. Being capable of overcoming the modern-traditional dichotomy, hybrid governance represents the fluidity of a formal-informal institutional setup where the informal actors, including “Big Men”, chiefs or other traditional leaders, complement the state capacity. This study builds on the premise that a higher importance of traditional institutions vis à vis the state can be less conducive to democratization due to the inherent incompatibility of the indigenous traditional tenets with democracy and reflects on the role of the pre-colonial state and the colonial legacy in molding hybrid governance. The research shows that democratic transition in the context of hybrid governance is likely to occur only when relatively strong state institutions subsume traditional ones, as in such a case a cooperative framework of state-traditional dualism not only strengthens the state capacity, but also makes basic goods and services equally accessible to a wider population.

Principles of Russian Military Thought

Principles of Russian Military Thought

Author(s): Nicolò Fasola / Language(s): English

The aim of this paper is to identify the enduring principles at the basis of Russian military thought, offering an alternative to the contemporary analytical mainstream – which deems Moscow’s military behavior to be revolutionary and unprecedented. This is based on comparative analysis of Russian official military discourse and practice between 2008 and 2016. Critical inspection of the two Military Doctrines approved during this time frame and of various military drills will reveal a series of rhetorical and operational recurrences. Notwithstanding numerous changes at the international and domestic levels that could have had an impact on Russian military behavior, no substantive shift is distinguishable.These empirical findings will constitute the basis for a reconstruction of Russian military thought. Through a deductive method, we will be able to reconstruct the ultimate assumptions granting them logical coherence and legitimization. Far from being incomprehensible, Russian military thought will be presented as the adaptation of classical strategic principles to contemporary contingencies.

The US Withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council

The US Withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council

Author(s): Veronika Bílková / Language(s): English

Keywords: UN Human Rights Council;

In mid-June 2018, the US announced its withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council. It sat in the Council for the third time since the establishment of the organ in 2006. This time, however, it left is three-year mandate (2017–2019) unfinished. The paper analyses the four main arguments that the US put forward to justify its withdrawal from the Council. It shows that while some of the arguments have some merit, none is truly convincing. The paper also warns against any re-assessment of the current Czech candidacy to the Council.