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CSD Policy Brief No. 57: Regional Media in Bulgaria: The Limits of Survival

CSD Policy Brief No. 57: Regional Media in Bulgaria: The Limits of Survival

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The lack of adequate local media is a trend with devastating implications for the regions of Bulgaria. It affects not only the local public institutions; regional economic activity is also hindered by the absence of independent media. At the same time, when discussing the state of media in Bulgaria, the problems of local media are often overlooked. The current publication presents the results of a survey of 179 local media with internet presence. The analysis focused on the mechanisms and factors that prevent journalists and the media from informing the public in an objective, competent, and comprehensive way.

№152: NATO in Libya: A Long-term Plan for Stability

№152: NATO in Libya: A Long-term Plan for Stability

Author(s): Paolo Quercia,Patrycja Sasnal,Julianne Smith,Kurt Volker / Language(s): English

Keywords: Libia; NATO; OTAN; Bezpieczeństwo; Bliski Wschód i Afryka Północna; Security

Never was there a better time for NATO’s involvement in Libya than now. The Government of National Accord (GNA) is the only available option for a more stable future of the country. It has already shown it can deliver by defeating the Islamic State (IS) in Sirte, but without urgent support from the international community it may not be able to show more progress in providing security, reform and services to the Libyan people. Once it receives a request from the GNA, NATO can and should assist in SSR, border control and countering people-smuggling as there is no better placed actor to help Libya in this regard.

2nd Letter from Serbia: Optimism at the Year’s End.

Pisma iz Srbije, broj 02: Optimizam s kraja godine.

Author(s): László Végel / Language(s): English,Serbian

AfD – the alternative for whom?

AfD – the alternative for whom?

Author(s): Artur Ciechanowicz / Language(s): English

Keywords: AfD; Germany

When in 2013 a group of professors of economics founded Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland – AfD) it seemed that the name of the new grouping was exaggerated. Taking into account its slogans and its leaders, the AfD could at that time be an alternative for disenchanted voters of the CDU/CSU and the FDP alone. The party’s ‘founding fathers’, among whom there was a large group of former CDU members, did not conceal the fact that their ambitions were not particularly far-reaching. Their basic goal was to influence the CDU so that it would return to its former conservative values.

Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony

Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova; Vlad Plahotniuc

Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democratic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahotniuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judiciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat.

3rd Letter from Serbia: Thorny Road to the European Union.

Pisma iz Srbije, broj 03: Trnovit put ka Evropskoj Uniji.

Author(s): László Végel / Language(s): English,Serbian

4th Letter from Serbia

Pisma iz Srbije, broj 04

Author(s): László Végel / Language(s): English,Serbian

A captured state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation

A captured state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova; modernisation

There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).

Oligarchs after the Maidan: the old system in a 'new' Ukraine

Oligarchs after the Maidan: the old system in a 'new' Ukraine

Author(s): Wojciech Konończuk / Language(s): English

Keywords: Maidan; oligarchs; Ukraine

There have been major changes in the balance of forces among the key Ukrainian oligarchs, representatives of big business with strong political influence, since the victory of the Maidan revolution. However, these changes have not undermined the oligarchic system per se. Over the past decade or so, the oligarchs have been key players in Ukrainian politics and economy, and they have retained this position until the present. One of the effects of the change of the government in Kyiv and the war in the Donbas was the elimination of the influence of ‘the family’ – the people from Viktor Yanukovych’s inner circle who formed the most expansive oligarchic group in Ukraine at the time of his presidency. The influence of Rinat Akhmetov, the country’s wealthiest man, has also weakened significantly; Akhmetov was one of the most influential people in Ukraine for more than ten years, partly owing to his close bonds with Yanukovych. Dmytro Firtash’s group has also lost a great deal of its influence since Firtash was arrested in Austria in March 2014.

Slovakia: the Eurogroup’s enfant terrible

Slovakia: the Eurogroup’s enfant terrible

Author(s): Jakub Groszkowski / Language(s): English

Keywords: Slovakia; Eurogroup

When Slovakia’s parliament rejected the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) reform on 11 October it undermined Slovakia’s reputation as a credible partner within the EU. Moreover, Prime Minister Iveta Radičová combined the vote on the strengthening of the EFSF – a key anti-crisis mechanism in the Eurozone – with a vote of confidence for her cabinet. This eventually led to the collapse of the government. Before Slovakia’s decision, the strengthening of the EFSF had been endorsed by the national parliaments of all the eurozone countries. Slovakia, which had opted to be the last one to carry out the ratification procedure, adopted the EFSF reform only in a re-vote on 13 October, due to the support of the opposition left-wing party. However, problems with ratification have cast a shadow over the achievements of Slovakia which as one of the freshest members of the eurozone had been actively seeking to influence the creation of EU mechanisms for dealing with the debt crisis.

Security of Russian Gas Supplies to the EU - the Qestion of Infrastructural Connections

Security of Russian Gas Supplies to the EU - the Qestion of Infrastructural Connections

Author(s): Agata Loskot-Strachota / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russian Gas Supplies; energy; EU

The energy security of countries importing energy resources depends largely on the shape and quality of operational transport connections. This is particularly important in the case of natural gas supplies. Natural gas is transported mostly by gas pipelines which permanently connect gas producers and consumers. Thus Europe as a consumer is "tied" to certain gas suppliers for anywhere between a dozen and several tens of years. As their own resources are becoming depleted, the EU Member States get increasingly dependent on import of natural gas. The present paper discusses the existing and projected gas transport routes from Russia to the EU. The first part deals with the importance of gas exports to the economy of the Russian Federation, and the second delves into the EU Member States' dependence on gas imports. Then this paper examines the differences in perceiving the energy security issue between the old and the new Member States, those differences stemming from the different degrees of their dependence on Russian supplies. In the third part, two new transport route projects for Russian gas supplies to the EU are compared and it is argued that from the point of view of the Community's interests, the Yamal gas pipeline is a better solution than the North European (Trans-Baltic) gas pipeline.

State Policies toward the Roma in Macedonia

State Policies toward the Roma in Macedonia

Author(s): Allen H. Kassof,Livia Plaks / Language(s): English

Keywords: Roma in Macedonia; Roma integration; Roma and the Government;

Of all the problems that have affected Central and Southeastern Europe, that of relations between Romani communities and the majority populations has been among the most widespread and persistent. Macedonia, which is the focus of this report, has made great progress, showing tolerance toward its minority communities, including the Roma, and generosity toward both ethnic Albanian and Romani refugees from the conflict in Kosovo. Among the Macedonian government’s main domestic tasks at present is that of formulating a comprehensive policy toward its Romani community. In addition, the status of Romani refugees must be addressed by international players as well as by the governments of Macedonia and its neighbors. Macedonia, which is seeking membership in the European Union, will have to fulfill the long list of prerequisites demanded of all candidate countries, including the development of comprehensive state policy toward the Roma, a requirement that is part of “Agenda 2000” of the European Union. (“Agenda 2000” sets forth the process of reform and enlargement of the EU.) Whether Romani representatives have real decision-making power with respect to the situation of their own communities will also be considered in EU accession. Indeed, if the Macedonian application for admission is to succeed, policies must be developed on the basis of a partnership between the government and the Romani community. In order to discuss these topics and to encourage a Roma-government partnership, the Project on Ethnic Relations (PER) organized a meeting in Skopje, Macedonia, on October 13 and 14, 2000.

Thaw in Uzbekistan. Reforms by President Mirziyoyev

Odwilż w Uzbekistanie. Reformy prezydenta Mirzijojewa

Author(s): Mariusz Marszewski / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: Uzbekistan; President Mirziyoyev

It has been almost two years since the death of the long-serving leader of Uzbekistan President Islam Karimov, and since Shavkat Mirziyoyev took up power (September 2016). The change has had spectacular results, including signs of liberalisation of the previous, extremely authoritarian system of rule, and economic reform, for instance with regard to stimulating growth of small-scale business, and in fact activation of Uzbekistan on the international stage and normalisation of relations with neighbours. Meanwhile, certainly the most important process under way in Uzbekistan is that of consolidation of power by the new president, and a key element of this is dismantling the might enjoyed to date by the National Security Service. The curbing of the position of the National Security Service, which has been successful so far, entails internal restructuring of the state apparatus. The limited liberalisation and opening up to the world are mainly a result of this process.Mirziyoyev has created a new dynamic both internally and in the region. The effects will only become clear in the long term. The outcome of this new situation is uncertain; consolidation of the new president’s power and the ensuing reforms are accompanied by constantly recurring crises which were frozen during Karimov’s rule. There are also external threats – a possibility of return to custodianship of Russia, a country which is fortifying its position, China’s increasing economic dominance, and growing strength of radicals among the Uzbek minority in northern Afghanistan. The emerging processes are therefore proceeding fast, and thus it is hard to determine whether the new Uzbekistan under President Mirziyoyev will prove to be a stable country in which the liberal reforms will continue.

№168: Recalibration of China’s Policy towards WANA: Greater Political and Security Cooperation?

№168: Recalibration of China’s Policy towards WANA: Greater Political and Security Cooperation?

Author(s): Marcin Przychodniak / Language(s): English

Keywords: People’s Republic of China; regional policy; West Asia; North Africa; economic cooperation; security cooperation;

China’s policy towards the region it terms West Asia and North Africa (WANA) used to focus on economic cooperation, but since Xi Jinping took power in 2012, political and security matters have been gaining importance. China’s main goal remains to build its position as the region’s key partner, creditor, investor, and contributor to their development. As such, China is now seeking to challenge U.S. interests and even gradually replace it as the key stakeholder in WANA. To secure its own key interests and reduce terrorism threats, China is also seriously considering the possibility of the use of force in the WANA region.

Barometer pre-electoral Eforie

Barometrul preelectoralal orașului Eforie

Author(s): Bruno Stefan / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: administrative issues;trust in political leaders;voting intentions;

The survey was conducted on July 1-3, 2020 on a sample of 305 inhabitants of the city. He measured people’s opinion about central and local public administration institutions, about the main candidates for City Hall, the comparison between the first two competitors, the expectations of the future mayor, voting intentions, how the City Hall got involved in certain administrative issues, achievements and failures of the current mayor and the main opponent.

Everyday life of Belgraders during the Spanish fever 1918-1919.

Svakodnevni život Beograđana u vreme španske groznice 1918-1919.

Author(s): Dubravka Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Belgrade; pre WWI; Spanish fever;

Iz zbornika „Svakodnevica i društveni odgovori na epidemijske krize 1914-2020“, nastalog u okviru naučno-istraživačkog projekta „Čovek i društvo u vremenu krize“, urednik zbornika Milan Ristović, izdavač Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 2021. U članku se prikazuje život Beograđana krajem 1918. U danima slavlja zbog oslobođenja, stvaranja Jugoslavije i povratka u normalni život, stanovnike je kosio Španski grip. U članku se prikazuju razlozi zbog kojih je pandemija prošla gotovo neopaženo, uprkos visokoj smrtnosti.

The representation of national minorities in the local councils – an evaluation of Romanian electoral legislation in light of the results of the 2004 and 2008 local elections.

Reprezentarea minorităţilor naţionale la nivel local – O evaluare a legislaţiei electorale româneşti pe baza rezultatelor alegerilor locale din 2004 şi 2008

Author(s): István Gergő Székely / Language(s): English,Romanian

Keywords: Local councils; national minorities; Romanian electoral legislation; 2004 and 2008 local elections; "small" minorities;

The paper assesses Romanian legislation regarding the representation of national minorities (except the Hungarians) in local councils. Most minorities are still seriously underrepresented in the local decisional fora, despite the existence of a special provision in the electoral law of 2004, that grants some sort of affirmative action for minority organizations. In order to evaluate the utility of this special provision, I re-analyzed the results of the last two local elections, comparing the actual results of the minority organizations to the hypothetical results they would have obtained in the absence of the special rule, that is, if they had been treated alike to the mainstream political parties. This allowed the identification of those cases when the minorities indeed benefited from the affirmative action provided by the law. Unfortunately, the scope of applicability of the special rule proved to be very limited, the minority organizations would have obtained most of their seats also without the application of the special provision. Moreover, the provision may have even adverse effects, as it may prevent some organizations from obtaining seats even if they obtained a number of votes that would have been sufficient for getting represented if they had been treated alike to the political parties. This is due to the logic behind the special provision, which advantages a single minority organization, often to the expense of the others. The net gain of seats due to the regulation is so small that one can conclude that there is no point for retaining the regulation in its present shape. The minorities have realized this too, and they initiated a bill in order to replace the current system with something very similar to the regulations in force at the level of the Chamber of Deputies. The paper briefly assesses this proposal too, however, the conclusions are not very optimistic in this regard either.

In a Vicious Cycle: Is There a Future for Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

In a Vicious Cycle: Is There a Future for Public Service Broadcasting in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

Author(s): Tea Hadžiristić / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; media; public service broadcasting; finances; politics;

Since its creation in 2002, Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) in Bosnia and Herzegovina has struggled to fulfil its primary goals. Financial difficulties have brought the state broadcaster near the brink of collapse several times, while state capture by political parties has politicized PSB across the board2 and increased its dysfunction. Our research found that PSB in BiH has failed to secure a sustainable funding model, is not independent from politics, does not fulfil its remit, and has failed to adopt new technologies crucial to its continued relevance and survival. PSB is a victim of the political colonization of the media sphere, and weak, dysfunctional state institutions that suffer from the chronic disregard for the law demonstrated by ruling elites. At the same time, the ongoing debate about PSB in BiH is largely anachronistic, and fails to capture the core challenges and to articulate much needed innovative policy solutions that would look beyond the now largely outdated, defunct model of PSB that was introduced in 2002.

Newsletter - 03/2020

Newsletter - 03/2020

Author(s): Almir Džuvo,Izabela Kisić,Darko Šuković,Edina Bećirević,Sead Turčalo / Language(s): English

Keywords: Montenegro; security; Almir Džuvo; interview; muslims; elections; Serbia;

1. Interview: Almir Džuvo, former Director of the Intelligence and Security Agency of BiH (OSA), former Head of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s mission to NATO, and current lecturer at the American University in BiH, comments on the Montenegrin elections, Russian influences, and the role of the West in the Western Balkans for the Atlantic Initiative. - The New Government Will Not Be Able to Exert a Significant Influence on the Security Apparatus in Montenegro. 2. Muslims in Montenegro after the Elections, and Fear of the Future. 3. Serbia’s View on the Montenegrin Election Results. 4. New Montenegro: Unstable Version of Republika Srpska.

Controlled chaos in regulation of electronic media - Work of Agency for Electronic Media

Controlled chaos in regulation of electronic media - Work of Agency for Electronic Media

Author(s): Goran Đurović,Daliborka Uljarević / Language(s): Montenegrine

Keywords: Montenegro; media; electronic media; regulation; law;

The Agency for Electronic Media (AEM) is regulatory body in charge for the area of audiovisual media services and exercising public authorities as per Electronic Media Law. The Law is positioning the AEM as independent from any organ of the public sector and from all legal and private entities dealing with production and broadcasting of radio and television programme or offering other audio-visual media services. It was established in 2003, after entry into force of the Broadcasting Law as the Agency for Broadcasting, and since 2010, i.e. since adoption of the Electronic Media Law, it continues to work under the name of Agency for Electronic Media. The founder of the AEM is state, and the founding rights on behalf of the state are exercised by the Council, in accordance with the Law. In addition to Council, the governing organ is also Director of AEM.