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21 stories about democracy Cover Image

21 priča o demokratiji
21 stories about democracy

Contributor(s): Daliborka Uljarević (Editor), Maja Mugoša (Translator)
Subject(s): Politics, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Political Theory, Civil Society, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Politics and law, Politics and society, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment, Socio-Economic Research, EU-Legislation, Court case
Published by: Centar za građansko obrazovanje (CGO)
Keywords: democracy; economy; Montenegro; political system; theory; EU; integrations; legislation; policy; human rights; civil society; electoral democracy; political parties; campaigns; BiH;
Summary/Abstract: Fondacija „Fridrih Ebert“ je njemačka politička fondacija koja baštini ideje bliske socijaldemokratiji, djeluje u međunarodnim okvirima, a cilj joj je doprinos međunarodnom razumijevanju, razvoju demokratije, društvene pravde i ekonomskog prosperiteta. Fondacija je devedesetih godina započela s aktivnostima na području jugoistočne Evrope, koje su u posljednjih nekoliko godina uključivale i Crnu Goru. Jedna od naših glavnih projektnih linija realizovana je u saradnji sa Centrom za građansko obrazovanje. Riječ je o Školi demokratije, koju smo podržavali tokom protekle dvije godine. Ponosni smo što za ovaj projekat postoji sve veće interesovanje, tako da su u ovoj godini uspješno realizovana dva kursa Škole. Smatramo da je to odlična inicijativa, koja pomaže mladim ljudima pripremajući ih za aktivnije učešće u razvoju države i društva. Upravo ovaj vid saradnje sa demokratskim institucijama doprinosi jačanju i proširivanju demokratskih sistema, a u cilju veće društvene pravde i ekonomskog prosperiteta. Materijali koji su napravljeni i korišćeni za vrijeme kurseva Škole demokratije odlično su pripremljeni i korisni, zbog čega želimo da omogućimo njihovu publikaciju i širu distribuciju. Ovo je drugi dio priručnika za Školu demokratije; nadamo se da će ga trajno koristiti polaznici ove škole, studenti, eksperti, političari i zapošljeni u državnom sektoru. Na ovaj način, Fondacija „Fridrih Ebert fondacija“ učestvuje u političkom razvoju Crne Gore. Želio bih da izrazim posebnu zahvalnost Centru za građansko obrazovanje i gospođici Daliborki Uljarević, koja je osmislila ovu ideju i preuzela težak zadatak koordinacije izrade i publikovanja priručnika.

Series: CGO - Demokratija

  • E-ISBN-10: 86-85591-01-5
  • Print-ISBN-10: 86-85591-01-5
  • Page Count: 252
  • Publication Year: 2005
  • Language: Bosnian, Serbian, Montenegrine
Prepreke na putu razumevanja, poverenja i pomirenja

Prepreke na putu razumevanja, poverenja i pomirenja
(Obstacles on the path of understanding, trust and reconciliation)

  • Author(s):Đuro Šušnjić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Political Theory, Government/Political systems, Politics and society, Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:9-13
  • No. of Pages:5
  • Keywords:democracy; understanding; trust; reconciliation; traditionalism; authoritarian mentality; political non/culture; anti-intellectualism, prejudice and inexistence of critical public;
  • Summary/Abstract:In our mentality one may discover some deeply rooted predispositions, habits, beliefs and ideas which prove to be obstacles or insuperable difficulties in communication with others and different from us. These are: traditionalism, authoritarian mentality, political non/culture, anti-intellectualism, prejudice and inexistence of critical public. Famous French historian Fernand Braudel would say that these are the terms of long duration. The most necessary was said about those six terms, with the risk that something was left unsaid.
Demokratija i konflikt

Demokratija i konflikt
(Democracy and conflict)

  • Author(s):Tanja Tankosić-Kelly
  • Language:Bosnian
  • Subject(s):Political Theory, Government/Political systems, Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:15-21
  • No. of Pages:7
  • Keywords:democracy; conflict; society; dimensions of democracy;
  • Summary/Abstract:Relationship between democracy and conflict has manifold meaning. Sometimes we understand democracy surrounding as conflict proof, space and environment that doesn’t include conflict as a part of life. Conflict is seen as something that is worth avoiding, something that usually considers certain unpleasantness. However, basis for the democracy are existing differences amongst all participants in a society and, what is even more important, recognitions of existing differences. Democracy environment allows all differences to come to the surface, without necessarily including violence in conflict situations. This relationship is seen through two dimensions; democracy is providing legal field for all differences to be opposed and opposition in democracy should be safe and free. What democracy should offer is a safe field which would discourage violence. From that point of view, it is safe and acceptable to see conflict as a part of everyday life, which allows for new ideas to be heard. On the other hand, conflict itself has to be fully comprehensible. Every conflict has particular roots and reasons. Many of those are of individual nature and include human aspects. Some of the causes of the conflict lead to violent escalation no matter how much differences between sides are natural. Models of conflict management also play an important role. What model would be used in what situation depends on nature of the conflict, but also on cultural differences which are usually neglected. No model is perfect solution in every situation nor any of them can provide total satisfaction. Democracy environment gives better chances for parties involved in conflict but it isn’t a guarantee for absolute conflict resolution.
Značaj i uloga tolerancije u demokratskom društvu

Značaj i uloga tolerancije u demokratskom društvu
(Importance and role of tolerance in democratic society)

  • Author(s):Daliborka Uljarević
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Political Theory, Politics and society, Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:23-33
  • No. of Pages:11
  • Keywords:democracy; society; tolerance; importance;
  • Summary/Abstract:Starting from the conviction that tolerance is complex and insufficiently explained, extremely important, even necessary social phenomenon, this work is an attempt to enlighten some of its parts through: defining the term of tolerance and its preconditions, with the emphasis on self-consciousness, responsibility, dialogue and democracy and overview of types of tolerance (with the admonishment that the text does not consider everything a complete classification covers, but only specific forms that are regarded as important for this work). Special attention was paid to the role of education in the process of building and cherishing the spirit of tolerance, but also the limits of tolerance, and an overview of tolerance in the society we live in. The message that is clearly stated in these segments is that tolerance is positive and needed. Naturally, the problems become noticeable as soon as it needs to be institutionalized and establish as a foundation of our everyday life and a condition for our progress. Thereat, we need to bear in mind that we are considering here so called active tolerance, which doesn’t consist of patience Locke talks about, but about a new quality based on development of trust. This kind of democracy, as a cultural value and high ethical model of human behaviour, should shape the modern society. Tolerance that strives to become the biggest accomplishment of human spirit, generally accepted moral standpoint and a life style. Proof that tolerance is recognised as important for further development of modern society is the fact that United Nations Organisation has upon the initiative of UNESCO, on its fiftieth birthday, proclaimed the year 1955 an International Year of tolerance. Tolerance as a principle of patience, acceptance of different opinion, belief or standpoint, principle of non-violence in confronting different opinions and attitudes, lives in us and our society after all, and it is important to underline it. Not to the ideal or desirable extent, but enough to encourage hope that better, bigger and more beautiful is possible. In the end, all of us, at one point or the other, are a minority and see the world in a different way. Since, for the others – we are the other.
Ljudska prava – pojam i međunarodnopravna zaštita

Ljudska prava – pojam i međunarodnopravna zaštita
(Human rights and international protection of human rights)

  • Author(s):Nebojša Vučinić
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Political Theory, Politics and law, Politics and society
  • Page Range:35-46
  • No. of Pages:12
  • Keywords:democracy; human rights; international law; protection;
  • Summary/Abstract:Defining human rights is very complex issue. Basic agreement regarding the minimum of generally accepted, universal standards and mechanisms for their implementation are the first step towards establishment of necessary level of operative system of protection of human rights, as on national level, thus on international plan. Human rights are basic political and socio-economic requirements of citizens in relation to state authorities and society in general and their fulfillment is a precondition for biological, political and cultural existence of an individual and a life worthy of man, his human nature and dignity. They are a result of specific character of man, as the most perfect, reasonable planetary being, his nature and general nature of the relations between people. Basic material source of natural rights of the individual is inborn individuality of human autonomy and inborn human dignity resulting from it. Respect of human rights is very important condition for normal and regular functioning of every state system and society, a factor from which general development and progress greatly depends. Until the end of the Second World War human rights have been in exclusive competence of the state. In the end, these conceptions have resulted in extermination of whole nations in the Second World. Undoubtedly, this has additionally motivated the authors of OUN and Charter to internationalize these issues. Unfortunately, we still cannot speak about efficient and comprehensive system of international protection because of limited and insufficiently precise competences of international community in this regard. Contemporary international law of human rights is based on existence of huge number of various international bodies and institutions, whose goal is the protection of individual- as from domestic thus from any foreign state. Although all of those procedures and international legal remedies are still insufficient and inefficient, existing corpus of human rights proscribed by regulations of the international law and increasing number of bodies in charge for control of their implementation have managed to institutionalize the issue of human rights above all expectations. In that way, political and cultural climate was created wherein protection of human rights has become a priority issue on a global political scale.
Intelektualna i moralna autonomija kao preduslov i rezultat ljudskih prava

Intelektualna i moralna autonomija kao preduslov i rezultat ljudskih prava
(Intelectual and moral autonomy as the precondition and result of human rights)

  • Author(s):Nebojša Vučinić
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Ethics / Practical Philosophy, Political Theory, Politics and law, Politics and society
  • Page Range:47-53
  • No. of Pages:7
  • Keywords:autonomy; moral; responsibility; deontology; pragmatism; intellectual; engagement; human rights;
  • Summary/Abstract:Concept of autonomy and Kant’s definition of autonomy. Culture as second nature - where autonomy of individual lies. Moral responsibility as an indicator of autonomy of individual. Five responsibilities of morally autonomous individual: towards oneself, towards close persons, others, profession and society and the state one lives in. Types of responsibility: individual and collective, political, criminal, civic and disciplinary. Two moral approaches: deontological and pragmatic. Importance of moral autonomy of intellectual for social and political life. Criticism and control of political power and authority of morally autonomous intellectuals. Attitude of the intellectual towards mistakes and manipulation in politics. Human rights and moral autonomy.
O kulturi ljudskih prava

O kulturi ljudskih prava
(About the culture of human rights)

  • Author(s):Aleksandar Saša Zeković
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Sociology, Sociology of Culture, Sociology of Law
  • Page Range:55-62
  • No. of Pages:8
  • Keywords:democracy; human rights; culture; society;
  • Summary/Abstract:Fundamental attributes of human rights are autochthony, universality, equality and indivisibility. Preconditions for genuine realization of human rights are democracy, rule of law and procurement of minimal social-economic standards needed in order to enable each individual to prosper and develop, as well as other rights. Culture of human rights means respect and protection of human rights in everyday life, genuine benefit from human rights, which does not only depend on respect of legal provisions, but also comprises heritage, attitudes and habits of people. Mainly societies in transition have problems with the culture of human rights. The indicators of lack of culture of human rights are: lack of consciousness regarding the existence of human rights; being unfamiliar with one-owns rights and indifference in relation to their violation; lack of self-confidence regarding realization of these rights, indifference towards others, lack of solidarity and lack of readiness to defend human rights of others, as well as existence of discrimination. Culture of human rights must be „initiated by little steps, by respecting the right of other on everyday bases, by using human rights as a foundation for resolution of both public and personal problems and by using human rights as a measurement for development of the society“ . All subjects of society play extremely important role in this -the state, church communities, those who in the framework of educational process work with young people, civic society, media, non-governmental organisations and individuals who deal with promotion and protection of human rights. The fundamental sense for existence of NGOs is social change, safeguarding and defence of democracy, fortifying of democratic culture of citizens, monitoring of political and transitional processes, political elite, fight against corruption, education on all levels… Through education, public advocacy of important social problems and dilemmas, through recording of the cases of violation and providing monitoring of respect of human rights, providing of legal aid, NGOs are working on making the citizens recognize and get familiarized with their rights, in order to use them, but also to learn to respect the rights of others in their surroundings. NGOs dealing with human rights’ issues should primarily be seen as „suppliers of correct information regarding the violation of human rights“ and monitors of the work performed by the government in the field of human and minority rights.
Načelo javnosti kao atribut pravičnosti

Načelo javnosti kao atribut pravičnosti
(Publicity principle as an attribute of justice)

  • Author(s):Zoran Pažin
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Political Theory, Politics and law, Politics and society, Sociology of Law
  • Page Range:63-74
  • No. of Pages:12
  • Keywords:democracy; justice; attributes; publicity principle;
  • Summary/Abstract:Information is an outcome of human cognition, and hereby an outcome of progress, economic, cultural and moral prosperity of the society. However, prosperous society can be only politically stable society in which mutual rights and obligations of citizens and state are definite. Thus, the role of the Court, in the society that is politically organised by the system of division of authority on legislative, executive and judicial power (Montesquieu – L`ésprit de lois) is to resolve conflict situations in the society, and court verdict- verification of legal order, in an authoritative way. Contribution judges can give to the rule of law is immeasurable. Therefore a judge must be a person of public thrust, since „going to the judge means going to justice“, a central virtue of the society which pleads to be open, civic and democratic. Publicity principle is an integral part of wider international standard, of capital significance for the affirmation of rule of law- right to a fair and public trial, in reasonable time limit, in front of independent and impartial court, established by the law. Previous statement, clearly, implies the conclusion-publicity is an attribute of justice. On the other hand, freedom of information is an attribute of freedom of expression, or free public dialogue about all issues being of public interest, and in the concrete case- about circumstances related to the work of courts. Since only a citizen who has access to information, being an original protagonist of sovereignty, can express his opinion. Mistakes made during reporting on work of courts are ample and diverse. Fundamental disregard of place and role a court has in society, especially in relation to the police, prosecutor’s organisation and advocacy, leads to major mistakes in terminology that is being used. Domestic normative framework which regulates the correlation between those two categories of human rights and freedoms, that are in focus of author’s interest in this text, is given in Charter on human and minority rights and civic freedoms, representing an integral part of the Constitutional charter of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, Constitution of the Republic of Montenegro, Criminal procedure code, Law on litigation, Law on media and Court standing orders. It should be emphasized, that according to Article 10 and Article 16 of the Constitutional charter of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, ratified and published international agreements on human and minority rights and civic freedoms, make an integral part of domestic legal system, thus, nota bene, have more important status than domestic regulations and are applied directly. Freedom is illusory and theoretical, instead of being efficient and real, if the citizens do not have free access to information that are on disposal to public bodies. Only cognition opens new horizons in attaining the self-conscious freedom.
Odnos nacionalnog i demokratskog kroz iskustvo jugoslovenskih naroda

Odnos nacionalnog i demokratskog kroz iskustvo jugoslovenskih naroda
(The relation of national and democratic through the experience of Yugoslav people)

  • Author(s):Šerbo Rastoder
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Political Theory, Political history, Social history, Recent History (1900 till today), Politics and society, Nationalism Studies
  • Page Range:75-84
  • No. of Pages:10
  • Keywords:democracy; Yugoslavs; national and democratic; relation;
  • Summary/Abstract:Yugoslav state has been created in 1918 from the idea of ethnical congeniality of three nations (Serbs, Croats and Slovenians), an ideological rhetoric regarding one nation with three names, formal principle of self-determination and an ambition to have a modern state with democratic presage. While in the basis of the ideological rhetoric during its emerging one can recognize all attributes of the process of modern shaping of state creations (nation, self-determination, democracy), in its historical endurance the attributes contrary to above-mentioned fundamental principals have been observed- through dominant conflict of national and democratic, as imaginary collectivism and institutional form of governance in whose centre is an individual and his fundamental rights. From its creation, first Yugoslavia has been faced with the problem of integrative factor. Each ideological attempt to integrate its constituting nations on the principle of „Yugoslavian„ supreme-nation has been seen as national hegemony of the biggest nation. Culture could not emerge as integrative factor since for centuries it has been formed on different basis, on circumference of three different religions. It neither could have been ideology, which has in political sense been reduced to national rhetoric (essentially autistic), and especially not democracy, since the democracy itself excluded the sense of existence of the state. Because of all of those reasons, Yugoslav state could not survive democracy, since the democracy has not been the cornerstone of its creation, or the mark of its historical endurance, thus being the limit of its survival. As for the second Yugoslavia, it has been relatively successfully developing while two pillars of its unity existed- communistic Party of Yugoslavia and Tito, which after those integrative factors disappeared, immediately conditioned its dissolution, because in context of nonexistence of democratic tradition, the freedom of national speech was seen as democratic step forward in relation to the previous period. With the conclusion that only creations which have a democratic heritage can count on stable and prosperous development, it would be interesting to consider the tradition and practice of Montenegro in this scope first of all from the aspect of national and democratic. Multicultural society is in Montenegro one of the most favorite declarative platitudes, and by using it one wants to proclaim certain goals, corresponding to modern trends, and is neglecting the essence of the problem that this kind of society is not created, but that it is a product of concrete reality. As on Balkans the cultural identity is developed on destroying the identity of others, thus dialectical conflict between constant fight and civilization coexistence has constantly conditioned the perception of diversity of cultures and nations as more being a handicap than an advantage. Therefore, the fact that different civilization heritage exists in a society does not make it automatically a multicultural one. That society is a reality, and multiculturalism is a form of cultural politics, or striving to have equal coexistence of cultures. Montenegrin society is still in declarative stage, when regarding cultural politics. And also by this – is potentially a multicultural society. It will stay like this until clear consensus is reached, among political and cultural elites, regarding the social values of multicultural society, as a precondition for social favorable atmosphere for development of democracy and internal harmony.
Nacionalno i demokratsko – primjer Bosne i Hercegovine

Nacionalno i demokratsko – primjer Bosne i Hercegovine
(Relation of national and democratic – experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina)

  • Author(s):Vladimir Marić
  • Language:Bosnian
  • Subject(s):Government/Political systems, Politics and society, Nationalism Studies, Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:85-91
  • No. of Pages:7
  • Keywords:BiH; national; democratic; relation; experience;
  • Summary/Abstract:Has the Dayton Peace Agreement brought about a fair and democratic system of power distribution so longed for in Bosnia and Herzegovina? What has the international community done to merge the ‚national‘ and ‚democratic‘ into vital interests of the state of B&H? How important for the building of national identity is the fact that one fraction of BH citizens actually feels greater belonging to bordering states? By looking into the development of national identity through the prism of state symbols, language, culture, literature and other cultural heritage, the lecturer tries to answer how ready all three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina are, to take part in building a unified state. Themes covered in documentaries „Most“ (1998) and „Mostar Sevdah Reunion“ (2000), were used as the basis for this lecture. The lecturer tried to explain the meaning of ‚national‘ and ‚democratic‘ in the example of Mostar, but also how to transcend to a higher level the symbolic of Sevdah and the Old Bridge as an important part of national cultural heritage to make them a part of the national identity building process.
Izborna demokratija i modeli njenog ostvarivanja

Izborna demokratija i modeli njenog ostvarivanja
(Electoral democracy and models for its realization)

  • Author(s):Veselin Pavićević
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Political Theory, Government/Political systems, Politics and society
  • Page Range:93-105
  • No. of Pages:13
  • Keywords:democracy; electoral democracy; models; realization;
  • Summary/Abstract:In one of his speeches in the House of Commons of the British Parliament Winston Churchill said „Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those others that have been tried“ . Less famous cynic than Churchill, Ken Livingston wrote the book titled “If Voting Changed Anything They’d Abolish It”. However, whatever we think about above-mentioned quotations, democracy and elections that is electoral democracy is still “a favorite game” in modern, civilized world. Basic elements of structure and characteristics of that political process make the essence of this short work.
Političke partije i kampanje

Političke partije i kampanje
(Political parties and campaigns)

  • Author(s):Lisa McLean
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Politics, Civil Society, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems
  • Page Range:107-112
  • No. of Pages:6
  • Keywords:democracy; political system; political parties; campaigns; elections;
  • Summary/Abstract:Max Weber once referred to political parties as “the children of democracy,” but in recent years civil society, in the new and emerging democracies, has often become the favored child of international efforts to assist democracy. The international community has promoted civic organizations, assisted them, and supported their expansion and development, often building on the ruins of discredited political parties. This has been a good and necessary endeavor. Yet, strengthening civic organizations, which represent the demand side of the political equation, without providing commensurate assistance to the political organizations that must aggregate the interests of those very groups, ultimately damages the democratic equilibrium. The neglect of political parties, and parliaments, can undermine the very democratic process that development assistance seeks to enhance. This article tries to explain why parties are fundamental to a functioning democracy and how parties in established democracies organize themselves to compete in elections.
Rodna ravnopravnost i demokratija

Rodna ravnopravnost i demokratija
(Gender equality and democracy)

  • Author(s):Ljubomirka Ljupka Kovačević
  • Language:Bosnian
  • Subject(s):Gender Studies, Government/Political systems, Social differentiation
  • Page Range:113-123
  • No. of Pages:11
  • Keywords:democracy; gender; equality;
  • Summary/Abstract:This work, starting from the concept of democracy which comprises public control over collective decision making and equality of rights in their implementation, is attempting to indicate a long history of excluding women from social and political processes. It has been institutionalized through „scientific„ explanations connected to tradition, history and nature of female characteristics. Modern democracy understands altered approach in solving the „female issue„: in the focus of interest is not any more „a female issue„ or „problem of women„, but this issue is being understood as structural social problem, and attention is focused on inequality. The significance and necessity of equality concept is pointed out (different, yet equal) and partnership concept (creative joining of forces). This different approach is founded on World conferences of United Nations, held during nineties, especially on the Fourth World Conference (Beijing 1995), which develops the strategy for reaching gender equality. Gender equality starts to be seen as one of the fundamental values of democratic societies and an important „measure„ of democracy. Gender aspect thus becomes very important on the path of each society towards reaching higher degree of democracy and feministic theory an important cornerstone for argumentation. The attention is drawn to strong resistance of respect of gender perspective, from personal, everyday, connected to „passive and active ignorance„, to conceptual, which are found within the cultural, political, philosophical, scientific and religious strategies. It is important to be careful in relation to the concept of gender democracy, and here it is emphasized that gender democracy is a strategy for change of relations, and not a general model of political thought in contemporary understanding of democracy. In the end, the situation in Montenegro is deliberated, where female nongovernmental organizations are still the most informed about this problem and the most engaged in the fight for recognizing gender perspective. Existence of Governmental Office for gender equality shows the tendency towards changes on the institutional level as well. This strivings still do not have wider social assistance, that is manifested through: clear political will on all levels (electoral process, political bodies, executive and legislative authorities), gender sensitive statistics, gender studies, finances supporting affirmative action, human resources (sufficient number of gender sensitive experts in all fields of public activity, especially media). Conclusion is that Montenegro, as a transitional country, is in relatively good position. It can contribute to faster process of democratization if it regards as important the following precondition- gender equality through institutionalization of mechanisms for its procurement. This should not only be a form, but a backbone for change of relation of inequality. Long way is ahead of us, and the outcome is still unsure.
Demokratija (još) ne stanuje ovde

Demokratija (još) ne stanuje ovde
(Democracy is (still) not living here)

  • Author(s):Zoran Stoiljković
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Regional Geography, Civil Society, Government/Political systems
  • Page Range:125-140
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:democracy; transition; Balkans; civil society;
  • Summary/Abstract:This essay considers several interrelated and interdependent processes: 1) development of excruciating economic and social transition, 2) gradual advocacy and renewal („resurrection“ ) of „suppressed“ civil society and 3) constituting of actors, procedures and rules of „electoral democracy“ , and is reduced to limits of politically impartial and ideologically uncontaminated analysis of effects and actions of transitional changes on Balkans. Starting hypothesis is a stand that, in Serbia and Montenegro, as well as in B&H, Albania and Macedonia, transition did not emerge from its initial critical phase of democratization. Fragile economy and civil society are obviously not suitable and sufficient frame for „committedness“ of political actors and stabilization of political scene, or for creation of firm constitutional limits for possible arbitrary extravagancies and decreasing movements within electoral, competitive democracy. With all the differences, Balkan countries have in common a lack of continuous and long-term democratic transition. All of them are characterized by parallel existence „coexistence” of pre-industrial, industrial and post-industrial structures and their social agents. In all of them, liberalization and privatization within stagnant economy produce ascending social inequalities. All of these countries have in common a resulting dominant sense of uncertainty and with the exception of Albanians, generally pessimistic relation towards (immediate) future. Finally, all of them share a goal and desire to find themselves within EU (Blue Bird, Inflexibility trap. 2004:13) Nevertheless, the path towards European integrations demands developed strategy of transitional changes and collection of all diffused emancipating energies and potentials directed at its revival. Thereat, stabilization and consolidation of democracy is not possible without disappearance of „active and robust civil society“(Linc and Stepan, 1998). The exit from this magic circle represents only developed and operative strategy of reforms, supported by wide social and political partnership for democratic changes. Civil field and actors in this partnership have central, mobilizing, controlling and integrative role, but also important initiatory function. Social movements; and not fragmented, incoherent nongovernmental scene- often ready to accept pseudo party arrangements and engagements; may be mediators of changes, bearers of dynamics and physiology of the society- an instrument for achievement of (desirable) future. However, both potential of civil society and destiny of the reforms are connected to massive transformation of its subjects- their structure of conscience and mentality- and emanation of „adult and upright” citizens. Only the society of responsible and competent elites and active citizens, affiliated in voluntary associations, may send its authoritarian history to „dumps of history“(Marcs).
Razvoj nevladinih organizacija u Crnoj Gori

Razvoj nevladinih organizacija u Crnoj Gori
(Development of nongovernmental organisations in Montenegro)

  • Author(s):Stevo Muk
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Politics, Civil Society, Politics and society
  • Page Range:141-150
  • No. of Pages:10
  • Keywords:democracy; NGO; civil society; Montenegro;
  • Summary/Abstract:Mutual for all non-governmental organizations is that they are non-profit by their character, they are a product of free will association, with the goal to protect/promote interests of its members or some public interest, that represents common good, they are institutionally separated from the government or local authorities, they have their own internal structure and they are independent in creating and defining the goals, plans and implementation of activities. Non-governmental organizations in world are having growing importance and there is almost no social problem in whose solving these organisations are not included. The task and role of non-governmental organisations is to assist in humanization of life; to make the society more sensible towards important issues such as peace, protection of living environment, rights of women and underprivileged groups and similar; to protect specially endangered social groups; to develop communication between isolated individuals and create the sense of togetherness; to open topics that are significant for whole society, in the manner which is not burdened by the interest of gaining or keeping the power, to be a constant initiator of public debates regarding important issues. Montenegrin Law on non-governmental organisations, adopted in July of 1999, represents relatively adequate frame for establishment, registration and functioning of non-governmental organisations (associations and foundations). In Montenegro, more than 3300 nongovernmental organisations is registered, but the number of active non-governmental organisations is not bigger than 300. Non-governmental organisations have, with all their shortcomings, proven to represent a sector of initiative, energy, knowledge and devotion. They have raised the issues of gender equality, protection of living environment, human and minority rights, open and responsible authorities, pointed out to marginalized groups in the society, opened possibility of alternative, informal education, gave immense contribution to the quality of public policy on different levels, prepared many models of laws and other legal provisions. For further development of non-governmental organisations in Montenegro we need well taught exit strategy of foreign donors, intense development of domestic financial sources, legal and tax regulations as well as further development of internal resources and credibility, cooperation with public and commercial sector.
Dijalog u nedostatku dokaza

Dijalog u nedostatku dokaza
(Dialogue in lack of proofs)

  • Author(s):Ratko Božović
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Media studies, Communication studies, Government/Political systems
  • Page Range:151-162
  • No. of Pages:12
  • Keywords:democracy; dialogue; media;
  • Summary/Abstract:After analyzing „old paradigm„ of communication of autocratic society and totalitarian system, and especially its display in mass media, the author tends to establish „a new paradigm„ of dialogue in open and democratic political community. Relation of equality and reciprocity in dialogue would lead to „detente„ of conflict; it would obliterate „the logics„ of conflict which was in previous period inevitable, to preclusion. By „new paradigm„ subject towards object relation would not be established in the dialogue, meaning the relation between dominant and subordinate, but the relation of subject towards subject. This would be the way to understand „other„ and different and to abandon a „stile„ of accusations and transfer of accountability to the other side, on others without any arguments. The author considers that „new paradigm„ will be of immense help in achievement of atmosphere of tolerance and trust, but also in recognizing the energy that will captivate political freedom and indicate a vision of social and political change. In essentially alterable communication, which not only requests the culture of our conversationalist, but also represents a democratic conscience, developed and emancipated environment and, finally the habit to assess with reliable cognitions all relevant, all that is foretold or imposed by propaganda. This is one of the most important conclusions in this work.
Demokratija, odgovornost i mediji

Demokratija, odgovornost i mediji
(Democracy, responsibility and media)

  • Author(s):Koča Pavlović
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Media studies, Communication studies, Government/Political systems, ICT Information and Communications Technologies
  • Page Range:163-172
  • No. of Pages:10
  • Keywords:democracy;: responsibility; media;
  • Summary/Abstract:In contrast to standing of Montenegrin printed media, which can be estimated as good thanks to existence and work of two daily newspapers „Dan“ and „Vijesti“ and a weekly „Monitor“, the situation in the sphere of electronic media is worrying, since they have imponderably bigger influence, and this represents a huge obstacle in democratic shifts in Montenegro. Electronic media are noticeably falling behind in the view of transparency and objectivity of their reporting. The explanation of this situation can be retrieved in circumstances in which „media reforms“ have started in 2002 - as a weapon for fight of DPS against Montenegrin opposition, but also in opacity of their process of implementation. Thanks to control it had over significant part of civil sector, as well as benevolence of involved international institutions, ruling Montenegrin coalition has succeeded to, through positioning of its staff, take control over newly formed administrative structures of Public Broadcasting Service of RTCG and key independent regulatory body - Broadcasting agency. State radio and television have afterwards again become more promoters and apologists of the ruling coalition’s politics than an attempt of complete, impartial and well balanced informing of citizens regarding relevant matters. At the same time, treating the issues of legal state status and relationship with Serbia as an only priority, public broadcasting has helped and is intensively helping DPS to create, from the story on legal state status, a media curtain behind which Montenegrin reality is going on: organized crime, corruption and extremely questionable and opaque privatization. Comprehension of journalism as conducting of politics by way of other means is perishing difficultly and slowly in Montenegro. Large number of journalists is still interpreting freedom of information as their freedom to express personal views and personal prejudice. „Creation of public broadcasting service demands that its management and staff share the values of that idea, which again demands redefinition of journalism in transitional Europe“- states Professor Roman Jakubovic when writing about current situation in our region. Thanks to dedicated work of Secretariat for information of the Republic of Montenegro and anti Milosevic efforts of foreign donors the space of commercial broadcasting has developed during the last decade of previous century, under full control of current Montenegrin authorities. Private electronic media have for years been corrupted since they were exempted from obligation to pay the rent of frequencies and devoid of control of legal financial operation, and they have „paid“ that dept by being cooperative during numerous electoral campaigns. This approach has created something that is being recognized as Montenegrin specifics: financially powerful owners of economically unsustainable media projects.
O demokratiji i ekonomiji

O demokratiji i ekonomiji
(On democracy and economy)

  • Author(s):Saša Popović
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Politics, Economic policy, Socio-Economic Research
  • Page Range:173-182
  • No. of Pages:10
  • Keywords:democracy; economy; social life;
  • Summary/Abstract:The primary goal of this work is the review of cause and effect relations between political and economical dimensions of social life, that is to say a walk on the boarder line between economy and politics, without the pretension to deeply analyze one or the other. This subject is seen as especially important for a transitional society, a society that is being reborn. New orientations imply new values, norms and institutions. The essence of something new is a need to think differently. And work differently. However, to think differently essentially means noncompliance. And really, where noncompliance of an individual begins, whether it is in the family or society in general, with the respect of opinion, there is the seed of equality in diversity, whose product is democracy. In it often taught that economy and democracy go hand in hand, as a natural couple. Unfortunately, this is incorrect. History offers a variety of old and new arguments that economy can be relatively highly developed, whereas democracy is nonexistent. Ancient Egypt had both at the same time. Even to these times the word pharaoh represents a synonym for autocratic personality, and exactly Egypt had highly developed segment of economy during the supremacy of pharaohs- trade of money and goods. In ancient Egypt, owing to well organized administrative service, individuals could have natural accounts, and from those accounts the goods were transferred in a similar way to the way money is transferred from money accounts. State storage yards were collective centers for grain and other goods stored there. Farmer didn’t need to sell grain to pay taxes, and at the same time he earned since he didn’t need to build a granary. Moreover, grain that was paid in Upper Egypt for rent, could have been acquired in Lower Egypt without long transport, and the only condition was that state storage yard in Lower Egypt had enough grain. Would this not be the case, the grain was brought from the closest state storage yard and not from the storages from Upper Egypt. Thus, unnecessary moving of goods was not conducted. All similarities with Serbia and Montenegro are coincidental, but elucidative. Key words which should be reconsidered in the context of Montenegrin society are: politics, democracy, crowd, individual, freedom, property, resource, market, social development and similar. Definitions of these words are familiar to the Montenegrin citizen, yet their full meaning is still waiting to be discovered. The analysis of complex economic and political situation in Montenegro needs more space. While liberalism is just knocking on Montenegrin economic door, neo-liberalism is already here. It couldn’t have been the consequence of our liberal tradition, but in spite of that it is already being promoted as fundamental ideological orientation by a number of local economists. What is even worse, for a small society, in which it is difficult to keep a distance from the nationalism of different colors, nepotism, state budget and corruption, it is difficult to build reliable anonymous authorities, such as public opinion and market. Therefore, political and economic incest easily occurs, where the creators often abuse their creation. Various privatization models did not succeed to depoliticize national economy, even though they were created at the same table. The intention of the author was not only to position Montenegro in the economy-democracy coordinate system, but also to call for active participation of those who connect their destiny to themselves, because as Edmund Burke said: „All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.“
Demokratija u tranziciji: ekonomske reforme u Crnoj Gori

Demokratija u tranziciji: ekonomske reforme u Crnoj Gori
(Democracy in transition: economic reforms in Montenegro)

  • Author(s):Nebojša Medojević
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Politics, Economic policy, Government/Political systems
  • Page Range:183-193
  • No. of Pages:11
  • Keywords:Montenegro; democracy; transition; economic reforms;
  • Summary/Abstract:Economic reforms in Montenegro have been implemented under strong ideological influence of the lobby from self proclaimed „new economic Montenegrin school“ from the Faculty of Economy in Podgorica in the past seven years. By simplifying of otherwise very complex transitional processes to vulgarity and by reducing them to dangerous myth about strength of market and magical effect of private property and needlessness of state and its laws and institutions, ideologists of those reforms are briskly turning Montenegro in devastated colony with the army of unemployed and poor citizens. Instead of „invisible hand of market“ we are constantly directed to by the members of this clan, we got „visible hand of crime, corruption and poverty“. At the same time system mistake has been made: the care necessary to this weak market and new institutions has been neglected. This care can only come from political and wider social context, by establishing necessary level of thrust between the citizens and reformatory elite. Experiences connected to reforms in other countries show that choice of model is not so important for their success, but established thrust of citizens in reformatory elite and their resolution to continue walking courageously on this path till the end. Reformatory elite must be maximally devoted to general interests, fair and professional and should not endanger the thrust of citizens by any action. In analysing the causes of economic and social crises in Montenegro, one has to take into consideration forming of the parallel system of power with organised crime and corruption, which are seriously endangering Montenegrin society. The fact that the foundation of the new Montenegrin economy has arisen from brutal theft of former socialists’ social property, and that privatization and reform process has, anent to corruption, created quasi-market structures did not trigger attention of the domestic and international politicians and analyst. And exactly organised crime and corruption are the main obstacles for arrival of foreign investments and economic convalescence of the country. Devastated institutions of the system are not capable of guaranteeing the security of the contracts, non-discriminatory appliance of the law, rights of stockholders, reimbursement of claims, nor physical safety and protection from criminal cartels. The citizens of Montenegro, political parties, but international community as well have to realize that Montenegro is not on the reform path, but on direct path towards economic, social and political catastrophe and total confinement and misuse of state functions by the criminal structures. In spite of verbal advocating of this political elite for „sovereign, fee, upright and independent state“ Montenegro, all that they are really doing on the reform plan is leading Montenegro further away from this goal. Independent or not, after these authorities, new generations of politicians will have to lead a hard battle for years so as to return the fundamental prerogatives of sovereignty to the state of Montenegro. In the century marked by the fight for control of energy, pure organic food and drinking water, these authorities are briskly ruining natural and manufactured strategic resources and putting them out of control of national institutions and politics and for that reason it is difficult to count on sustainable development. „New economic school“ is creating economy that will only deal with distribution and consumption. In time, when domestic products are gone, we will distribute only foreign ones, taking small percentage, until foreign manufacturers start distributing their own products themselves, and we become only consumers. While the reserves last.
Savjet evrope i evropski sud za ljudska prava – pojam i značaj institucija u procesu evropskih integracija

Savjet evrope i evropski sud za ljudska prava – pojam i značaj institucija u procesu evropskih integracija
(Council of Europe and European court of human rights – concept and importance of institutions in the process of european integrations)

  • Author(s):Ana Zec
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Politics, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Government/Political systems, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment, EU-Legislation, Court case
  • Page Range:195-202
  • No. of Pages:8
  • Keywords:Council of Europe; ECHR; human rights; institutions; european integration;
  • Summary/Abstract:Council of Europe, the oldest political organisation on European continent, has been established in 1949. It unites 45 countries which are obliged to „accept the principle of the rule of law and respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all persons under its jurisdiction“ (Article 3 of the Council of Europe Statute). Any serious breach of human rights by the member states may lead to their suspension or expelling from the membership. Council of Europe establishes standards in the field of protection and affirmation of human rights, and these standards must be accepted and implemented by all member states. Council of Europe also establishes mechanism for protection of those standards:  Protection of civil and political rights through individual complaints is accomplished through mechanism provided by the European Convention on human rights (before the European Court for Human Rights);  Protection of social and economic rights is established through mechanisms of the European social charter;  Protection of rights of national minorities is accomplished through mechanisms of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities;  Protection of gender equality principles is accomplished through mechanisms of the Steering Committee for gender equality. To candidate states as well as new member states, Council of Europe provides expert assistance and supports national thriving in consolidating democratic society and implementation of Council of Europe standards; that is in compliment with the commitments which a member state has undertaken upon becoming a member. The support of the Council of Europe is realized through local field office, which operates in Montenegro since 2001. The Office realizes numerous projects relating to: reform of legislation, reform of judiciary, police reform, educational reform, development of local democracy, enhancement of free, independent and pluralistic media, fight against trafficking in human beings, corruption and other forms of organized crime.
Evropske integracije i NVO sektor u Crnoj Gori

Evropske integracije i NVO sektor u Crnoj Gori
(European integration and NGO sector in Montenegro)

  • Author(s):Momčilo Radulović
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Civil Society, Government/Political systems, EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment
  • Page Range:203-214
  • No. of Pages:12
  • Keywords:Montenegro; NGO; EU integrations;
  • Summary/Abstract:Currently, Montenegro is, as most countries in the region, in the transitional processes whose goal should be a society established on the rule of law, democratic principle of social and political representation, respect of human rights and market economy. In one word, the society built and established as a system of good governance. However, on this path there are diverse obstacles, from objective natural and social circumstances to subjective shortcomings of the structures of public sector and their antireform (in) action. Because of all of this the process has much slower dynamics than it is expected or necessary. At the same time, Montenegro is on the beginning of the path towards European integrations, and similar obstacles are appearing on the plan of implementation of ideas, principles and standards of contemporary Europe in Montenegrin society. In order to avoid them it is necessary to establish basic preconditions of democratically organized society. Each transitional, but also a developed European country had to focus, in one phase of such socio-psychological change, on reaching particular level of social and primarily political consensus. This was necessary in order to unite the tendencies and capacities for realizing the strategy of social changes (which must comprise both political and civil strategy) and to successfully accomplish the activities on the change of values of European integrations in given society. All those experiences contribute to the conviction that work on implementation of European values and work on further democratization and social transition in Montenegro have to function simultaneously, as a singular process which will rest on both public and civil sector. In the framework of activities of the civil sector, the role of non-governmental organizations is of great significance for the development of various social, economic and political institutions, but also for necessary change of existing mentality and psychological patterns. This text describes the most important practical experiences and activities of non-governmental organisations in Montenegro that are engaged on realizing the abovementioned goals and values. Furthermore, it outlines theoretical-practical basic guidelines for concrete actions- as of non-governmental organisations and other parts of civil sector, thus of public structures, in that segment of their actions which entails cooperation with NGO sector. Also, it represents a suggestion of an action plan of activities of NGOs in Montenegro regarding the promotion of European integrations values. The action plan, as a basis for further activities in this field, comprises a definition of the type of activity, goals of the activity, timeframe of the activity, their models and methods, but also concrete categories, description and classifications of given activities- to the extent it is possible to demonstrate it in this kind of presentation.
Mutacija – ideološki aspek

Mutacija – ideološki aspek
(The mutation – ideological aspect)

  • Author(s):Milan Popović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Political Theory, Government/Political systems
  • Page Range:215-237
  • No. of Pages:23
  • Keywords:democracy; political system; mutation; ideology;
  • Summary/Abstract:This article presents a relatively complex and systematic analysis of the ideological side or aspect of mutation, namely of the great and worsening change of our current historical, international, and social system, which began to escalate after the September 11th terrorist attack. The article consists of three parts, and each part consists of three sections. The first part introduces main subjects of the article. Its first section defines the very mutation as a part of greater historical change, crisis, and disintegration of the modern world-system. According to Pitirim Sorokin and Immanuel Wallerstin, this huge change began in the first quarter of XX and will last until middle of XXI century, when it will be replaced with some new historical system, which will be better or worse than the current system in crisis. The second section inserts the ideology into the context of ongoing historical change. It punctually correlates some important theoretical ideas and concepts of ideology with the most concrete and actual events and personalities of our time, like the so-called war on terror and the administration of George W. Bush. The third section explains within this context some important differences between the real and ideologically distorted meanings of such crucial categories of social sciences and politics as „New World Order“, „Globalization“, and „Fascism“. The second and central part of the article focuses on the concrete, dramatic, and colorful ideological evolution after the Cold War. Its first section reveals and describes the two substantially different phases of this evolution, its first and idealistic stage, which lasted from the Great Collapse in 1989 to the Great Strike in 2001, and which was marked by illusionary and famous Francis Fukuyama’s „end of history“, and its second and realistic phase, which began after the Great Strike 2001, and which is marked by the current ideological offensive of the so-called „neocons“ and „hawks“ from the right. In addition, the first section identifies the main novelty of the second phase, namely the appearance of an ideology, or even a cult of the naked, unlimited, and unchecked power, as well as the two main representatives of this relatively new „dark“ stance, the two Roberts, Kagan from US, and Cooper from UK. The two following sections analytically and carefully elucidate the very existence and function of this retrogressive element into the two most important ideological points or topics of our time: „Freedom“ and „World“. So, the second section reveals and explains the twofold mask of the so-called neoliberal ideology, namely neoconservative monopoles under the label and rhetoric of freedom, and, deeper in, violent postcapitalist mutation under the label and rhetoric of neoconservativism, whereas the third section reveals and analyses the first ideological signs of an open and deliberate retreat of West from one and universal world to barbaric plurality of Robert Cooper’s double standards and worlds. The third part of the article is a kind of epistemological consequence and reflection of previous analysis. The first section of this part describes the main methodological change of our time, from progressivistic to declining paradigm, metaphorically speaking from England to Pariah. The second section explains this change. In the XIX century, the modern world-system was still in its expanding and rising phase, and therefore progressivistic paradigm was quite adequate. In the XX and XXI century, however, the system has entered its declining phase, and consequently the declining paradigm has become more or only adequate. In the XIX century, Karl Marx was quite right explaining that India as less developed country could see its own future in the then England as the most developed country of the time, however, and ironically, in the XX and XXI century, the truth has become quite reverse, namely, due to the declining phase of development, now England, or EU, or US, can see its own future in the today’s least developed and even Pariah country. The third section concludes the analysis with Montenegro as one concrete Pariah country and case study. The section enlightens and summarizes extreme asymmetry between Montenegro and EU through a kind of double reflection. On the one hand, EU has served as a great power mirror, reflecting extreme smallness, weakness, and dependency of Montenegro, in the most critical period of Montenegrin existence 2000- 2003. On the other hand, and simultaneously, however, Montenegro itself has served as a small but veritable mirror, reflecting real complexity, ambiguity, and contradictory nature of the great and mighty EU.
Bilješka o autorima

Bilješka o autorima
(Note about authors)

  • Author(s):Not Specified Author
  • Language:Montenegrine
  • Subject(s):Scientific Life
  • Page Range:239-247
  • No. of Pages:9
  • Keywords:about authors;
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