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Foreign Policy Insight, Issue 2014 - 01 Responding to the Russians
Meeting in Minsk // Merkel’s visit to Ukraine
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Meeting in Minsk // Merkel’s visit to Ukraine
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Turkey: a friend, a partner, a competitor?
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Ukraine and Belarus: attempts to elaborate common positions against a backdrop of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict
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Through FORA project we have implemented several interactive activities with migrants, refugees and local population in Serbia, Croatia, Greece in Sweden. Through those interactions we have extracted some of the policy recommendations for decision makers on local, national and European level. In each country the situation related to integration is different. This is why we have left to each participating organization to create its own recommendation priorities and use its own stile of presentation. We hope that our recommendations will be heard and implemented by relevant decision makers and make Europe more open towards the newcomers.
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„Glava u torbi“ zajednički je imenitelj, nadnaslov, kolumni koje sam objavljivala u vikend izdanju lista „Danas“ svake nedelje od maja 2013. godine do decembra 2016. godine. Do tada sam u „Danasu“ pisala kolumne sredom, od početka izlaženja lista, pod naslovom „Postdejtonska moda“, a posle 5. oktobra 2000. godine i pod naslovom „No Longer and Not Yet“ (Hana Arent). I bile su kraće. A onda me je uredništvo „Danasa“ bez naročitog upozorenja prebacilo na čitavu stranu nedeljnog dodatka. Nadam se da između „Postdejtonske mode“, „Not Longer and Not Yet“ i „Glave u torbi“ postoji određeni kontinuitet. Sudeći po materijalu koji stvarnost nudi možda će Glava u torbi potrajati još desetak godina, kada list „Danas“ kome je dvadesetogodišnjica, bude obeležavao trideset godina i ja zajedno sa njim. Nigde danas „Danasa“ na kioscima – „Razgrabljen!“ kaže prodavac na „mom kiosku“ koji inače po instrukcijama pakuje „Danas“ negde ispod Sportskog žurnala. U znak solidarnosti čitaoci kupuju Danas koji je ugrožen združenim snagama režima. Mladi ljudi u protestu „Protiv diktature“, i svi ljudi u protestu, podržavaju i nose Danas, uzdižu ga iznad glave i torbe. Tamo gde se osvaja sloboda, uprkos svim „skretanjima“ „Danas“ je na pravom putu, putu slobode, protiv cenzure i ucene svake vrste. Drago mi je što sam danas deo „Danasa“, za danas i za budućnost. Izvinjavam se prodavcu u samoposluzi što ne znam šta hoću, a on kaže – „Možete da me davite koliko hoćete, čitam vaše kolumne i slažem se“. Strogi prijatelji su me potakli da objavim „Glavu u torbi“, uverili me da je to obaveza zbog razumevanja vremena u kome smo bivali i akteri i svedoci. Da se time potakne pamćenje protiv zaborava događaja i ličnosti, ili celine, pojma o celini, i današnju preku potrebu da se razume, a time i menja stvarnost. Dakle, evo mog udela u toj celini.
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Uvod u celinu je poziv na bavljenje stvaralaštvom Bogdana Bogdanovića. Razlozi su brojni, a neophodnost očigledna. Sve što nas danas okružuje evocira delo ovog erudite kao primarno. Bogdan Bogdanović je arhitekta koji briše granice arhitekture. Ukoliko bismo pokušali da njegovo delovanje ukrotimo kako bi ga definisali, u kaleidoskopski fokus smestili bismo grad. Grad je istraživao, maštao, mislio i stvarao, vodio, zapisivao i prepričavao, sanjao, i iznova uzduž i popreko, kroz prostor i kroz vreme, otkrivao. Grad kao celinu, i sve ono što ga čini. U memorijalnoj arhitekturi nalazi slobodu izraza i stvara autentični arhitektonski jezik, memorijalima koji se uzdižu istovremeno u prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Njegova prva knjiga, Mali urbanizam (1958), nastaje kao reakcija na velike urbanističke poteze vremena - ali ne kao set instrukcija, već kao poziv na drugačiji način promišljanja grada, čime Bogdanović anticipira i pionirske korake ka građanskoj participaciji i gradu koji nastaje iznutra, a ne odozgo.
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Borderline Offensive Festival is a transnational community gathering of creators, academics, cultural producers and citizens wanting to explore how art and humour can contribute to improving lives in society in Europe and beyond. As such a platform, Borderline Offensive has organised, staged and produced different forms of tools aiming to provide the answers to the key questions: How do humour and art promote dialogue and reflection about migration, fear, pain, identity and social crisis? How do arts and culture influence integration positively, and how does integration work diversify audiences and artistic discourse? How do populism, xenophobia, and global cultural conflict impact arts and culture, freedom of expression and the mobility of creators?
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Postoje Ijudi čije su životne priče, jednostavno, veoma upotrebljive za interpretaciju vremena u kom su živeli - Ijudi čiji su privatne i profesionalne hronologije, neka vrsta narativnog i denotativnog okvira, svojevrstan case study koji možemo iskoristiti za razumevanje i organizovanje konteksta koji su, i koji ih je formirao, usmerio, obeležio... Mira Trailović, jedna od deset najpopularnijih ličnosti Jugoslavije polovinom 1970-ih (po izboru razlilčitih dnevnih i nedeljnih novina tog vremena i prostora) - nesumnjivo jeste jedan od takvih likova. Neko za koga se može reći da je koristio svaku priliku da ostvari dvosmernu komunikaciju sa okolinom, da utiče na nju, da, prolazeći kroz različite faze životnog i poslovnog sazrevanja, aktivno reaguje na izazove i mogućnosti koje mu društvo istovremeno nudi i nameće
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Organizing an exhibition of Kosovar art in Belgrade in June 1997 was not an easy decision to make. Even in the offices of the Soros Foundation in Prishtina, which was the exhibition’s financial backer, there were people doubting it out loud: “Have you thought through what you’re doing and where you’re going?”
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The relatively large bulk of laws adopted on the last hundred meters by the Parliament of Moldova show a new move of solidarity by the political forces of the country. The “Decalogue”, put forward by the parliamentary factions to President Voronin during his last re-election on April 4, brought new hope to the seemingly divided adversaries to establish a lasting truce and solve the anguishing problems of Moldovan politics. The question then raised by the political thinkers was: will the President keep his promises given to the opposition? The question now is: is the truce strong enough to lead to modernization and Europeanization?
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The PSS methodology is a synthetic model designed to evaluate the perception of a pool of 10 independent experts on political and security risks in tree areas: Domestic Policy, Foreign Policy and Issues of Special Interest. The PSS monitoring contributes to the identification of potential and effective threats that impact the stability of public institutions and assures the coherence of early warning analyses. The PSS rating should not be considered an absolute indicator. The reason for PSS indicator is to form general ideas. The dynamics of PSS indicators can be found throughout the text of the PSS and reflects the rhythm and the direction of democratic changes occurring in Moldova. To find out more about the methodology, check the addenda.
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CONTENT: The eroding of government party increased in local elections from 2007 (by Ion Marandici) // Foreign priorities of Moldova move to the East (by Dumitru Mînzărari) // Policies promoted by government party will worsen foreign dependence (by Dumitru Mînzărari)
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CONTENT: Political Consensus disintegrated before a possible Food Crisis (by Ion Marandici) // The “Invisible Hand” Of The Puppeteer: Who Is Making The Moldovan Foreign Policy? (by Sergiu Panainte) // How Voronin, his team, and Communists’ Party may lose Moldova (by Dumitru Mînzărari)
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CONTENT: Monitoring an emerging democracy in Moldova: a difficult task (by Ion Marandici) // Moldova and European Union: Any Way Closer? (Sergiu Panainte) // The Moscow’s smoke screen has once again fooled Moldovan leadership (by Dumitru Mînzărari)
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CONTENT: Stable and Changing Parties in Moldova (Ion Marandici) // A New Impetus to Moldova’s European Hopes: Bridging the Gap? (by Sergiu Panainte) // The new Transnistria initiatives of President Voronin: Breakthrough or Agony? (by Dumitru Mînzărari)
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CONTENT: Voters trust opposition parties, but would not vote for them (by Ion Marandici) // Battleground Moldova: Soft Power vs. Hard Power (by Sergiu Panainte) // What are the main threats to Moldova’s security? (by Ion Marandici)
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CONTENT: The result of the 2007 elections: local public administration versus central authorities (by Ion Marandici) // A Retrospective of the 2007: Transition continues as Moldova misses valuable Opportunities” (by Sergiu Panainte) // Major threats to the security of Republic of Moldova: 2007 (by Ion Marandici)
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CONTENT: Since its independence, the Republic of Moldova is deemed as a “partially free” country (by Ion Marandici) // The never ending story: “we came, we saw and we left" (by Sergiu Panainte) // Transnistrian conflict: old game-new players? (by Alex Leşanu)
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All four outcomes of the project, namely – to analyze existing processes of managing social conflicts in Odesa region, to define the local needs and requests for intervention with social conflicts in communities, to identify local initiatives, groups, CSOs, institutions, individual activists and enthusiasts who are working with social conflicts at the community level and to define the competencies, knowledge, experience and capacities of local actors dealing with social conflicts have been reached by conducting focus groups and in-deep interviews, analyzing their results and correlating with media analysis. A final presentation and a workshop allowed checking the findings’ results and to discuss better the issue of needed competencies, as not always local communities’ representatives could identify them by themselves as not being aware of their existence or possible use. For the first time in Odessa region such a comprehensive study has been implemented. During the last 5 years, several studies, including those done by our organization, were done for south of the region (Bessarabia), as the region has two risk factors: multiethnicity and border positioning. However, nobody tried to see a picture wider, to look to other districts of Odessa region, where reforms and transformations happening, where some of them also are border districts or have their own historical particularities. Such a report will allow other organizations and stakeholders to see better local developments and their perceptions, to evaluate local needs. The results can be used both for other organizations entering with their projects to local communities, proposing grants, trainings, joint projects, but also during the next local elections, when politicians will be able to address some issues or to pay attention to those conflicts that can sharpen during elections.
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The end of 2017 - the beginning of 2018 passed quite predictably for Russia. The preparation for the presidential elections left a minimum of space for experiments and innovations in domestic and foreign policy. The regime quite consciously implemented an inertial scenario of preserving power, along the way only taking measures to avoid dangers and risks of destabilization. It can be said that during this period, the main security mechanisms were refined and established, thanks to which the current level of control of the situation in the country by the Kremlin was previously achieved and will continue to be maintained.
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