(Ne)konzistentnost „diferenciranog građanstva“ u Preporukama za promjenu Ustava Federacije BiH

Author(s): Nedim Kulenovic / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

U ovom veoma kratkom osvrtu razmotrene su posljedice koje dalja institucionalizacija „diferenciranog građanstva“ ima po prava pripadnika grupe koja se prethodno imenovala kao „Ostali“. Iako nisu provedena dublja teorijska razmatranja samog koncepta „diferenciranog građanstva“, i njegove opravdanosti u bosanskohercegovačkom kontekstu, uočen je značajan stepen nekonzistentnosti u njegovom modeliranju u Preporukama ekspertne grupe. Naime, ovakvo rješenje može rezultirati daljim različitim postupanjem, sada između dvije kategorije „Ostalih“, odnosno pripadnika nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenih, a čije je barem pravno opravdanje veoma upitno. Ako je ovo zaista bila namjera Ekspertne grupe takva vrsta sistematskog isključivanja jedne kategorije građana iz participacije u strukturama vlasti FBiH zahtijevala bi naročitu vrstu opravdanja – kako s aspekta prava, tako i političke teorije – a koja ni u Preporukama, ni u Analizi, nije ponuđena. Ukoliko je, međutim, ovo posljedica omaške u formulisanju preporuka, nužno je pristupiti njihovom temeljitom usklađivanju, od definicije Federacije pa na dalje, s obzirom da se ova „greška“ spominje u više od dvadeset preporuka. Mora se na kraju upozoriti da još uvijek postoji teorijsko neslaganje u pogledu izvršenja balansiranja između etničkog i građanskog elementa u ustavnopravnom uređenju BiH. To je rezultiralo različitim institucionalnim modelima, od onog na nivou države i entiteta, do Brčko Distrikta BiH, odnosno Kantona Sarajevo, koji se karakterišu različitim intenzitetom etniziranja prava, odnosno diferenciranja građanstva. Nužno je biti pažljiv kako se u daljim pokušajima pluralizacije postojećih etnokratskih aranžmana na nivou entiteta ne bi prekludirala mogućnost da se naročito u kantonima – koji će sada postojati kao pojedinačne „laboratorije etničkog upravljanja“ – osigura veći spektar prava pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenim od onoga što je moguće ostvariti na Federalnom i višim nivoima vlasti.

(Ne)zakonitost imenovanja upravnih odbora javnih ustanova u Tuzlanskom kantonu

Author(s): Ervin Mujkic / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 12/2013

Imenovanje i razrješenje članova upravnih odbora javnih ustanova u Federaciji BiH regulisano je zakonskim i podzakonskim propisima na entitetskom, kantonalnom i općinskom nivou. Odredbama Zakona o ministarskim, vladinim i drugim imenovanjima Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine, koji se primjenjuje na svim nivoima vlasti u F BiH, uključujući kantone, općine i gradove, utvrđen je otvoreni postupak izbora kojim se vrši konačno imenovanje i ponovno imenovanje na pozicije u reguliranim organima.

(Ne)zakonitost imenovanja upravnih odbora javnih ustanova u Tuzlanskom kantonu

Author(s): Ervin Mujkic / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

The focus of this article is the appointment of board members of public institutions in the Tuzla Canton, with emphasis on certain controversial issues that arise in this process, for which could be said, quite reasonably, that they result in a violation of the law. First of them is the appointing of “temporary boards” or “temporary board members”, and the second is the issue of appointing candidates who do not meet the general criteria for appointment to the boards. The author of this analysis points out the illegal practice, indicates its negative effects, and draws attention to the attempt to establish a political and even party control over the resources of public institutions.

(Prawie) każda władza jest władzą pańską

Author(s): Andrzej Kojder / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 663/2016

3rd Network Conference Adaptation and Implementation of the EU -Acquis: an Exchange of Experiences

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

5018 Sayılı Kanun Kapsamında Kamu Kurumlarında İç Kontrol Sistemi: Maliye Bakanlığı Uygulamasının İncelenmesi

Author(s): Yunus Çaliskan,Yavuz Çiftci / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 3/2017

Aim: With the Law No 5018 (Public Financial Management and Control Law), an internal control system was established to comply with international standards and European Union norms. Within this scope, a number of legal regulations have been made based on the COSO model in order to place internal control in all public institutions and organizations.In this study, the effectiveness of the Ministry of Finance internal control system, which pioneered the implementation of the internal control system in the public sector, was investigated.Method: In the study, the applicability of the system was investigated by examining the units of the Ministry of Finance for internal control,examining the web pages of the İKEP (Internal Control Standards Compliance Action Plan), the Internal Control Circular, the Internal Control Training Book and the central and provincial units. And the problems encountered in ensuring the effectiveness of the system.Findings: The Ministry of Finance has published internal control studies on the web pages of the Ministry's affiliated units where the structures such as the İYK (Monitoring Steering Board), SGB (Strategy Development Directorate) and DIYK (Treasury Monitoring Steering Board) were established in the organization structure for the internal control system.Results: The establishment of the internal control structure and the achievement of its effectiveness have not yet been reached in the Ministry of Finance. It has been concluded that the subject is not fully owned by the staff, the internal control sense is not established and more effective measures should put into practice

A game played according to Lukashenka’s rules: the political opposition in Belarus

Author(s): Tomasz Bakunowicz / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The Belarusian opposition is currently experiencing its deepest crisis since Alyaksandr Lukashenka took power in 1994. Following many months of negotiations, opposition leaders failed to select a joint candidate for the presidential election scheduled for 11th October. The failure of this latest round of talks has proven that not only is the opposition unlikely to threaten Lukashenka’s rule; it will not even be able to demonstrate to society that it could provide a genuine alternative to the present government.The presidential election in 2010 was a painful landmark for the opposition. The repression that accompanied the election has largely weakened political circles opposed to the government. Against this backdrop, the traditional internal problems of the opposition have worsened, such as its incapacity to reach agreement and develop a common, coherent operational strategy, the excessive ambitions of the leaders of particular groups, the low level of political maturity, mutual distrust and frequent personal conflicts. As a result the opposition has for years been unable to gain confidence in society and reach beyond the limited number (20%) of staunch proponents of democratic transformations. Given the fact that the Belarusian opposition is fragmented and lacks one clear leader, the readiness to support individual leaders does not exceed several per cent, according to independent surveys. Lukashenka’s present political opponents rather resemble a group of dissidents, than constitute a genuine opposition to the government. The crisis and helplessness of opposition circles are more acute given Belarus’s internal situation since for the first time Alyaksandr Lukashenka will run his presidential campaign in the context of the economic crisis and a forecasted fall in GDP.

A külhoni magyarok nyelvi diszkriminációja az Unióban

Az EU közszolgálati törvényszékének ítélete a román bővítéssel összefüggésben szervezett versenyvizottságról

Author(s): Petra Lea Láncos / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2016

The present article gives a critical account of the European General Court's judgment in the B.A. vs. Commission case. B.A., a Hungarian and Romanian dual citizen sought the annulment of the decision of European Personnel Selection Office (EPSO) which denied her the right to sit for the competition in her native language, Hungarian and refused to admit her to the oral test after she failed the test in Romanian. B.A. claimed that she had been afforded unequal treatment, since the fact that she was precluded from writing the test in Hungarian “placed her, on an objective view, at a disadvantage compared with her fellow citizens who had received their school and university education in Romanian.” The case and the arguments put forward by the parties provide a clear insight into the ambiguities surrounding the EU language regime as well as the difficulties faced by minorities whose mother tongue is both an official language of the EU and a minority language with no official recognition in the Member State in which it is spoken.

A quarter-century of independent Ukraine. Dimensions of transformation

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszanski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2017

On 24 August 1991, the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR proclaimed independence, and on 1 December the same year, the Ukrainian people ratified that proclamation in a referendum. The new Ukrainian state had some very important assets, such as the peaceful path that led to its independence, the fact that its territory was uncontested and its civilian administration was established. They downside, which determined Ukraine’s fundamental weaknesses, was that like the other former Soviet republics, it had been part of the Soviet state and had no central state bodies of its own, such as a general staff, a bank of issue, or most of the necessary ministries. After nearly a quarter century of peaceful development, interrupted by the outbreak of the war in 2014, Ukraine is still weak, but at the same time it has consolidated internally and internationally, demonstrated its capacity to withstand armed aggression, and is actively looking for its place in the world. The country’s greatest success has been to raise a new generation of ‘natural-born citizens’ of Ukraine, while its greatest failure has been to succumb to the dramatic population decline with irreversible consequences, and to allow the impoverishment of the lower strata of society, typical for all the post-Soviet states. The present paper is not a history of independent Ukraine, but an attempt to present the main mechanisms by which the former Soviet republic has transformed itself into an independent state with a market economy. It is therefore mainly focused on internal developments in Ukraine.

A region with special needs. The Russian Far East in Moscow’s policy

Author(s): Szymon Kardas / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2017

Although in the 1990s the Russian Far East was not an important region in Russian central government’s internal policy, when Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency it was declared strategically significant. However, Moscow has been unable to generate a tangible stimulus to the region’s development so far. This is partly due to the systemic problems existing in Russia as a whole: the lack of a consistent concept of economic development and the ineffective governance system, and on the other hand, of purely local barriers: staffing problems, the decentralised energy system and the limited engagement of foreign investors. At present, there is no risk of the region’s marginalisation like in the 1990s. However, it appears that political reintegration of the region with the centre of the federation (tighter institutional control from Moscow) and the status of a stable raw material base for Asian countries, currently represents the maximum development potential of the Russian Far East.

A system approach in the political-administrative management

Author(s): Igor Reshevets / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2015

The article presents the results of the study on a system approach in the political-administrative management in order to improve the efficiency of administrative activity under the social transformation conditions. The system approach value in the process of a modern Ukrainian state development is grounded.

Addressing the Threat of Fraud and Corruption in Public Procurement: Review of State of the Art Approaches

Compendium

Author(s): Center for the Study of Democracy CSD / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2013

The present compendium of selected best practices addresses the threat of fraud and corruption from multiple perspectives, with the underlying purpose of providing practitioners from Romania and Greece with a set of state of the art approaches for addressing the threat of fraud and corruption in the complex multi-layered national public procurement systems. This publication is based on ideas presented at the international seminar EU's Financial Interests under Threat: New Approaches in Assessing the Risks from Public Procurement and EU Funds Fraud, organised on 31 October – 1 November 2013 in Sofia, with the support of the European AntiFraud Office (OLAF).

Administracja i organizacja szkolnictwa powszechnego i średniego w II Rzeczypospolitej

Author(s): Wieslaw Siecinski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 08/2016

From 1795 until 1918, no truly independent Polish state existed, although strong Polish resistance movements operated. After the failure of the last military uprising against the Russian Empire, the January Uprising of 1863, the nation preserved its identity through educational initiatives and a program of “organic work” intended to modernize the economy and society. The opportunity to regain independence only materialized after World War I, when the three partitioning imperial powers were fatally weakened in the wake of war and revolution. The Second Polish Republic, established in 1918, existed as an independent state until 1939, when Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union destroyed it in their invasion of Poland at the beginning of World War II. In the article presented the educational system which was introduced in Poland after regained independence in 1918.

Administracyjnoprawne formy ochrony zabytków właściwe dla organów administracji rządowej. Zarys

Author(s): Katarzyna Sikora / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 08/2016

Protection of monuments is one of tasks of the civil service, fulfilled by government administration and self-government. The Act on the Protection of Monuments and the Guardianship of Monuments is defining forms of the protection of monuments typical of the government administration and self-government. The article constitutes entering provisions of law regulating forms of protection like the register of monuments, list of national treasures and regarding as the monument history.

Administrowanie dokumentacją w podmiotach realizujących zadania publiczne w świetle najważniejszych i najnowszych regulacji prawnych

Author(s): Juliusz Sikorski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

Polish archives law is based on the provisions of the Act on National Archive Resources and Archives of 1983, which has subsequently been numerously amended. The latest amendment (2015) included the expansion of monitoring powers for archive administration and necessitated the adoption of new implementing acts. They modified previous regulations, e.g., in the field of weeding. This set of legislative acts binding on state and local authorities and institutions is supplemented by office instructions, lists of files and archive instructions. The legislation issued by Poland’s Prime Minister in 2011 for the first time regulated the circulation of electronic documentation. However, legal bases for the use of electronic documentation have been in force for over ten years.

Aftermath of the Maidan. Ukrainian society two years after the revolution

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszanski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

Two years after the Revolution of Dignity, it is clear that hopes of a quick reconstruction and modernisation of the Ukrainian state as a political and institutional system have not been fulfilled. The resistance of the bureaucrats, politicians and oligarchs who make up the informal, corrupt systems has proven to be very strong, and the will of part of the political elite and the EU and the United States to implement the procedures they have suggested has proved insufficient. If not for the war and the economic collapse, which forced Kyiv to seek external financial assistance and political support, the modernisation of the state would have proceeded even more slowly and with yet greater difficulty.

Aktuelni prijedlog izmjena Izbornog zakona Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

Prije donošenja konačnog suda o predloženim izmjenama, ne smije se previdjeti na nekoliko dodatnih činjenica koje dovode u pitanje održavanje ili legitimitet izbora 2014. Dakle, relevantna je na prvom mjestu gore navedena Odluka Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine koja nedvosmisleno dovodi u pitanje održavanje izbora. Zatim je nezaobilazna Odluka Evropskog suda za ljudska prava (Sejdić/Finci), koji je 22. decembra 2009. presudio da određene odredbe Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine i Izbornog zakona Bosne i Hercegovine krše Evropsku konvenciju o ljudskim pravima. Krši se član 14 (zabrana diskriminacije), član 3 Protokola 1 (pravo na slobodne izbore), te član 1 Protokola 12 (opšta zabrana diskriminacije). Komesar Evropske unije za proširenje Štefan Füle je izjavio tokom posjete Sarajevu, 11. aprila 2013. da Evropska unija i Vijeće Evrope neće priznati izbore 2014. ako se ne izvrši navedena presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. Konačno, situacija u Gradu Mostaru je na isti način bitna. Ustavni Sud Bosne i Hercegovine je ukinuo nekoliko članova Izbornoga zakona Bosne i Hercegovine i Statuta grada Mostara o održavanju izbora u gradu, jer Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine nije u zakonski postavljenom roku izmijenila neustavne odredbe zakona vezano za način biranja vijećnika u Gradu Mostaru. Sjetimo se i situacije sa lokalnim izborima u Srebrenici prošle godine. Kao što se vidi, mnogobrojni su problemi sa Izbornim zakonom Bosne i Hercegovine. Predlagači, ali mora se priznati, i ostale parlamentarne stranke, umjesto da se bave ključnim pitanjima za izbore u Bosni i Hercegovini, izvršenjem gore navedenih odluka poboljšanjem Izbornog zakona, tehnike izbora, itd. očito pokušavaju staviti izborni proces pod potpunu kontrolu političkih stranaka, mada je i trenutna situacija takva da političke stranke manje-više vode ovaj proces. Poslije Ustava, kao najvažnijeg pravno-političkog akta, Izborni zakon je svakako najvažniji zakon kada je u pitanju društvo u cijelini. Zato izmjene Izbornog zakona zahtjevaju intenzivne konsultacije sa svim učesnicima u procesu. Mnogo je pitanja koja su aktuelna, sem gore navedenih sudskih odluka: treba razgovarati o preporukama koje je Centralna izborna komisija dala o ozborima 2010, izbornim jedinicama, listama, izgledu glasačkih listića, registraciji birača, kampanjama i njihovom finansiranju, promatranju izbora, žalbama i tužbama, međunarodnim standardima, procedurama brojanja glasova i utvrđivanja rezultata, ulozi stranaka i nevladinih organizacija itd. Sve su to pitanja koja zaslužuju pažnju. Bilo bi dobro osigurati i učešće stručnjaka iz Venecijanske komisije i ODIHR-a na takvim raspravama; i što je najbitnije u razgovorima se ne smije zaobilaziti Parlament Bosne i Hercegovine. Jer postoji tendencija da se Parlament Bosne i Hercegovine marginalizira u ovom procesu. U proteklim godinama, proces donošenja odluka se odvijao, umjesto na parlamentarnim debatama i javnim raspravama, iza zatvorenih vrata, bez onih koji su uključeni u upravljanje izborima, stručnjaka ili javnosti. Ovo podriva autoritet Parlamenta Bosne i Hercegovine i kompromituje kvalitet i transparentnost zakonodavnog procesa. Posebno je bitno održati javne rasprave o mogućim izmjenama, uz široke konsultacije javnosti. Tako se i o ovom prijedlogu treba voditi široka rasprava. U popratnom pismu, čitavog seta zakonskih izmjena, sem Izbornog zakona, predlagači navode i da predložene izmjene doprinose jačanju institucionalne efikasnosti. Međutim, ne može se zaključiti da predložene izmjene vode jačanju institucionalne efikasnosti. Ove izmjene isključivo pogoduju političkim strankama i jačanju nihovog uticaja na izborni proces. U svakom slučaju, ako predlagači ostanu kod svojih prijedloga, bilo bi poželjno da se o ovim, kao i o eventualnim drugim prijedlozima izmjena Izbornog zakona održe široke rasprave, jer je to jedini ispravan način da se regulira ovako važna oblast.

Aktuelni prijedlog izmjena Zakona o sukobu interesa u institucijama vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Nermin Tipura / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

Osnovna zamjerka Prijedlogu izmjena i dopuna Zakona o sukobu interesa u institucijama vlasti u BiH jeste proceduralne prirode: činjenica da ga je Predstavnički dom usvojio po hitnom postupku i bez rasprave ukazuje na demokratske deficite i na pokušaj da se nova rješenja uvedu bez stvarnog uvida javnosti. U procesu njegovog donošenja, nije bilo nikakvog konsultativnog procesa ni sa organom koji provodi zakon, niti sa stručnom javnošću, akademskom zajednicom, nevladinim sektorom, ili sa građanima. Riječ je o zakonu koji ne zadovoljava proceduralne pretpostavke pravnih akata u pravnodržavnom sistemu. Osnovni praktičan problem predstavlja sastav Komisije – ona će se, prema zakonskim projekcijama, ustanoviti kao Komisija koja je većinski sastavljena od članova Parlamenta. Takvo rješenje uspostavlja aktivne političare, dakle, osobe čiji rad mora biti potvrdgut kontroli, u noseći stup kontrolnog sistema. Riječ je o rješenju koje se ne može opravdati svrhom samog zakona, a koje nema svoj oslonac ni u uporednopravnim rješenjima. Sistem u kojem političari odlučuju o sukobu interesa stvara prostor za zloupotrebe i samovolju pri donošenju odluka, on otvara odlične mogućnosti za međustranačke i unutarstranačke obračune, uspostavlja zakonski okvir psihologiji trgovine realnim utjecajem i kontroli privrednog procesa mehanizmima dnevne politike. Posebno je problematično uspostavljanje pravne praznine do koje može doći usvajanjem ovih izmjena. Centralna izborna komisija bi ostala nadležna za sukob interesa u Federaciji BiH i Brčko Distriktu BiH, iako nije regulirano kako će Centralna izborna komisija izvršavati tu nadležnost. Agencija za prevenciju korupcije i koordinaciju borbe protiv korupcije bi morala preuzet uposlenike iz Centralne izborne komisije, koji su do stupanja na snagu ovih izmjena radili na sukobu interesa, a danom stupanja na snagu ovih izmjena prestaju da važe Pravila o vođenju postupka iz oblasti Zakona o sukobu interesa i Pravila o načinu vođenja registra. Problematična je i dalja fragmentacija pravnog i političkog prostora BiH. Republika Srpska je ranije donijela svoj Zakon o rješavanju sukoba interesa u organima vlasti Republike Srpske. U skladu sa tim zakonom, Narodna skupština Republike Srpske obrazuje Komisiju. Centralna izborna komisija bi trebalo da i dalje sprovodi Zakon u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i Brčko Distriktu Bosne i Hercegovine, dok bi se nova komisija, u skladu sa predloženim izmjenama sprovodila zakon na državnom nivou, sve sa potpuno različitim zakonskim rješenjima i organima za provedbu. Nadalje, predložena zakonska rješenja ne osiguravaju siguran pristup relevantnim informacijama. One su neophodne za primjenu zakona, a bez njih bi zakon mogao postati bespredmetan. Trenutno su na djelu neusklađena rješenja i više uzajamno nepovezanih zakona i organa za provedbu zakona. Ako imamo na umu da ranije odluke o sukobu interesa i sankcije protiv nosioca izvršne vlasti, koje je donijela Centralna izborna komisija, nikada nisu izvršene i da niko nikada nije snosio odgovornost za neizvršenje, čini se da i danas veliki broj izabranih zvaničnika, nosioca izvršnih funkcija i savjetnika stoje i u višestrukim sukobima interesa. Predlagači u obrazloženju Zakona obrazlažu da su sankcije za kršenje zakona pooštrene. Takvo obrazlożenje nije tačno. Tačno je samo da je s razlogom ukinuta sankcija koja se odnosi na zabranu kandidiranja na izborima. U obrazloženju se dalje navodi da su sankcije pooštrene jer je data mogućnosti podnošenja prijedloga za razrješenje sa dužnosti i poziva na ostavku. Tačno je da se ovdje radi samo o prijedlogu koji ne obavezuje donosioca odluke da nekoga razriješi dužnosti. Čini se da ovakvo rješenje favorizuje samovolju u odlučivanju. Budući da se radi o zakonu koji prevashodno ima preventivnu funkciju, mora se priznati da sankcije u ovom slučaju nisu glavni problem. Ipak bi svrsishodnije bilo propisati da smjena nastupa po sili zakona kada organ ne izvrši smjenu u određenom roku ili kada funkcionier ne da ostavku, a kršenje zakona se nastavi. O ekonomskim uštedama i međunarodnim standardima, kako to predlagači navode u obrazloženju ne može biti ni govora, one se iz zakonskog prijedloga ne vide. Jedino je međunarodni standard koji je Venecijanska komisija istakla kada je u pitanju sankcija zabrane kandidiranja na izborima uzet u obzir i takve sankcije više neće biti, ako se usvoje izmjene, dok su ostali stavovi Venecijanske komisije, o kojima je u ovom radu već bilo riječi ostali zanemareni. Vrlo je vjerovatno da će pod pretpostavkom usvajanja ovog zakona doći do potpune blokade odlučivanje o sukobu interesa na državnom nivou, Federaciji BiH i Brčko Distriktu i to na jedan duži period. Biti će, naime, potrebno dosta vremena da se uspostavi komisija na državnom nivou i da se popuni pravna praznina u ovoj oblasti u Federaciji BiH i Brčko Distriktu. Potrebno je konačno naglasiti, da svi javni organi, institucije vlasti, parlamenti, centralne banke, državna revizija imaju jedan zajednički cilj i svrhu: moraju služiti javnom interesu. Povjerenje javnosti i građana u integritet izabranih zvaničnika, političara i ministara je conditio sine qua non za vladavinu prava. Navedene slabosti dopuštaju sumnju u doprinosu ovog zakona povjerenju građana u političare i institucije vlasti.

Akty prawa miejscowego z perspektywy 25 lat samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce

Author(s): Agnieszka Bien-Kacala,Iwona Wróblewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: XXXIV/2015

The article refers to issues that cause most controversies in the field of the legislative power of the local self-government. The postulate to clarify this sphere has been rooted in the controversies concerning local law that aroused just after the political transformation. The system of the acts of local law has been partially determined by the Constitution of 1997. The Authors have discussed the place of local acts in the system of the sources of law in Poland, the problem of a dichotomous approach to them and the normative character of these acts. Legislative activities of local authorities result in the rich and diverse collection of normative acts. However, their inherent feature is the need to settle a casu ad casum their legal nature. The Authors have also described doubts concerning the legal basis of the acts of local law from the constitutional point of view. It especially refers to the statutes of self-government units and the local authorities that may issue such sources of law. The Authors conclude that local legislation should be perceived as an element of a larger whole- coherent and complementary system of universally binding law. This is only possible while respecting the fundamental principles of the constitutional system of the sources of law, the rules of proper legislation and the effective instruments of control over the legality of local law. From the perspective of 25 years of functioning of the local self-government in Poland, the postulate to organize the system of the acts of local law in the spirit of constitutional arrangements must be maintained. In particular, the constitutional requirements concerning local law should actually entry into force.