Recenzija: Prva odločitev Slovencev za Jugoslavijo
The review of: Janko Pleterski, Prva odločitev Slovencev za Jugoslavijo. Slovenska matica, Ljubljana 1971, 323 strani.
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The review of: Janko Pleterski, Prva odločitev Slovencev za Jugoslavijo. Slovenska matica, Ljubljana 1971, 323 strani.
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The purpose of this article is to propose the integrated index of Public Governance efficiency based on the Fishburne’s method, considering the impact’s power and direction of the different sub-indexes (Worldwide Government Indicators) on macroeconomic stability and eliminating the issue of multicollinearity. The object of the study was 11 European countries that had two common features: 1) in the political sphere, during 1990–1992 the countries started the political transformation process by refusing the monopoly of the communistic regime; 2) in the economic sphere, the countries experienced transformation from planned to market economy. Based on these criteria, the following countries were selected: Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania, Armenia, Belorussia, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. The research findings proved a connection between the political and social determinants and the macroeconomic stability for the all the countries. Moreover, the research results confirmed the existence of a cycle of social and political conflict, which depends on inter-relation of Public Governance and the society, where the efficiency of Public Governance cannot be achieved without the support from the society, and the society cannot cooperate with non-effective Public Governance.
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A virus tests an old Bulgarian custom and a Balkan social norm.
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Unification or secession efforts, especially those based on nationalistic principles, have been made continuously since at least the 19th century,but the way states exert their influence on the international arena has undergone major transformations. Could these transformations change the motivation of certain states to unify or that of different regions to secede? What is the benefit of having one or more additional state representatives in international organizations? To answer these questions, this paper examines the importance that voting processes ininternational organizations can have for the cost/benefit calculations of states or particular regions in their national unification or secession efforts. After conceptually isolating the impact of state votes in international organizations as an instrument of foreign policy, the votes are calculated for the four case studies in their current state as well in case of potential unification or secession. The results suggest that, while votes in international organizations do award additional international influence to internationally recognized statehood, today this added value does not constitute an unaffordable cost for unification agendas.
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In this paper, I introduce a novel concept, the one of power sharing courts.Scholars of judicial politics look at the reasons behind judicial selection and the patterns of decision making within courts through the lens of ideology (left-right). However, the resulting fertile scholarly analysis has not been extended to divided societies, where the main cleavages are not partisan but ethno-national. In these societies, the liberal model of selecting judges and taking decisions within an apex court is often corrected to specifically include politically salient ascriptive cleavages(such as ethnicity/nationality/language/religion). The main thrust of my argument is that there is a model of selecting judges, taking decisions and sharing posts of influence within apex courts in divided societies that has not yet been conceptually captured: power sharing courts. In analogy to consociationalism in the political system, power sharing in the judiciary aims to solve salient inter-community conflicts by including all relevant groups in these bodies on a basis of parity or proportionality. The paper is of equal interest to scholars of constitutional courts, consociationalists,comparatists, as well as country specialists.
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Last year, Greece became the epicenter of attention not only for the newly elected SYRIZA government and the negotiations for a bail-out with creditors, but also for its role as the main border-crossing point for hundreds of thousands of refugees, coming from war zones in order to continue their journey towards central and northern Europe. The country, located ‘on the doorstep of Europe’, is on the frontline of Europe’s biggest immigration crisis since the Second World War. It is thus a ‘frontier’ state between European Union states and the various countries which refugees or immigrants leave to seek asylum and/or a viable livelihood elsewhere. Hundreds of people are attempting the short but dangerous crossing from Turkey to the Greek islands in unseaworthy, overcrowded vessels that often founder and capsize.
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Few studies have systematically examined the rising political and social unrest in the Balkans. This paper investigates the local dynamics and consequences of widespread anti-establishment discontent in Kosovo through the analytical framework of populism. By focusing on the case of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje (LVV), the paper sets out to consider two related questions: the unique populist style of the LVV and the complex reasons behind its electoral breakthrough and continuing support among various groups. Based on a qualitative documentary analysis of the party programme, manifesto, party publications, speeches of the leadership and interviews, the paper finds that the LVV successfully melds a populist political style, leftist/social democratic agenda and contentious politics as a means to disperse its message. The second part of the article offers three arguments to explain its appeal: structural factors (electoral availability and party system), societal dynamics (political and economic dissatisfaction) and the agency of the LVV (internal organisation, cohesion and leadership). The article contributes to the thriving literature on populism through a novel empirical scope, and to the literature on Southeast Europe through a focus on local agency, voter preferences and party system.
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Populism is frequently understood as democratic illiberalism. Concrete policies that have been implemented by governing populist parties in Bulgaria, however, have been surprisingly liberal, at least in economic terms. This poses the question whether it is possible to have the opposite of democratic illiberalism, namely, liberal populism.This article investigates the elective affinities between liberal and populist discourses during the Bulgarian Summer protests in 2013. This investigation is done with astrong focus on intellectuals' interpretations as their function is not merely reflective description, but is also formative and prescriptive of political identities. The main argument is that throughout the 2013 Summer protests there was visible tendency of articulation between populist and liberal discourses. They were populist both in the sense of “soft” populism, that is compatible with liberalism, as well as “exclusionary”of ethnic minorities and socially marginalized groups. The Summer protests constructed an identity of a minoritarian subaltern elite, united by its opposition to figures of oligarchic elites, ethnic minorities and illiberal majorities.
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The main aim of the article is to emphasize those reasons of the development barriers which are related to the shortcomings of deliberative co-decisional practices in public policy. The author assumes the culturally-institutional and functional methodological orientation and refers to examples of the Polish social dialogue, civil dialogue, lobbying, public hearing and social consultations.
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The opinion refers to a number of problems related to the statutory obligation to provide Deputies with information by representatives of state organs. The most important of the analyzed issues is the matter of legal measures at the disposal of a Deputy who decides that organs of the state do not realize or improperly realize their obligations in the scope of providing information on their activity.
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This paper addresses the threefold conclusion: a) biopolitical nature of existing order in form of “government without government” develops its own systematical meaning based on reproduction of everyday life: communication and creating relations out of it, b) order, under which man is submerged, is fictionally organized and based exclusively on the interpretations of what the “need” for object is and what is not, c) bio-power is a form of power which organizes social life from within, it achieves full efficiency when it is completely inherent, integrated as a life function which every individual accepts and reactivates through his/her own reproduction. In order to give consistent argumentation for this threefold conclusion, this paper will investigate the suppositions of neoliberalism which is based on biopolitical reproduction (i) and language systems and communications which cancel the classical notion of political subject (ii)
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April 2017 saw a wave of large demonstrations in cities and towns all across Serbia, following the victory of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić in the first round of the presidential elections, held on 2 April. With the largest demonstrations taking place in Novi Sad, Niš and Belgrade, with simultaneous protests in smaller towns as well, thousands of students (referred to as “the Facebook generation”) gathered in the streets marching against the “dictatorship” (Protiv diktature). This slogan spread first as the hashtag for the demonstrations on social media networks, and later in general reference to the events.
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In recent years , and especially after the outbreak of the global financialcrisis , right -wing and left -wing populist parties and movements haveenjoyed significant political success in Europe . One of these parties isSYRIZA in Greece . In this paper , we explore some of the particularcharacteristics of the political discourse articulated by SYRIZA in power .The core argument of the paper is that the Greek radical left partycontinues to express an inclusionary populist discourse after its rise topower . We examine this issue by utilising the methodology of the EssexSchool of Discourse Analysis . Moreover , we attempt to substantiate theview that populism does not always have a negative connotation and is notdeterministically associated with nationalism or racism . Furthermore , wetry to establish whether the concept of "crypto -colonialism ” is an importantkey to understanding the rise of inclusionary populism to power in Greece .Finally , we analyse various manifestations of Greek anti -populism inorder to highlight the danger that derives from this kind of stereotypical discourse.
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The consequences of the election of Donald J. Trump have revealed dramatic changes in American foreign policy: an up-ended world order, the public embrace of despots, the virtual elimination of diplomacy, the announcement of eye-popping arms deals, a degradation of human rights and democracy, and the withdrawal of American global leadership from an international agreement to combat climate change. On the campaign trail, Trump preached “Make America Great Again” by promising to change business as usual, in Washington D.C. and well beyond America’s shores. Trump wasted no time in making good on his promise, notwithstanding the optics of his inaugural trip abroad, stopping first in Saudi Arabia to sign a multi-billion dollar arms deal and promising “not to lecture – we are not here to tell other people how to live, what to do…” – a euphemism for dropping human rights from the US-Saudi bilateral relationship.
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This paper aims to analyse the extent to which new political parties in Croatia and Slovenia use populist political communication discourse in social media. This paper focuses on two new parties that entered the parliament in the most recent elections: Živi zid (Human Blockade) in Croatia, and Združena levica (United Left) in Slovenia. The paper will analyse these parties’ political communication on Facebook. The main question guiding the analysis is: to what extent are new parties in Croatia and Slovenia populist in their political communication on Facebook? The method used in the paper will be content analysis, with a Facebook post as a unit of analysis. The content analysis will be performed on posts published over a period of two weeks prior to the general elections(electoral campaigns).
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The rational decentralization represents a group of legal, political and sociological elements that usually appear in constitutional praxis and political theory, but are not classified in a special category. Having in mind the historical and constitutional experience of the Republic of Serbia, the intention of the authors is to determine the possible elements that would bring the decentralization to the rational and functional level of action. One of the goals of the paper is to show the faults of the incomplete decentralization and to discuss the certain solutions that have been creating deficit in the state structure, dysfunctional disorders in competency and political consequences in the Republic of Serbia, all because of the unequalized and unfinished vertical organization. In the introductory part of the paper the short review of the problem is given.
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In contemporary context of thinking about society the old concepts (such as Humanism, exploitation, social revolution) are being marginalised or removed, whereas new concepts (Transition, Transfomation, Social exclusion) are being promoted. Both the concept and discourse on justice have been changed. It is no longer social justice that is at the centre of new discourse – but a combination of social justice and market based neoliberal unlimitted acquisition. The article focusses on this proces in the Western Balkans, where we see a rather specific synergy between neoliberal and nationalist semantics, which are interlinked in their acting. The key concepts and discourses of both of these currents serve to normalize the economy based on profit and the economy based on “national blood”.
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Prošle su godine održane dvije velike manifestacije kojima je predmet bila i urbanistička misao Splita 3. U Splitu (50 godina Splita 3) i u New Yorku (Concrete Utopia), izložbama, serijom izlaganja i panela, pokušala se iz današnjeg trenutka interpretirati vrijednost jedinstvenog “novog grada za 50.000 stanovnika” nastalog na dvije tisuće godina staroj rimskoj centurijacijskoj matrici, dosljedno modernog u arhitektonskim rukopisima i temeljenog na čitanjima grada koja su tek danas, a uslijed kriza, u punom fokusu. [...]
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Uprisings which are known as Arab Spring in the literature have changed many things at micro and macro levels, which has been affected the entire Middle Eastern region deeply. Most important output of these uprisings is the political instability. This study aims at answering the following question: "How influenced the political instability political and social life of Tunisia?” In order to analyse the political instability in Tunisia it will be used some basic parameters such as Fragile/Failed State, Global Peace-Terror and Human Development indices that are very essential to find out the rankings of states in the international system and to indicate whether their social dynamics are stable. The period of this article is limited from 2010 to 2018. The aim of this article is to analyse the political instability in Tunisia in above mentioned period of time. First section of this study gives brief information about Tunisia. The second section focusses on the definition of the concept of political instability. The third section will explore the political instability in Tunisia within the framework of the independent variables of this research work.
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For historical reasons the German Federal President has, in contrast to his U.S., French, Turkish or Russian counterparts, considerably limited political powers. Thus, symbolic political means like presidential speeches, invitations, official receptions or visits seem to be practically the remaining possibilities for him to exert some political influence into German politics. Nonetheless, the sophisticated usage of these few symbolic instruments give the president some opportunities to co-shape German real politics, to give new impetus to the immigration organizations, to support the integration of migrants and to struggle against right-wing extremism as well. This article discusses both symbolic and real political powers of president Steinmeier and the interconnectedness between both of them.
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