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This text contains methodical and theoretical research of the influence of the public policy on regional development. The goal is an identification of the occasions and risks for regions.
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The paper examines the problem of the influence of self-government on regional development. We discuss the role of strategic documents and other programming activities and its impact on the basic economic indicators and the property of regions. The paper shows partial results of research of regional policy especially related to the property issues.
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The aim is to highlight the contribution of health status as predictors of the value of public health at the regional level in the Slovak Republic. The intention is to examine the impact of health policy in selected regions of their quality, which I transformed to clients - patients on the basis of a comparison of selected self-governing regions. Impacts of the implemented procedures for programs, projects and intervention activities focused on health policy and disparities in health policy. Research findings to identify possible causes of unhealthy phenomenon of population using statistical indicators, comparative results of the findings in the present.
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The paper presents partial results of the multiannual research project “Impact of selected public policies on the regional development – comparison of the Slovak Republic and Czech Republic. The aims of this paper are following: (1) Identify the extent of regions’ conceptual activities and compare results with health status indicators and (2) Demonstrate the problem of regions competencies, differences and relations with the cabinet on the case of regulatory fees. The paper presents results for the Czech Republic.
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The paper summarizes structure and processes of crisis management on the regional level (e. g. floods). Emphasis is placed on solution of crisis situations connected with creation of relevant legislature and regional documents and results of empirical research are evaluated. In conclusion there are formulated proposals for improvement of crisis management system in region with emphasis on issue of financing.
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The objective of the paper was to work out municipal bonds financial risk categories and sub-categories from the investor and issuer point of view and verify which types of risk are crucial for municipal bonds traded on the Polish bonds organized market - Catalyst. Risk categorization was based on risk factors. Conducted research proved that both investors and issuers should consider: market risk, credit risk, liquidity risk, operational risk, legal risk, additional rights risk, business risk and political risk. However different risk sub-categories were identified or risk sub-categories were the same but consequences of risk factors influence were different. The analysis of the municipal bonds traded on the Catalyst market showed that in between all types of financial risk the most crucial for investors are liquidity and market risk, for issuers operational risk, market risk and legal risk.
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The budget system of the country with a federal form of government requires special attention to the allocation of tax revenues between levels of budgets in order to comply with the budgetary principles and to maintain capacities of the regions. Currently in Russian Federation taxes are allocated on the basis of the regulatory criteria. The authors of the study suggested that the use of the theory of weights for determining the amounts of taxes to the distribution in the Federal and regional budgets will increase the sustainability of each part of the budget system. Based on the results of current researches, the authors have developed a scorecard on the allocation of corporate income tax and personal income tax, and suggested an algorithm for derivation of tax revenues. While conducting this research, the authors were using data of economic indicators dynamics for years from 2008 to 2014 for 83 regions of Russian Federation. Regions were divided into groups according to the size of planned tax revenue. The algorithm of distribution allowed to differentiate income taxes between the regional and the federal budgets of Russian regions, taking into account the socio-economic characteristics of the territories. Application of algorithm developed by the authors, could give a solution to the following tasks facing regional budgets: expand the tax base, increase the territorial taxes collectability, raise the level of own income for regions, increase the capacity of regional budgets, related to the financing of expenditure commitments; reduce the dependency of regional budgets from federal budget transfers; improve the quality of life of the population in the regions of Russian Federation.
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Když v roce 1989 krachovaly komunistické režimy ve střední a východní Evropě, byl tento proces vnímán jako projev – pokud ne důkaz – zeslabování potenciálu nedemokracie, a to nejen ve jmenovaných areálech, ale obecně ve světě. Objevily se i optimistické předpovědi definitivního odchodu nedemokratických modelů legitimizace moci z globální politické arény. Tyto náhledy byly záhy v řadě tranzitivních, respektive post-tranzitivních zemí konfrontovány, často nekompromisně, s odlišně se vyvíjející realitou. Nicméně pocit, že jsme svědky zásadní proměny politické mapy světa, že je to změna k lepšímu a že je namístě přestat být katedrovými experty a stát se aktivními účastníky této změny, ovládl významnou, ne-li většinovou část obce komparativních politologů.
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Výzkum demokratizace v jejích nejrůznějších formách předpokládá jistou koexistenci s dalšími koncepty, které samy o sobě představují neméně důležitá sociálněvědní témata. Cílem této kapitoly je stručně představit jeden z těchto vztahů, který symbolizuje trojúhelník demokratizace – lidská práva – bezpečnost. Poslední dvě desetiletí jsme byli svědky velkých změn, které přinesly v demokratizačním úsilí vítězství i pády. Dnes se na poli demokratizace objevují nové problémy, které čekají na svou kritickou reflexi a celkový systematický přístup k jejich výzkumu. Tato kapitola tvoří jakýsi stručný úvod do problematiky podpory demokracie a lidských práv ve vztahu ke konceptu bezpečnosti, který je vnímán jako jeden z elementárních předpokladů lidské interakce.
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S procesem demokratizace bývá takřka automaticky spojován (v předchozích kapitolách čas od času rozporovaný) předpoklad, že její úspěšný postup s sebou přinese narůstání úrovně ochrany a že tedy postup demokratizace a zvyšování úrovně ochrany lidských práv korelují. Vychází to ostatně z jednoduchého postřehu, že demokracie je zatím nejlépe fungujícím prostředkem k dosažení či udržení svobody jednotlivce. Je ovšem otázkou, zda cesta, tedy demokratizace, má stejné vlastnosti jako cíl, tedy demokracie. Je přinejmenším hypotézou hodnou falsifikace, zda je zmíněná korelace mezi nárůstem demokracie a ochranou lidských práv tak jednoznačná, jak se domnívali ti, kdo na náměstích drželi při revolucích vedoucích k pádu nedemokratických režimů transparenty dovolávající se demokracie vedle transparentů domáhajících se dodržování lidských práv.
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The rapid growth and development of mutual fund industry throughout the world stimulated vast contemporary studies focusing on wide range of issues predominantly of microeconomic character, such as fund performance, timing ability, fees and fund flows, thus leaving determinants and attributes of mutual fund industry development beyond their research. The rare relevant studies predict that development of mutual fund industry depends on a number of factors among which the predominant role belongs to development of economic and financial system, and quality of governanc eand regulatory basis. One essential condition of validity of this prediction is that it isbased upon a sample of developed economies, thus leaving a space for the likelyhood that under condition of developing or middle-income economies some expectations may substantially deviate from the predication.
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Úvahu nad úrovní práva u nás je velice vhodné započít připomenutím dvou velmi aktuálních událostí, neboť z nich, alespoň podle mého názoru, plynou některá obecná poučení. Studenti jakéhosi jihočeského gymnázia protestují proti přítomnosti jedné z politických stran, která se s dobrým výsledkem účastnila svobodných voleb, v politické koalici, jež byla po volbách ustavena. Prý si ostatní politické strany měly najít jiné koaliční partnery. Protestovat a demonstrovat prý, spolu s částí svých profesorů, nepřestanou, dokud nedosáhnou svého. Není to krásný důvod pro položení otázky: Co se to o právu na našich školách vlastně učí? Jaké asi je povědomí o právu u mainstreamového občana, pokud nám takový přístup k právu demonstruje skupina středoškoláků? Nejenže tito „demonstranti“ neslyšeli patrně nikdy nic o tom, že v demokratické společnosti je možné výsledky svobodných voleb změnit opět jen svobodnými volbami, ale – a to je ještě důležitější – vůbec netuší, že každé rozhodnutí orgánů vzešlých ze svobodných voleb vyjádřené obecně závaznými právními předpisy podléhá z hlediska ústavnosti kontrole Ústavního soudu. Proto za existence demokratického uspořádání společnosti vůbec nehrozí, že by kdokoliv, kdo na základě voleb přejímá politickou odpovědnost, mohl svévolně změnit základní náležitosti demokratického právního státu. Toto povědomí o této relativní stabilitě demokratického uspořádání naší společnosti zřejmě zcela obecně sdíleno není.
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Medijska scena u Crnoj Gori je pluralistička, odnosno postoji veliki broj medijskih kuća aktivnih na malom tržištu, sa 625 226 stanovnika. Prema podacima Agencije za eletronske medije, u Crnoj Gori postoji 20 televizijskih kanala, 55 radio stanica, 6 dnevnih novina i 3 nedjeljnika.
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Prilikom stvaranja Rimskog sporazuma, osnivači EU su smatrali da je dobro imati instituciju koja će obezbijediti njegovo adekvatno tumačenje. Zbog toga su u Luksemburgu osnovali Evropski sud pravde. To je tijelo koje od 1. maja 2004, s novim proširenjima EU, čini 25 sudija. U Evropskom sudu pravde postoji i devet tzv. opštih advokata, koji pred sudom zastupaju i obrazlažu slučajeve. Njihov mandat je šest godina, predlažu ih, kao i sudije, države članice. Predsjednik Evropskog suda pravde bira se svake treće godine. Iako sudije i advokate predlažu zemlje članice, oni su dužni da se ponašaju samostalno u odnosu na svoje države, a ne da zavise od politike koju vode njihove države. Naši sudovi nijesu samostalni i upravo zbog toga potenciram ovu činjenicu - nezavisnost sudija.
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The chapter presents a comparative analysis of the legal aspects regarding the rights and guarantees offered to government officials both by the legislation of international institutions and of some reference countries. Particular emphasis has been placed on the protection by legal-criminal instruments of civil servants against pressure from third parties, which, by most laws, are considered crimes. The paper focuses on the persons placed under the protection of the law, the main sanctions, and the circumstances of committing the offences.
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Živimo u vremenu “informatičke revolucije” i svekolikog dinamizma u načinu življenja. Relativiziraju se i vrijeme i prostor. Postajemo sve zavisniji od drugih, ali uz paradoksalnu umišljenost kako smo, istovremeno, sve samodovoljniji unutar svijeta kome pripadamo. To direktno protivriječi prirodi ljudskog roda. Jer, koliko god je važna individualnost, tj. unikatnost svakog čovjeka, pa čak i kada je tzv. sijamski blizanac, jednako tako je bitna i društvena komponenta njegovog bića. Zapravo, osim zadovoljavanja svega nekoliko čisto egzistencijalnih potreba, sve drugo što činimo tokom svoga života smisleno je samo u sadjejstvu sa drugim ljudima. Ali, to je već tema za sebe kojom se nećemo baviti u ovom tekstu.
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Vladavina naroda je višestruko vezana za lokalnu politiku. U malim lokalnim zajednicama nastali su prvi oblici političkog aktiviteta i organiziranja kao, recimo, u starim predantičkim i antičkim državnim tvorevinama. U nekim organskim grupama, koje predstavljaju jedan od oblika društvenog organiziranja bez tradicije državnosti, poput plemena ili klana, moguće je detektirati prvobitne oblike uspostavljene vlasti, autoriteta, moći, uticaja i interesa, iako su te skupine bile zasnovane na biološkoj ili agnatskoj pripadnosti. Takvi oblici neformalne i lokalizirane vlasti, u kojoj se već mogu prepoznavati oni koji vladaju i donose odluke od onih koji sudjeluju u aktivitetu takvih skupina i na koje se te odluke odnose, bili su utemeljeni na direktnoj političkoj komunikaciji, participaciji i odlučivanju (Vinsent, 2009). Iako navedeni oblik vlasti i odlučivanja još uvijek nije imao atribucije demokratske vladavine, zapravo, bio je osnova na kojoj će se kasnije razviti prvi koncepti direktne demokratije u antičkoj političkoj epohi. Atinski koncept demokratije demonstrirao je raznovrsne efekte neposredne narodne vladavine u političkoj praksi, ali je njen elitistički duh zasjenio i eliminirao njenu poliarhijsku notu i destruirao njen istinski demokratski potencijal, koji se ne može praktično realizirati bez vladavine mnoštva u političkoj zajednici. Apostrofirani režim vlasti omogućavao je svim slobodnim građanima, ali u ovom slučaju na ograničenom prostoru lokalnih zajednica, da ravnopravno participiraju u odlučivanju o javnim poslovima na atinskom trgu, s tim da je ključni problem bio u tome što je većina tadašnje atinske populacije bila neslobodna i isključena iz javne sfere. Tako da je atinska demokratska vladavina bila više direktni, nego što je bila demokratski režim vlasti, zato što je otvoreno odbacivala načelo političke jednakosti i ravnopravnosti svih pojedinaca u društvu i javnim poslovima.
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In the course of its history, Bosnia and Herzegovina went through various forms of territorial and political organization. Existing in various empires and republics, it went through different forms of territorial organization, depending on the government, but also its geographical position and its other factors. At the local level, passing through cooperative forms (Puljiz, 1991), as forms of social organization in a traditional village, it also changed the territorial and political forms of organization. Today they are municipalities and cities. On the international level, the capitals have important roles, which they should perform well. Thus, for example, the UN requests, in order to implement the 2030 Agenda, that the countries of the European Union, as well as other member states, undertake activities to plan the future of these entities. The UN requests that by the end of 2018, all member states draw up long-term national plans on numerous issues that need to be planned and implemented until 2030. And the City of Sarajevo should actively approach this obligation and make realistic and ambitious plans, and then implement them. From a normative point of view, the competences of the City of Belgrade and the City of Zagreb are more precisely and completely defined in relation to the position of the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the City of Sarajevo. This is supported by the existence of special laws on the capital, which regulate all important issues of the City of Belgrade and the City of Zagreb. A similar law should be passed for the City of Sarajevo, appreciating the nature and complexity of the problem and regardless of the fact that there are many norms governing its function. Some relations should be regulated by law, and others by lower acts. The issue of organization, education, jurisdiction, institutional organization, etc. are matters of the greatest importance for the city as a unit of local self-government, so such a regulation should be adopted. It is noticeable that in Serbia the units of local self-government are municipalities and cities. It is obvious that the municipalities that are part of the City of Belgrade are not local selfgovernment units. Those municipalities that are not part of the city are units of local selfgovernment. Those municipalities that are part of the city are highly dependent on the city, and with their competences that they received from the city, they perform tasks for the city and are paid for those activities. It is noticeable that in Serbia the units of local self-government are municipalities and cities. It is obvious that the municipalities that are part of the City of Belgrade are not local selfgovernment units. Those municipalities that are not part of the city are units of local selfgovernment. Those municipalities that are part of the city are highly dependent on the city, and with their competences that they received from the city, they perform tasks for the city and are paid for those activities. The regulations related to the competences of the City of Belgrade provide for the direct participation of citizens in the implementation of local self-government. I think that the activities of the city of Belgrade, which are standardized in this way, should be similarly standardized in the most important acts of the city of Sarajevo. The normative structure of the City of Zagreb is very precisely regulated by numerous legal and by-laws. The precise regulation of these issues eliminates the possibility of conflicts between the competences of the capital city and its municipalities, so this should also be taken into account in normative activities for the City of Sarajevo. The significant issue of regulating the jurisdiction of the cities of Belgrade and Zagreb is visible in the precise and complete regulation of the issue of goods in public use. Goods in public use are goods that give strength to the city and are protected in a very good way in the cities of Zagreb and Belgrade. It should be seen whether similar normative solutions can be applied to the City of Sarajevo. An analysis of the normative and institutional structure of the capital cities of Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo shows that they have something to offer each other. The experiences of each of these cities can be an incentive for better normative and institutional arrangement of each of these cities.
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The subject of this article is a description of the reforms of the organization and functioning of the city of Belgrade after the year 2000, with an emphasis on the current situation. The most important part of this analysis is the way of division of responsibilities between the state, city and city municipalities as well as local communities as a sub-municipal level of local government. The work follows the structure of the essential aspects of the local government system: status, elections, organization of government, jurisdiction, financing, to a lesser extent services, service provision, but most of these topics are integrated into the text. Emphasis is placed on the division of responsibilities and to some extent on financial regulation. The aim of the work is to analyze the instruments of democratization (the possibility of citizens’ involvement in decision-making) and the development of entrepreneurial capacities of the city of Belgrade, because it has greater potential than other local self-government units in Serbia to provide a greater scope and better quality of services due to economies of scale. Research question: Is the model of Belgrade’s organization democratic enough, to what extent is it decentralized (especially with regard to the division of responsibilities between the city and city municipalities as well as the form of direct involvement of citizens in decisionmaking processes) and does it in principle correspond to the needs of citizens and the community (tailored services according to the needs of citizens)? Methods: The paper will use the analysis of the content of documents (legal regulations and the legal model of city planning) as well as studies in this area, then comparative experiences of the planning of Belgrade from various stages of development and synthesis (deduction) of all experiences into some more general knowledge that can be used in improving the organization of Belgrade and other cities. This article is done as a case study of Belgrade. In her work, the author used her decades of experience in the reforms of Belgrade’s organization (decentralization, democratization, modernization of management). For this text, numerous public debates and conversations with officials of city municipalities and the city from all stages of reforms, as well as at the present time, are of great importance. They give this study a stronger connection to real life and practical problems, challenges and solutions made. Expected results: This analysis is a good basis for learning from other cities’ experience - good and bad practices of the functioning of Belgrade.
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The paper on spatial and urban planning was prepared upon the invitation of the organizers of the International scientific conference: Political-legal and statutory position of the City of Sarajevo in the system of local self-government in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The possibility of reforming competencies and territorial organization in 2022. This topic is positioned within the Second unit of the conference entitled Socio-economic and spatial-urban assumptions for the development of the City of Sarajevo until 2030. As its title indicates, the focus is on spatial and urban planning of the City of Sarajevo. Three temporal dimensions presented past, present, and future or urban transformation. Question are: what the key legal and institutional determinants of spatial and urban planning in the last century; at the beginning of the 21st century; and in the years to come, are; which the crucial documents of spatial and urban development are, and finally, what will be the indications of urban transformation by the end of this decade.
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