Liberałowie wobec sporów o konstytucję w latach 90. XX wieku w Polsce
The aim of this study is to present the liberal views and views expressed during the 1997 Constitution.
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The aim of this study is to present the liberal views and views expressed during the 1997 Constitution.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to explain why the European Union perceives globalisation as the challenge for its regional development and how this assumption influences on regional development management. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem concerns the issue of globalisation as the process which is estimated by the EU as the opportunity and challenge for its regional development at the same time. As a result the EU develops multi level political system in which, along sovereign states, there are transnational and subnational political actors which have been engaged in regional development management. The research methods used in the study consist of an institutional and legal analysis of the major policy documents, actors and regional development management instruments that they use. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The introduction presents the principal methodological assumptions concerning the analysed research area, the applied conceptual approach and the research methods. The main body of the article discusses why the European Union perceives globalisation as the challenge and opportunity for regions’ competitiveness. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis shows that the scope of competences of the EU with regard to regional development management was laid out in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; however, the globalisation affects the formulation of strategic directions of EU actions in this area and implementation of relevant interventions of the European Regional Development Fund and European Social Fund. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In accordance to the European Commission globalisation creates conditions and challenges in the scope of regions’ economic development. In order to prepare the regions for global competitiveness in the EU, authority is spread among different decision making and implementing levels which have the sources and knowledge required in the process of increasing regions’ competitiveness.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The goal of the paper is to analyze how the authoritarian leadership could impact economic performance in the region of Sub Saharan Africa in the post colonial period until currently. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Authoritarian leadership and power abuse led to a number of armed conflicts in the region since its formal independence. This may be accounted as one of the reasons, for which the region lags in terms of economic development compared to developed countries. The research comprises of qualitative and quantitative methods, including comparative analysis, basic statistics, and correlations. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: First, the literature review was conducted with the application of comparative and system analysis. Next, based on the available World Value Survey and Global Governance Indicators data, empirical analysis of the power indicators and economic growth relations in Sub Saharan Africa was performed. The results are discussed in the context of the ideas anchored in the theory of public choice and new institutional economics. RESEARCH RESULTS: The results indicate the existence of a power paradox, which burdens development of the region, people rely on strong leaders despite the fact that strong leadership leads to power abuse and economic crises. The attitudes to politics, democracy and trust are particular for the region and may be related with this problem. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The lack of control mechanisms over the exercise of public authority in politically unstable Sub Saharan African countries contributes to the consolidation of unfavorable attitudes and the abuse of power by privileged position by political leaders. The focus should be placed on reinforcement of institutional capacities and accountability for power abuse.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Justification of stakeholder engagement as a possible pillar of efficient regulatory governance THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: To visualize the significance of stakeholder engagement to regulation, the OECD data on stakeholder engagement are interpreted. Then, the case studies of the stakeholder engagement within regulatory impact assessment procedures in the European Union, Korea and the United Kingdom are highlighted. The methodology is based on the comparative analysis of the OECD secondary data and case study comparative analysis. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Starting from a view of regulatory policy as the realization of policy goals with regulation, law, and other instruments through which a higher standard of living of the population can be achieved. Concluding with the reasoning that stakeholder engagement is a crucial component of a check-and-balance mechanism in regulatory governance. RESEARCH RESULTS: The stakeholder-engagement-driven three-layer division covers: Policy-driven layer (strategy) determined by the contemporary challenges stemmed from emancipation of association consciousness and movements and ICT revolution; Administration-driven layer (operationalization) determined by effectiveness and efficiency as well as public service imperatives; Governance-driven layer serving as the exponent of varieties of conflicting and complementing ideas and interest of social groups, check and balance in the process of monitoring, legitimization and accountability of regulators while wide-spreading the essential public services. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Stakeholder engagement as a crucial part of regulatory impact assessment has been the pivotal element of the systemic adjustments reaching out to the behavioral adaptations, and to the institutionalization of evidence-based policy making.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The article discusses the status of self-government from the perspective of the principle of the separation of powers established in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Three research problems are examined: Did the traditional conceptions of the separation of powers distinguish the local government? In the view of the constitutional principle of the separation of powers, can self-government be regarded as an estate? What does the concept of the fourth authority mean in relation to self-government? THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research employed research methods from the disciplines of political and administrative sciences and law sciences: the method of analysis and criticism of scientific literature, the linguistic-logical method, the theoretical-legal method and the institutional method. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article presents selected traditional concepts of the division of powers, including Montesquieu’s theory which is the basis for the contemporary principle of the division of powers, distinguishes three positions on the relationship between the principle of the division of powers and self-government and indicates what the concept of the fourth estate means in relation to self-government. RESEARCH RESULTS: Self-government may be considered a fourth estate in an informal meaning. The term fourth estate is used to emphasise the importance and value of certain institutions, while in the light of the principle of the separation of powers local government cannot be considered as one of the authorities in the state. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Montesquieu’s concept of the separation of powers is the framework for the organisation of contemporary democratic states, but it does not embrace all their complexity. Therefore, proposals are becoming increasingly popular to supplement this division with additional divisions, such as the vertical separation of powers or Multi-level Governance.
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Review of: Jiří DUŠEK et al.: Ekonomické, finanční a právní perspektivy rozvoje regionů. České Budějovice: Vysoká škola evropských a regionálních studií, 165 s., ISBN 978-80-7556-019-3.
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Review of: Jiří DUŠEK et al.: Ekonomické, finanční a právní perspektivy rozvoje regionů. České Budějovice: Vysoká škola evropských a regionálních studií, 165 s., ISBN 978-80-7556-019-3.
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In recent years, the inter-municipal cooperation has been steadily growing across all European countries, including the Czech Republic, because the inter-municipal cooperation has to face the historical fragmentation of the political and administrative system of local authorities. One of the key problems today is that the inter-municipal cooperation can take many different forms across countries and continents. This is why all the studies focused on the inter-municipal cooperation are so important. The following contribution deals with those problems related to the inter-municipal cooperation in the South Bohemian Region. The objective of this contribution is to determine those special characteristics of the local inter-municipal cooperation and compare the possibilities of further development of cooperation among municipalities in selected regions.
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This paper focuses on the comparison of the foreign policy strategies of governments of Mikulas Dzurinda and Robert Fico during the period 1998 to 2010. The main aim of this paper was to compare the strategy of the Slovak foreign policy both of the governments above towards integrating the NATO and EU. The foreign policy direction towards these organisations played a key role in the development of Slovak foreign policy. Specifically, the process during the nineties was closed and culminated positively in 2004 with Slovakia's accession to the NATO and EU. After the appointment of the government of Robert Fico the questions about the strategy of foreign policy of his government towards the EU and NATO emerged. The aim of this paper is to define the fundamental differences in the foreign policy strategy of the two governments.
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The effort in common for regional development is the main reason for collaboration of municipalities. The current planning of municipalities is associated with sustainable development which is related to the environment and social and economic issues. The ideal solution is considered as the continuous development involves social, environmental, economic and cultural issues‘ solutions. The aim of this paper is to monitor the municipal cooperation in a selected region and the importance of the environment protection for municipalities as well as looking for answers to other closely related issues. The evaluation was conducted based on the results of quantitative and qualitative research in municipalities of a microregion.
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This article follows the preceding articles in Auspicia (Political System from Point of World Outlook, No. 2/2012 and An Outline of a World Outlook, No. 1/2013). Killing people is a negative and extreme method of governance (the capital punishment, war as the destruction or violent conquest of enemy human and material sources of power) in all political systems. The number of the war victims has been growing in time. It is determined primarily by world powers. The danger of war persists. Even the Czech Republic could get into a war with its escalated conflicts in the domestic politics. But people in the politics are killing each other for no reason in terms of progress in the development of the whole mankind. Violence could not be eliminated until humanity would be spread into more sovereign states, the contradictions between large social groups (nations, churches, economically classified units) would persist and people would still be subject to ideologies.
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The aim of this paper is to characterize the cooperation of municipalities in the microregion, ensuring rural development. The results are supported by a survey in the selected region, and are aimed primarily at the mutual cooperation of member municipalities, economy and financing. The fieldwork provides information on the opinion of the rural population in the microregion and what influences the development of the municipalities. The part of the survey are the outputs from interviews with some mayors of the microregion. The contribution summarizes the findings and discusses them in terms of development potential of the microregion in sustainable regional development.
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Review of: KOL. AUT.: Vize pro Českou republiku do roku 2025. Otevřeme českou cestu k národnímu blahobytu. ČSSD, 2009, 43 s.
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Review of: Lukáš Valeš: Zrod demokratických politických systémů okresů Klatovy, Domažlice a Tachov a jejich vývoj v 90. letech 20. století. Plzeň: Aleš Čeněk, 2007, 287 s., ISBN 978-80-7380-082-6.
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Ankara’s Southeast Europe policy has been of increasing interest to scholars and policy-makers in the past two decades. Decisive in such attention is Turkey’s increasing foreign policy activism under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the transformation of the Turkish political system into an autocracy, and the mounting tension between Ankara and its Western allies. Building on existing literature and primary evidence, particularly in the aftermath of Russia’s war against Ukraine, this essay argues that Turkish policy toward Southeast Europe is best defined as a combination of cooperation and conflict. Turkish ruling elites’ post-Cold War aspirations to make Turkey a regional power, the threat perceptions in the Black Sea and the Aegean, and, finally, the interests of the AKP leadership to remain in power, shape Ankara’s approach to the region.
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Ve dnech 8. a 9. února 2008 proběhla ve Španělském sále Pražského hradu volba prezidenta republiky. Byla první, nepřinesla žádný pozitivní výsledek a setkala se povětšinou s negativními ohlasy pozorovatelů. Šlo opravdu o frašku nedůstojnou Parlamentu České republiky, nebo se naši zákonodárci setkali s opravdovými ústavněprávními problémy, které nebylo možné jednoduše řešit? Kloním se spíše k první variantě.
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COVID-19 pandemic momentarily impaired human activities, from the ones of labor, education, and medical treatment to those of complex production. Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) program was welcomed but with reserves. Many financial experts see them as timely and holistic. On the other hand, certain measures require significant spending. Therefore, the question of midterm reparation remains. European countries differ in pandemic response – protection masks, lockdown, media coverage, to name a few. Nevertheless, healthcare system was deeply impacted everywhere. EMU predicted rise in the unemployment rates so special program for unemployment risks was activated. After more than three years of pandemic that is yet to be eradicated, issues in labor, schooling, medical treatment, production and in supply chain are still present. Degree and forms of irreversibility of COVID-19 impairment are continuously researched. Changes in cognitive reasoning joined with online organization of activities changed the very essence of social interaction and expectations.
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A representative body in a state is one in which citizens elect their representatives in free and democratic elections, by secret ballot, on the basis of universal and equal suffrage. In some countries it is called parliament, in others assembly, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina both terms are used in the names of representative bodies, but also one unusual and specific one - Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a complex country in which there are several representative bodies at different levels of government (state, entity, local), and the (im)possibility of dissolving those bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the topic of this paper. In this paper, in the first part, we will talk about the dissolution of the parliament from a theoretical and legal aspect. In the second part, through the analysis of constitutional and other norms, we will show the (im)possibility of dissolving representative bodies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the entities
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Russia’s continuing aggression against Ukraine is exceptional both in terms of its scale and itsglobal implications. A peaceful and prosperous future for Ukraine, neighbouring states and in-deed the entire continent, depends upon two interrelated factors. The first is Ukraine’s ability towin, with Western support, the war initiated against it by the Russian Federation under Putin.This would bring about a new global opening, ending the Moscow-Beijing anti-Western axis inworld politics. The second factor is Ukraine’s ability to take advantage of the constitutional mo-ment that will present itself as attention shifts from the military effort toward the process of statereconstruction. Presenting the situation of Ukraine in regional, historical, and global context, wedraw attention to specific challenges and choices that state elites will face post-war. We explainthe internal and external implications of these choices to show why Ukraine should seize itsupcoming constitutional moment. Drawing on both political theory and real world examples ofconstitutional revolutions, we explain the factors involved in the effective exploitation of the con-stitutional moment. We suggest that, channelled to constructive purposes, the demands and aspi-rations of Ukrainian citizens may help propel the political and economic reforms needed to securesocial trust and a stable future. We conclude that multi-level political and civic engagement ina new constitutional process will be indispensable for reconstructing the institutional foundationsfor peace, democratic governance and the rule of law in post-conflict Ukraine.
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Corruption flourishes when governance structures are deficient, where impartiality in government is abused by powerful interests. We use a framework for measuring corruption, the TASP framework – referring to types, sectors, activities and places developed – to analyse the rule of prime minister Zoran Zaev (2017-2021) focusing on the issues of state capture and corruption. Our analysis builds upon public and media perceptions about corruption. We argue that SDSM’s rule in the mentioned period was not just detrimental to the faith North Macedonian citizens have in government and its institutions. The corruption of Zaev’s government violated international norms of transparency and standards compliance and corroded, weakened, and endangered the foundations upon which democracy rests. We reveal a high number of instances of illiberal and corrupt practices of SDSM government in the period 2017-2021. The magnitude of cases involving state capture and grand corruption indirectly reveals that, following the victory at the 2020 parliamentary elections and the formation of the second Zaev government, the ruling elite undertook systemic political corruption, manipulating policy formation and public institutions to their own advantage. Essentially, Zaev’s rule replicated previous illiberal practices of Nikola Gruevski leading to the monopolization of power in the pursuit of particularistic interests.
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