Ka uspostavljanju djelotvorne koalicije protiv mržnje u Bosni i Hercegovini: uloga civilnog društva i lokalne zajednice u procesuiranju zločina iz mržnje

Author(s): Matilde Fruncillo / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Zločini iz mržnje ne događaju se iznenadno, već su posljedica eskalacije netolerancije ili, bolje rečeno, pogoršanja epizoda netolerancije čiji značaj institucije često podcjenjuju. Zločini iz mržnje ukazuju na raspuklinu u društvu koju je veoma teško zacijeliti. Ovaj rad nastoji predstaviti fenomen zločina iz mržnje i ulogu organizacija civilnog društva (OCD) u prevenciji takvih akcija kao i eskalacije pojava te vrste, te u intervencijama nakon dešavanja zločina. Termin OCD podrazumijeva širok spektar grupa, ali ovaj rad ima na umu specifičnu realnost Bosne i Hercegovine te će se stoga uglavnom odnositi na samonikle, tzv. grassroots, organizacije koje izrastaju iz lokalnih zajednica. Rad između ostalog otkriva zašto je pristup policije informacijama o incidentima i zločinima iz mržnje ograničen te, sasvim suprotno tome, kako to da OCD lakše uspostavljaju saradnju sa grupama koje predstavljaju razne manjine (nacionalne, etničke, vjerske, različite seksualne orijentacije, osoba sa onesposobljenjem, itd., u daljem tekstu: manjine) čiji su pripadnici najčešće žrtve zločina iz mržnje.

Facebook Practices of the Czech Regional Capitals – Pilot Insights in the Character of the Communication with Citizens

Author(s): Filip Hrůza,Lucia MAKÝŠOVÁ / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Social media are continuously becoming a new significant tool for public administrations, not only for reaching their communities, but also for getting feedbacks, generating discussions or stimulating other forms of civic participation. From this perspective, the introduction and use of social media in public administration have enabled to intensify and expand this two-way relationship between public administration bodies on a particular level of government and the public or relevant stakeholders. Current practice and previous relevant research show public administration entities use social media with diverse intensity, purpose or strategy. This research is gathering current experience and knowledge concerning this specific issue abroad and with focus on the Czech Republic. The sample contains the data of the Facebook posts of the Czech regional capitals and the aim of the paper is to analyse what type of information local governments publish through its Facebook pages and how public is engaged in the communication.

REGIONÁLNA PERSPEKTÍVA KOMUNITNÉHO PLÁNOVANIA SOCIÁLNYCH SLUŽIEB

Author(s): Michal Garaj,Mahuliena Sochorová / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Local and regional governments in Slovakia create community plans of social services as a strategical tool for social area development. The preparers organizational structures include actors of public, private and civil sector. The main goal of this contribution is to identify relationship between civil sector in organizational structure of preparers and elements of participative model of social services community planning. The main method is a quantitative research strategy by questionnaire. Data evaluation we realize through statistical software PSPP. The main results show presence of a positive relationship between variables.

CO-PRODUCTION OF PUBLIC SERVICES IN RURAL AREAS – THE POLISH WAY?

Author(s): Jarosław Olejniczak,Dorota Bednarska-Olejniczak / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The purpose of this article is to present the structure of sołecki fund as a solution that promotes governance and co-production of public services, as well as to analyse the use of this tool by urban-rural communes in Poland in the years 2014-2017. The basic research method consisted of statistical analysis of the data made available in the Central Statistic Office Local Data Bank concerning the scale and directions of expenses of the examined 621 communes within sołecki funds. The vast majority of communes, in which the sołecki funds functioned, implemented within their framework the tasks in the scope of transport and communication, municipal management and environmental protection, culture and protection of national heritage (in above 80% of all). It can be noticed that there is a strong diversification of directions of the sołecki funds’ expenses between the regions, also it can be noticed in 2014, in some regions the percentage of communes with sołecki funds constituted approx. 50%, while in 2017 in most of them it exceeded 70%.

Elektronik Sivil İtaatsizlik Bağlamında Hacktivizmin Meşruluğu Üzerine

Author(s): Özlem Çetin Öztürk / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

As digital tools have been used to protest and influence policy, activists' repertoire of collective action has changed. Hacking is one of the forms of action used by activists. The use of hacking as an activist tactic with a political motivation is called hacktivism. However, as the act of hacking crosses legal boundaries, the legitimacy of hacktivism and the contexts in which it can be understood as an acceptable form of activism are debated. Some studies of the legitimacy of hacktivism highlight the relationship between hacktivism and the concept of civil disobedience. The fact that civil disobedience is a type of action based on deliberate disobedience of the law for political and social reasons brings to the agenda that the illegal aspect of hacking can be treated as disobedience to the prohibition of access to digital systems. This has led to the conceptualization of hacktivism as a politically motivated act of hacking as electronic civil disobedience. This study examines the context in which hacktivism can be understood as a form of electronic civil disobedience and its legitimacy as electronic civil disobedience. To this end, the paper first discusses the conceptual treatment of hacktivism with historical examples and then discusses the theoretical treatment of civil disobedience in the context of its legitimacy. Finally, the concept of electronic civil disobedience and the limits of evaluating hacktivism on a legitimate ground are revealed. Conceptually, the study argues that hacktivism, as the transfer of civil disobedience into virtual space on a legitimate ground, should be considered electronic civil disobedience.

Deprem Bilinci

Author(s): Hasan Hüseyin Akkaş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Depremin ne zaman yaşanacağı günümüzün teknolojik olanakları ile önceden bilinemediğinden doğal kökenli olaylar arasında yer almaktadır. Ani, kısa süreli ve yıkıcı etkilerinin olduğundan canlılar; korku, endişe ve stres gibi psikolojik açıdan olumsuz etkilenmektedirler. Felaketin yarattığı acılar sosyolojik anlamda ailenin, arkadaş ilişkilerinin, dostlukların kısaca insanın yaşadığı mekan alışkanlıklarının değişmesi, çeşitli türde olumsuzlukları beraberinde getirmektedir. Ayrıca deprem, bireyden topluma herkeste olumsuz izler bırakarak çeşitli düzeylerde yoksunluktan yoksulluğa ve tükenmişlik sendromuna çaresizlikler üretmektedir.

Yukarıda Üzüntü/Korku; Aşağıda Umut/Yaşam Sancısı: Kahramanmaraş Depremlerınde İşletmelerın Sosyal Sorumluluk Pratığıne Yakınsama

Author(s): Berna Turak Kaplan,Mehmet Kaplan / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Depremler, dünyanın ve Türkiye’nin gerçekliğini kabul etmek zorunda olduğu doğa olaylarıdır (Cogito, 1999; Açıkalın, 2017: 13). Aslında bu doğa olayları katmanlı bir şekilde sadece bir insanı ve/veya bir grup insanı, bir şehir ve/veya şehirleri, bir ülkeyi ve/veya ülkeri etkilemektedir (Özbilgin vd., 2023). Kahramanmaraş depremlerinde bu katmanlı etki oldukça fazla görülmüş ve betimlenmiştir. Geçmiş yıllarda Türkiye merkezli depremlerde “1939 Erzincan Depremi, 1992 Erzincan Depremi, 1995 Dinar Depremi, 1998 Adana Ceyhan Depremi, 1999 Marmara Depremi, 2011 Van Depremi, 2020 Elazığ Depremleri ve 2020 İzmir Depremi de can ve mal kayıplarına neden olmuşlardır (Çalışkan ve Kaya, 2021: 1054-1055).

Kahramanmaraş Depremi: Kriz Yönetimi ve Sosyal Politika Uygulamaları

Author(s): Hande Saraçoğlu,Kader Aksoy / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Deprem felaketleri, doğal afetler arasında en yıkıcı etkilere sahip olanlardan biridir. Depremler, yeryüzündeki kabuk hareketleri sonucu oluşan titreşimlerdir ve bu titreşimlerin şiddeti, depremin merkezindeki büyüklük, derinlik ve yerleşim yerinin yapısal özellikleri gibi faktörlere bağlı olarak değişiklik gösterir. Deprem felaketleri, can kaybı, yaralanma, evsizlik ve ekonomik kayıplar gibi birçok olumsuz etkiye neden olabilir. Deprem sonrası yıkılan binalar, yollar, köprüler ve diğer altyapı tesisleri, toplumsal ve ekonomik faaliyetleri olumsuz yönde etkileyebilir. Ayrıca, deprem sonrası psikolojik etkiler, kayıpların telafisi, sağlık hizmetleri ve acil yardım ihtiyacı gibi sosyal ve insani sorunlar da ortaya çıkabilir. Bu nedenle deprem felaketlerinin etkilerini minimize etmek ve kriz yönetimi sürecini yönetmek için etkili ve stratejik planlamalar yapılması büyük önem taşımaktadır.

Deprem Sonrası Plânlı Rekreasyon Hizmetlerinin Geliştirilmesi

Author(s): Levent Önal,Fatih Bedir / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

06.02.2023 tarihinde Richter ölçeğine göre Kahramanmaraş ili Pazarcık merkezli 7.7 ve Elbistan Merkezli 7.6 büyüklüğünde dokuz saat aralıklı ikiz depremler, Türkiye’de on bir ili ve çok sayıda ilçesini fiziki olarak tahrip etmiş ve on binlerce insanın yaşamını yitirmesine neden olmuştur (AFAD, 2023). Bununla birlikte binlerce yapının yıkımına neden olan deprem için acil kurtarma çabaları, acil barınma için hükümet ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarıyla temel gıda ve ihtiyaç desteği sürerken, ciddi şekilde hasar görmüş yapılar ve şehirler için yeniden yapılanma çalışmaları da başlatılmıştır. Ekonomistler çeşitli analizler gerçekleştirerek depremin sosyal ve ekonomik açıdan zararlarını ortaya çıkarma çalışmaları yürütmektedirler. Ancak kaybın ne kadar büyüklükte olacağı ve bu kaybın ne kadar süreceği bilinmediği için net etkiyi tahmin etmek mümkün gözükmemektedir.

Afet Yönetim Planlarında Açık ve Yeşil Alanların Önemi ve Gerekliliği Üzerine Bir Araştırma

Author(s): Sibel Akten / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Afetler, toplum üzerinde sosyal, fiziksel ve ekonomik kayıplara neden olan olaylardır. Ülkemiz afetlere neden olan deprem, taşkın, heyelan vb. doğal tehlikeleri barındıran bir coğrafya üzerinde bulunması, nüfusun hızla artması, çarpık kentleşme ve çevre sorunları yaşanan afetlerin etkisini artırmaktadır. Ayrıca, insanların güvenli toplanma alanları olarak bulduğu ve afet sonrası meydana gelen olumsuz etkileri azaltabilecek olan kentsel açık ve yeşil alan miktarlarının yetersizliği ya da hiç bulunmaması afet sırasında ve sonrasında kaygıların artmasına da neden olmaktadır.

Afet Yönetimi, Maraş Depremi Sonrası Konut Üretimi ve Kullanıcı Memnuniyeti

Author(s): Alper Bodur / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Türkiye, deprem, sel, orman yangınları ve endüstriyel kazalar gibi çeşitli doğal ve insan kaynaklı afetlere eğilimli bir ülkedir (Tercan, 2018). Kaydedilen bazı ilerlemelere rağmen, Türkiye hala afet yönetiminde önemli zorluklarla karşı karşıyadır (Erkal ve Değerliyurt, 2011). Afet yönetiminin Türkiye’de modern anlamda tartışılması, 1992 yılında meydana gelen Erzincan depremi ve 1995 yılında meydana gelen Dinar depremi sonrasında başlamıştır (Gündoğdu ve diğ., 2018). Şu aşamada mevcut afet yönetimi sistemi, AFAD, bakanlıklar, belediyeler gibi ilgili kurumlar ve paydaşlar arasında koordinasyon ve entegrasyon eksikliğinin yanı sıra yetersiz kaynak ve kapasite geliştirme çabalarından muzdariptir (Bilgili ve Sanatcı Aktaş, 2022; Öztürk ve Emini, 2021). Sistem, açık ve tutarlı bir yasal çerçeveden ve politika yönünden yoksundur ve bu durum uygulamada tutarsızlıklara ve boşluklara yol açmaktadır (Özmen ve Özden, 2013).

LOCAL REFERENDUM AS A TOOL OF DIRECT PARTICIPATION OF CITIZENS IN THE DECISION-MAKING OF MUNICIPALITIES IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC

Author(s): Filip Hampl / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The local referendum is the only tool of direct democracy in the Czech Republic, allowing citizens to decide on issues falling within the independent competence of municipalities directly. The aim of the paper is to assess the use, voter turnout, binding force, and thematic focus of local referenda as a tool of direct participation of citizens in the decision-making on local issues in the Czech municipalities with respect to their size defined by the population in the period 2006-2019. To fulfil the aim, descriptive statistics, binary logistic regression, classification analysis and correlation analysis have been employed. A total of 288 local referenda were held in the examined period, 193 of them in the municipalities up to 1,999 inhabitants. The results do not indicate a statistically significant relationship between the municipality size and the holding of referenda. On the other hand, the results show a weakly negative correlation relationship between the municipality size and the turnout (the binding force, respectively). The referenda focused on territorial development, environment, alternative sources of power and infrastructure predominate in the municipalities up to 4,999 inhabitants. The referenda on municipal property and public order prevail in the municipalities with 5,000 and more inhabitants.

Youth Politics and Activism in Turkey

Author(s): Bahar Başer / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In recent years, academics, politicians and experts have turned their attention to a specific group of voters: Turkey’s youth. Especially before the elections in 2023, media outlets and polling companies have started publishing reports that claim the young people’s vote would be a game-changer in the upcoming elections. It is Generation Z, the so-called millennials, who were supposed to make a political statement with their vote in the Turkish elections. They constituted a sizeable portion of the eligible voters (20%) and around half of them would be casting their votes for the first time. Half of Turkey’s population is under the age of 30. For most, Erdoğan is the only political leader they have ever lived under. They have no memory of the “old Turkey”, as we know it, since they were born into a period of transformation which led to the so-called New Turkey under the rule of the AKP and Erdoğan. In 2018, polls showed that 80% of young people had shown no interest in politics. Another poll by Turkey Report in 2022 showed that 58% of them would not join a political movement or party “as a way to try and build a better society to live in”. As “political participation is central to discussions of democracy and justice”, a young generation disinterested in politics could have dire consequences for Turkish society. Do the poll results indicate that these young people do not engage in politics at all? Or, as digital natives and children of the new millennium, do they use alternative means to express themselves outside the conventional methods of joining political parties and movements? Generation Y was considered apolitical, but it still participated in seminal events like the Gezi protests. Indeed, 31% of the protestors were aged between 21 and 25, and 51% were between the ages of 21 and 30. Moreover, 36.6 % of the participants were students. What has changed with Generation Z?

ANALYTICAL REVIEW OF SOME SECURITY ISSUES

Author(s): Marija Perković,Gordana Subotić,Staša Zajović,Miloš Urošević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Polityki publiczne adresowane do osób starszych oraz ich interesariusze na przykładzie Łodzi

Author(s): Justyna Danielewicz / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Demographic changes characterised by the increasing participation of the elderly in society pose a challenge to public policies implemented by local and regional government. At present, people aged 60+ constitute over 25% of the total population inPoland. Therefore, the challenge is to meet the needs of this but also to use the potential of older people. The study aims to analyze the legal conditions for conducting senior policy at the national level and strategic documents adopted at the regional and local level in terms of improving the seniors’ quality of life. The study consists of an introduction presenting current demographic trends and related challenges faced by public authorities. It follows the legal conditions of senior policy in Poland. In the next part, using the desk research method, a review of public policies adopted in the Lodz region and in city of Lodz, was carried out, which allowed to assess to what extent local and regional authorities take into account in their policies the challenges related to the growing participation of older people in society. Then an attempt was made to create a map of stakeholders operating in the area of broadly understood senior policy in Lodz. The summary contains conclusions from the analysis and recommendations regarding solutions enabling the implementation of senior policy in a more integrated way and future research in this field.

ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE AS THE MOST PROMISING PLATFORM FOR SOCIAL REFORMS

Author(s): Vlado Kambovski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Political Participation of National Minority Women in Georgia

Author(s): Levan Kakhishvili / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The goal of this paper is to analyse the degree of political participation of women belonging to national minorities in Georgia, to identify the factors hindering their higher level of involvement in politics and to develop recommendations for various stakeholders interested in increasing the role of minority women in Georgian politics. Based on focus group discussions with participants from Samtskhe-Javakheti and Kvemo Kartli regions as well as in-depth interviews with representatives of political parties and experts in the field of minority issues, this paper concludes that minority women’s involvement in politics is extremely limited and that there are two types of impeding factors. First, structural factors include the type of electoral system, recruitment practices within the political parties, and knowledge of the state language. Second, cultural factors include perceptions of and fear of politics among minority women, and gender prejudice and stereotypes within the minority communities and generally in Georgian society.

Access to Information for National Minorities in Georgia

Author(s): Diana Bogishvili,Ana Tsiklauri / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

To ensure safeguarding the rights of national minorities, and their integration in the society, a new State Strategy for Civic Equality and Integration and 2015-2020 Action Plan was developed under the Office of the State Minister for Reconciliation and Civic Equality of Georgia, in 2015. One of the intermediate objectives of this Strategy is improved access to media and information for national minorities. A more detailed overview of this intermediate goal is provided in sub-chapter 2.2 of the State Strategy for Civic Equality and Integration and 2015-2020 Action Plan. Based on the problems mentioned in the introductioon, the goal of the present policy paper was set – to study the current situation regarding the access to information in national minority populated regions of Georgia, and identify difficulties related to access to information.

Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitşizlik Mağduru Kadınların Şiddet ve Diğer Sorunlarda Yardım Alabileceği Kurumlar

Author(s): İclal Çağlar,Ayşegül Dönmez / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Women who are victimized as a result of all kinds of violence against women, women’s disempowerment, gender inequality, social impositions and expectations, continue to be victimized in our country as in many parts of the world from past to present. Women face gender inequality even before they are born. In reproductive age, they are blamed for the sex of their babies, their right to education is denied, they are subjected to mobbing in working life, and their social roles and responsibilities continue at home. In order to prevent gender-based violence, empower women and improve their health, support systems need to be established, preventive services need to be planned and accessible. Midwives should evaluate every woman and girl they encounter in terms of violence. Health managers should develop health service policies that integrate preventive and protective services with psychosocial support services and ensure that they are easily accessible when needed. This review, which is based on the literature, aims to share information about the institutions where women who are victims of gender inequality can receive help in cases of violence and other problems.

OCD I BEZBEDNOSNE SLUŽBE: DOKLE DOPIRE POGLED JAVNOSTI, A GDE SE DIŽE ZID TAJNOSTI?

Author(s): Dragana Bajić,Filip Stojanović,Irina Stojanović,Jovana Đurović,Sandra Jelisavčić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Snažno civilno društvo jedan je od osnovnih gradivnih elemenata svakog demokratskog uređenja, budući da artikulisanjem interesa građana otelovljuje potrebu za transparentnom i odgovornom vladavinom. Međutim, odnos između organizacija civilnog društva i državnih institucija često je veoma delikatan i ne ostavlja dovoljno prostora za adekvatan dijalog koji bi doprineo učvršćivanju poverenja obe strane. Ovo je posebno naglašeno u sektoru bezbednosti, gde organizacije civilnog društva (OCD) deluju kao akteri sa nadzornom ulogom. Na prostoru Republike Srbije su do sada identifikovane 44 organizacije koje se u nekom aspektu svog rada bave bezbednošću, od čega 15 OCD kao primarnu oblast interesovanja izdvaja bezbednosno-obaveštajnu zajednicu. Političko nasleđe u Srbiji uticalo je na negativnu percepciju bezbednosnih službi koje su i dalje mistifikovane i koje svoje postupke brane potrebom ostvarivanja određenog stepena tajnosti – što stvara mogućnost za zloupotrebe. Sa druge strane, organizacije civilnog društva su u prošlosti bile pod opstrukcijom državnih aktera, čime su postajale zastrašene i radile u neadekvatnim uslovima. prkos velikom broju započetih diskusija o reformi sektora bezbednosti i o nadzoru rada bezbednosno-obaveštajnih agencija, nije dovoljno urađeno na konkretizaciji problema i davanju jasnih smernica za unapređenje ove problematike, koja predstavlja veoma zahtevnu i bitnu temu, naročito u procesu evrointegracija. Posebno značajno, a nedovoljno obrađeno pitanje predstavlja odnos i saradnja Bezbednosno-informativne agencije (BIA) i OCD. Dok stav Republike Srbije uopšte ne pominje Bezbednosno-informativnu agenciju i mogućnosti njenog nadzora od strane javnosti, oni dokumenti koji sadrže odredbe o toj mogućnosti su veoma neprecizni i široko definisani, što granicu između javnosti i tajnosti rada Bezbednosno-informativne agencije čini dodatno zamagljenom. Dobra praksa ukazuje da je postojala saradnja između BIA i OCD, ali isključivo na ad hoc nivou. Da bi se otklonili uočeni nedostaci i uspostavilo poverenje između BIA i OCD, potrebno je, za početak, definisati mesto OCD u radu sektora bezbednosti normativnim dokumentima i obezbediti mehanizme za njihovo stvarno učestvovanje u kreiranju i implementaciji bezbednosne politike. Budući da je BIA institucija koja je poslednja po transparentnosti, sledi da je prva po broju zahteva za informacijama od javnog značaja, koje često ne uvažava. Shodno tome, postoji mogućnost diskrecione ocene ove institucije prilikom odluke o davanju informacija građanima i organizacijama civilnog društva. Sve navedeno ukazuje na činjenicu da je potrebna reforma u skladu sa standardima koje Srbija mora da isprati kao demokratska, moderna država, a naročito s obzirom na reforme koje preduzima u procesu pristupanja EU.