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Fašistička doktrina i organizacija države
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Fašistička doktrina i organizacija države

Author(s): Egidio Reale / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 10/1934

Централна и основна идеја фашистичkе доктрине, како се она развијала и како је била примељивaна у току последњих година, јесте идеја »јединствене, ауторитативне, и нераздвојне « државе, - идеја моhне државе организоване према неумољивим начелима реда, дисциплцне, и јерархије. »Битно начело фашистичке доктрине«, пиcao је Мусолини, »то је концепција државе, њене бити, њене улоге, и њених циљева«. Ко не познаје ту доктрину, не може схватити ни фашизам, ни његову историју, ни његово остварење.

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Doktrina Fašizma
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Doktrina Fašizma

Author(s): Benito Mussolini / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 10/1934

Kao svaka zdrava politička koncepcija, Fašizam je u isto vreme i praksa i misao: on je akcija u kojoj je doktrina imanentna. Ta doktrina je nastala iz sistema istorijskih sila, oba je s tim sistemom intimno povezana i deluje iznutra. Oblik Fašizma, prema tome, oclgovara okolnostima mesta i vremena, ali on u isto vreme: ima : jednu idealnu sadržinu koja ga izdiže na formulu istine u višoj istoriji misli. Ne može se vršiti duhovni uticaj na svet, kao ljudska volja koja vlada nad ostalim voljama, ako se ne shvati i ona prolazna i partikularna stvarnost, nad kojom se ima vršiti taj uticaj, i ona druga permanentna i univerzalna stvarnost, u kojoj prva ima svoje biće i svoj život.

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Slovenačko pitanje
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Slovenačko pitanje

Author(s): Milan Ćurčin / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 05/1922

Naš pokretač i odlični saradnik, G. profesor Murko, svakako - uz starinu G. Jagića - najugledniji medju živim slavistima, napisao je za »Novu Evropu«, na našu molbu, članak o slovenačkom književnom jeziku, koji objavljujemo u ovom broju. Kao što se vidi, u njemu učeni pisac zastupa gledište, da je slovenački jezik, kao organ slovenačke kulture, nesamo dosad bio članom porodice slovenskih jezika (što izgleda neosporno), već da treba to i da ostane, bar u doglednom vremenu, dok se sve ostale pogodbe i prilike ne izmene na korist i u pravcu ujedinjenja, te se prethodno ne izvrši političko i ekonomsko stapanje i formiranje jugoslavenstva. Slovenci, misli i kaže G. Murko, treba da uče srpskohrvatski, i Srbohrvati slovenački, - kao što uče i druge jezike, pa još i više; ali slovenački i srpskohrvatski jesu dva književna jezika, pa treba to i da ostanu, mešati ih bilo bi pogibeljno, dirati u jezik opasno, jer bi se lako, kaže, moglo stvoriti i neko »slovenačka pitanje«.

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КОМПЛЕТНО ИЗДАЊЕ КЊИГА V. БРОЈ 5. 1922
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КОМПЛЕТНО ИЗДАЊЕ КЊИГА V. БРОЈ 5. 1922

Author(s): Evgenij S. Varga,Milan Ćurčin,Matija Murko / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian Issue: 05/1922

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„Realizm i rozwaga”. Środowisko Ośrodka Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych wobec narodzin „Solidarności” (sierpień – listopad 1980)

„Realizm i rozwaga”. Środowisko Ośrodka Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych wobec narodzin „Solidarności” (sierpień – listopad 1980)

Author(s): Tomasz Sikorski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2023

The article discusses the relationship of the movement associated with the Center for Documentation and Social Studies to the birth of ”Solidarity“ (August–November 1980). Established in 1967, ODiSS first remained in a close formal-legal relationship with the ”Więź“ team and the Warsaw NCI (as part of the ”Znak“ movement), then in 1974 became independent, creating a separate entity, alternative and competitive to other Catholic circles and groups. ODiSS saw Solidarity as both a labor syndicate and a mass movement for social revictimization and social empowerment. Activists and participants in the movement were actively involved in assisting regional and company structures of the union, providing advice and legal assistance, and applying for workers’ rights in the forum of the People’s Republic of Poland’s parliament. At the same time, they warned against political involvement of ”Solidarity“, demands for system change, etc. ODiSS, representing religious people, remained in close contact with Primate S. Wyszynski and the Episcopate, although it was an autonomous environment, acting on its own responsibility. It also held formal and informal talks with representatives of the communist regime. It considered it crucial for both sides of the August agreements to keep their commitments and guarantees, which was to serve a genuine national understanding and the real democratization of socialism. In its activities, it adopted the ”constructive center“ formula. Being aware of operating within the framework of the legal and political rules in force (a concessionary environment), it balanced between what was optimal and what was possible in certain political realities, hence in its assessment of “Solidarity” it maintained prudent moderation, prudence and realism.

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Historycy na łamach „Krytyki”

Historycy na łamach „Krytyki”

Author(s): Tomasz Siewierski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2023

The article discusses the main threads of interest among historians publishing in the underground journal “Krytyka” during the years 1978–1989. It highlights the most important topics in contemporary history that, due to censorship reasons, either did not exist or were distorted in the official historiography of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL). These topics included the history of the Polish armed anti-communist underground, the crimes of the security apparatus, the history of the Polish Socialist Party, Polish-Ukrainian, and Polish-Jewish relations, as well as key issues in post-war political history, such as the events of March 1968. The article devotes considerable attention to the authors of articles that aimed to restore memory and supplement knowledge about these issues. It also attempts to reflect on their involvement in the opposition movement in the context of their previous professional and political experiences.

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Prosolidarnościowy sekretarz? Tadeusz Fiszbach a NSZZ „Solidarność” Regionu Gdańskiego w latach 1980–1981

Prosolidarnościowy sekretarz? Tadeusz Fiszbach a NSZZ „Solidarność” Regionu Gdańskiego w latach 1980–1981

Author(s): Piotr Brzeziński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2023

The article describes the political activity of the First Secretary of the Voivodeship Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in Gdańsk, Tadeusz Fiszbach, in the early 1980s. The author analyzes the role played by this politician during the strikes of August 1980, describes his attitude towards the independent trade union and his policy towards “Solidarity” movement until martial law was introduced. It shows the complicated relations between the Gdańsk secretary and “Solidarity” against the background of the most important local and national events. He attempts to verify the still popular myth that Fiszbach was a silent ally of “Solidarity” working in the PUWP authorities in 1980–1981. The article is based on extensive archival research, literature on the subject and accounts of historical witnesses, including several interviews conducted by the author with Tadeusz Fiszbach himself.

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„Potencjalne ognisko niezadowolenia w przypadku przyszłych kłopotów”. Polska opozycja w raportach brytyjskich dyplomatów z lat 1976–1980

„Potencjalne ognisko niezadowolenia w przypadku przyszłych kłopotów”. Polska opozycja w raportach brytyjskich dyplomatów z lat 1976–1980

Author(s): Grzegorz Wołk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2023

British diplomacy kept a close eye on the development of dissident movements from the Soviet sphere of influence. Despite the realisation that their influence on political life was marginal, from 1976 until the emergence of Solidarity there was a steadily growing interest in the growing number of Polish opposition groups. At some point it was decided to establish direct contacts, an operation without precedent in the other countries subordinated to the USSR. The article focuses on reconstructing the Foreign Office’s knowledge of dissident movements in the People’s Republic of Poland and their perception by the British.

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Don Francesco Ricci. Duszpasterz obu Europ (1930–1991)

Don Francesco Ricci. Duszpasterz obu Europ (1930–1991)

Author(s): Bartosz Gromko / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2023

Francesco Ricci (1930–1991) was an Italian priest, canon of the cathedral of Forli, ecclesiastical assistant of the Communion and Liberation, and rector of the church of San Filippo Neri in Forli. He travelled to many countries to promote Communion and Liberation: Yugoslavia, Peru, Poland, Hungary, Japan and Korea, Uganda, Paraguay, Czechoslovakia, and Brazil. Due to his interest in Eastern Europe, which was then under communist rule, he founded the Center for the Study of Eastern Europe (CSEO) in Forlì, which was dedicated to deepening and spreading knowledge about the countries of this area in Italy. The Center published, among others: translations of works by Václav Havel, Józef Tischner, and other authors.

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REVIEW

REVIEW

Author(s): Oleksandr Pestrykov,Tomasz Hen-Konarski,Sylwia Kuźma-Markowska,Anna Landau-Czajka / Language(s): English Issue: 129/2024

Review of: Przemysław Gawron - Monarchie und Diplomatie. Handlungsoptionen und Netzwerke am Hof Sigismunds III. Wasa, ed. Oliver Hegedüs and Kolja Lichy, Pader-born, 2023, Brill-Schöningh, Series: FOKUS, vol. 13, 375 pp. Oleksandr Pestrykov - Andrii Portnov, Dnipro: An Entangled History of a European City, Boston 2022, Academic Studies Press, 376 pp., 63 ills Tomasz Hen-Konarski - Fabian Baumann, Dynasty Divided: A Family History of Russian and Ukrainian Nationalism, Ithaca, NY, 2023, Cornell University Press, 348 pp. Sylwia Kuźma-Markowska - Adam Walaszek, Polish American History before 1939: Polish- -American History from 1854 to 2004, vol. 1, translated by Urszula Tempska, New York, 2024, Routledge, 449 pp., bibliography, index Anna Landau-Czajka - Joanna Degler, Agnieszka Jagodzińska, Marcin Wodziński, Literatura autobiograficzna Żydów polskich: tradycja, nowoczesność, płeć [Autobiographies of Polish Jews: Tradition, Modernity, Gender], Wrocław, 2024, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 206 pp. (Bibliotheca Judaica, 12)

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The (Im‐)Possibility of ‘Victim Diasporas’ in Russia. The Case of Lithuanian Communities in Siberia

The (Im‐)Possibility of ‘Victim Diasporas’ in Russia. The Case of Lithuanian Communities in Siberia

Author(s): Gintarė Venzlauskaitė / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

By taking the case of the Lithuanian diaspora occasioned by forced migration to Siberia, this article discusses the (im-)possibility – and possible explanations for the ambiguous character – of ‘victim diasporas’ in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. I assert that, differently from its counterparts in the West, the Lithuanian diaspora of displacements in Russia represents an atypical case that bears signs pertinent to ‘victim’, ‘accidental’, as well as ‘demobilising’ diaspora. Among the key reasons for this are a historically restrictive socio-political environment towards victimised groups, limitations for the organisation and activity of ethno-national communities, as well as more of an amplified state agenda by the Russian government presided by Vladimir Putin. The discussion draws on the relevant theoretical considerations and qualitative primary research conducted as part of a PhD project on Lithuanian diasporas of displacements. Taking into account the time of writing, it has been adapted to include a brief commentary on the impact of Russia’s war in Ukraine on the Lithuanian diaspora.

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“Freedom in Exile?” Russian Germans, Jewish Quota Refugees and Their Life Experiences in Siberia

“Freedom in Exile?” Russian Germans, Jewish Quota Refugees and Their Life Experiences in Siberia

Author(s): Daniel Gebel / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

In the 1980s and 1990s, hundreds of thousands of Soviet citizens of German or Jewish nationality immigrated to the Federal Republic of Germany. Most of these emigrants came from Siberia or Central Asia – peripheral regions of the USSR – to which they were largely forcibly resettled during the Stalinist era. The majority lived there until the collapse of the Soviet Union, before they emigrated due to the worsening economic, professional and security conditions. When they arrived in the Federal Republic of Germany, many of them discovered that, despite the legal freedoms offered to them by the German state, they felt freer in the USSR. Russian Germans and Jewish quota refugees particularly remembered the period under Leonid Brezhnev (mid-1960s to early 1980s) as a period in which – despite the autocratic nature of the Soviet state – they enjoyed various freedoms, including on material, cultural and political levels. The perceived absence of the Soviet state allowed them to carry out individual actions in their everyday lives that they do not see as given in the Federal Republic due to the existing legal and social circumstances. As a result, many of them got the impression that they were ‘freer’ in their Soviet homeland than they are in their current everyday lives.

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Polsko-niemieckie stosunki w sejmowej i senackiej debacie w latach 1989−1991

Author(s): Agnieszka Kastory / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The paper concerns the position of Polish MPs and senators on shaping the principles of German-Polish cooperation in a situation in which Poland regains full sovereignty in foreign policy. The position of Polish deputies was analysed on the basis of stenographic reports from plenary sessions of the Sejm and Senate concerning the preparation and ratification of treaties with Germany on confirming the border and on good neighbourhood. In particular, it was a question of examining whether MPs and senators supported the concept of a G erman-Polish community of interest, which was defined and presented in the Sejm by Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski. During the ratification debate, supporters of both treaties pointed out that they enabled Poland to leave the Eastern Bloc, making Poland independent of the support of the USSR for the western border. They also provided an opportunity for German support on Poland’s way to the European Communities. MPs and senators understood that it was possible to build a G erman-Polish community of interest on the basis of supporting and expanding the integration process and thus completely change Poland’s geopolitical situation. This did not mean that the solutions adopted in the treaty on good neighbourhood, especially with regard to compensation, the status of Poles in Germany and the German minority in Poland, were fully accepted.

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Gazimestan 28 czerwca 1989 roku – frazeologia przemówienia Slobodana Miloševicia

Author(s): Piotr Żurek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

In 2019, the thirtieth anniversary of the famous speech of Slobodan Milošević delivered on the day of St. Vitus (Vidovdan) on June 28, 1989, on 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, was marked. This speech was considered ominous and as an announcement of a future bloody war by many citizens of Yugoslavia and, above all, Albanians and Croats. The author of the article undertook to analyze this speech in terms of phraseology.

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Bilateral relations with the republic of /North/ Macedonia as an element of Bulgarian regional policy after 1989

Author(s): Naoum Kaytchev / Language(s): English Issue: 30/2021

The article begins with a re-evaluation of the often neglected importance of 1989 developments in Skopje that inaugurated the subsequent transition of Yugoslav Macedonia leading to its transformation into an independent republic. The text argues that the outcome of the often overlooked congress of the League of Communists of Macedonia in late November 1989 dismantled a small break out of the pan-European Berlin Wall that autumn.After 1989 Bulgaria maintained a policy aimed at limiting and the non-proliferation of the conflict from the dissolving Yugoslav federation and contributed to the stabilization of the former Yugoslav and wider region. One of the most sensitive aspects of Sofia’s regional policy was that towards Skopje. The article offers evidence and argues that Bulgaria’s approach since 1989 went through different phases but nonetheless was based on three key constant principles: first, support for the independence and for the statehood of the new Republic of Macedonia; second, the countering and dismantling of Macedonianism (in its ‘Yugoslav’ and ‘antiquated’ versions alike) both as a provocative construct of history and as Skopje’s foreign policy practice; third, seeking of solutions within the wider EU and NATO framework and support for the Republic of /North/ Macedonia’s integration into NATO and EU structures.

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Biopolitics of the Women’s Gulag and “Dark Tourism” in Kazakhstan: The “Camp” as Biopolitical Paradigm of Modernity
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Biopolitics of the Women’s Gulag and “Dark Tourism” in Kazakhstan: The “Camp” as Biopolitical Paradigm of Modernity

Author(s): Michael A. Peters,Tina Besley / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

This paper explores the concept of dark tourism through the lens of a visit to the ALZHIR Museum and Memorial Complex in Kazakhstan, which was once a notorious Soviet women’s camp. The authors, who toured with guides in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, discuss their experiences in the two major cities of Astana and Almaty, and their day trips to the steppe and wetlands, as well as the stunning Charyn Canyon National Park. The paper highlights the history of Kazakhstan, from its nomadic beginnings to its independence from Soviet Russia in 1990, and the Russian occupation and the imposition of Russian schooling on the Kazakhs. The authors also touch upon the extensive process of collectivization imposed by the Soviet regime, which resulted in the death of an estimated 1.5 million Kazakhs from starvation. The main focus of the paper, however, is the ALZHIR Museum and Memorial Complex, which serves as a chilling reminder of the horror of the Gulag system. The authors discuss the ethical implications of dark tourism and argue that tourists have a responsibility to educate themselves about the culture and history of the places they visit, to promote historical understanding and cultivate a memorial experience that draws attention to what is commemorated by whom and for what reasons.

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Стратификация русскоязычного литературного сообщества Латвии, или ≪Кто Я?≫

Стратификация русскоязычного литературного сообщества Латвии, или ≪Кто Я?≫

Author(s): Nataļja Šroma / Language(s): Russian Issue: 34/2024

The article presents an overview of Russian-language literature in Latvia following the criteria for defining it as a minority literature. The author describes the autonomous mechanisms of legitimisation — Latvian publishing houses, periodicals, poetry festivals specialising in the popularisation of contemporary Russian literaturę — and identifies several strategies of self-identification of Russian-speaking writers in Latvia. She also concludes that in the new, “after 24 February 2022” context for Russian culture, the Russian-speaking Latvian literary community, just as after 1991, is experiencing serious tremors, leading to its greater polarisation. The author paid special attention to the artistic presentation of the new social reality — ‘emigration without emigration’ — with the leitmotifs of the new refugee and counter-memory, which have recently gained in importance.

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Schools and Cultural Centers as De- tention Sites in the Territory of the Self-Proclaimed Republic of Srpska During the Aggression Against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995)

Schools and Cultural Centers as De- tention Sites in the Territory of the Self-Proclaimed Republic of Srpska During the Aggression Against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995)

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

During the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992- 1995), the authorities of the self-proclaimed Republic of Srpska (RS) committed numerous crimes, including genocide against Bosniaks. In pursuit of their territorial goals, the RS political leadership established numerous camps and detention facilities, often using schools and cultural centers for this purpose. These facilities, once centers of education and culture, were transformed into sites of mass atrocities, torture, and killings of civilians. This paper explores the systematic nature, scope, and mass scale of crimes committed in these facilities, with a particular focus on the Srebrenica genocide in July 1995, as well as the crimes in Prijedor and Zvornik during 1992. The paper provides an overview of schools and cultural centers as detention sites for Bosniaks and Croats in around 25 other municipalities that came under RS control in the spring and summer of 1992. Additionally, the paper highlights how the RS treats this past inadequately and how these schools and the now mostly destroyed cultural centers, often glorify the perpetrators of these crimes, rather than commemorating the victims. The aim of this research is to contribute to the proper memorialization of these crimes and to raise awareness among present and future generations about the importance of confronting legally adjudicated and historically established facts.

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НАЦИОНАЛНИ ИДЕНТИТЕТ, ИЗМЕЂУ ПАМЋЕЊА И ЗАБОРАВА

НАЦИОНАЛНИ ИДЕНТИТЕТ, ИЗМЕЂУ ПАМЋЕЊА И ЗАБОРАВА

Author(s): Vladimir Krivošejev / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 190/2024

Review of: Весна Ђукић, Памћење као отпор забораву: Кратка студија политике очувања српског културног идентитета, Факултет драмских уметности, Институт за позориште, филм, радио и телевизију и Матица српска, Београд – Нови Сад 2022

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Between Dynastic Loyalty and the Nationalism of the “People of the Masters”: Avram Iancu and the “Invisible War” of Decorations

Between Dynastic Loyalty and the Nationalism of the “People of the Masters”: Avram Iancu and the “Invisible War” of Decorations

Author(s): Attila Varga / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

This study presents a very important and sensitive part of the life and activity of the Romanian national hero Avram Iancu, after the end of the Revolution of 1848–1849. Given their achievements during the revolutionary battles, he and his comrades-in-arms should have been decorated and rewarded accordingly. Despite the testimonies and recommendations of important personalities of his time, Avram Iancu did not receive the recognition and the distinctions due from the Emperor Franz Joseph I. Moreover, he and his comrades-in-arms were humiliated, falling victim to the intrigues of the Transylvanian Saxon elites in the high political spheres of Vienna. This analysis shows how the heroes of the Romanian nation from Transylvania of the first half of the 19th century, caught between dynastic loyalty, the intrigues of the Transylvanian Saxons and the nationalism of the “master people” of Austria, suffered disappointments and thus ended a difficult chapter of their modern history. It was a time of struggle for political and national rights.

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