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REPUBLIKA Godina VI (1994), Broj 94

Author(s): Dubravka Stojanović,Olga Zirojević,Vesna Krmpotić,Hatidža Dizdarević-Krnjević,Džejlana Pećanin,Senka Kurtović,Milan Prodanović,Dragoš Ivanović,Dušan Mojsin,Vojislava Vignjević ,Nebojša Spaić,Rade Veljanovski,Olivera Glumac,Gabriela Pajević,Olivija Rusovac,Ivan Čolović,Vladimir Marković,Mirko Đorđević,Dušan Zupan,Miodrag Stanisavljević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 094/1994

Ratni- mirni- ratm- mir Mir/Rat Mir za Bosnu — spas i za nas Dubravka Stojanović, Rat je logičan! Olga Zlrojević, "Dosta se je zla činilo... Vesna Krmpotić, Slika kolektivnog grijeha Hatidža Dizdarević Krnjević, Čerečenje trudne Evrope Džejlana Pećanln, Senka Kurtović, Beograde, probudi se... Ljubinka Trgovčevlć, Slivene različitosti Milan Prodanović, Ujedinjenje odozdo Učinite to sebe radi Ž. Miloradavić, "Nije to ništa" Dragoš Ivanovič, Mit o nedodirljivosti Opšta politizacija Dušan Mojsin, Mrzeti mržnju, Vojislava Vignjević, Kako socijalisti kažu Nebojša Spaić, Stvaranje događaja Virovi u mrtvaji Orgija postmoderne "Civilizovana razmena stanovništva" Podvalantska levica Rade Veljanovski, Moć i nemoć Olivera Glumac, Bratstvo od sto hiljada maraka Gabriela Pajević, Raspirivanje budućnosti Pesnici i popovi Olivija Rusovac, "Masovna neupotreba ljudi" Stvaranje i njegovo suzbijanje Dve Sorbone Zadovoljstvo kreacije Vladimir Marković, "Treći put" superpatriotizma Ivan Čolović, Gral ubija aždahu Mirko Dorđević, Legenda o trulom Zapadu Mšodrag Stanisavljevlć, Vežbe zaluđivanja

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“Prijelomna” i “sudbonosna” 1918: obilježavanje stogodišnjice stvaranja ugoslavije

Author(s): Branimir Janković / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2019

U tekstu se obrađuje obilježavanje stogodišnjice stvaranja Jugoslavije 1918 — 2018. godine. Iako je naglasak na hrvatskim medijima i javnosti, društvu i historiografiji, u tekstu se govori i o načinu na koji se o Jugoslaviji govorilo u Sloveniji, Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i Makedoniji. Pritom je u svim državnim politikama bivših jugoslavenskih republika moguće primijetiti zajednička obilježja, ali i određene specifičnosti u njihovom sadašnjem odnosu prema Jugoslaviji. Stvaranje Jugoslavije i jugoslavensko iskustvo naime u cjelini uvelike doživljavaju “prijelomnim” i “sudbonosnim”, uz dominiranje negativnog bilanciranja i nerijetko postavljanja pitanja je li se ono uopće moralo dogoditi. No i tijekom stogodišnjice bila su o tome vidljiva vrlo različita i suprotstavljena mišljenja, kako među povjesničarima tako i u medijima i javnosti, čineći temu Jugoslavije i dalje polemičnom i interpretativno otvorenom.

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The Holocaust Theatre in Romania (1941-1958)

Author(s): Mihai Lukács / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2019

In the late 1940s, the Jewish theatre initiated the so-called performative reflection on theHolocaust in Romania, at a time when this art form simply did not exist internationally.This was possible due to the specific situation of the Yiddish theatre in Romania, includingthe large Jewish audiences which were familiar with progressive plays referring to actualissues of the Jewish community. Beginning with the IKUF Theatre, under the managementand directorship of Iacob Mansdorf, in 1945, the Yiddish theatre displayed the devastatingresults of the Holocaust upon the Jewish communities and tried to provide an artistic formulaso as to respond to the political necessity of condemning fascism, in anticipation of a worldin which anti-Semitic atrocities were no longer possible. One such plays was Night Shift (thefirst performance staged by the newly established State Jewish Theatre in 1948). Followingthe tradition of Abraham Goldfaden’s theatre from the end of the 19th century, the Holocausttheatre made use of various aesthetic and narrative, innovative forms, from Stanislavski’srealism to Brecht’s techniques, but all this faded away in the late 1950s.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-15 January

Author(s): Ioana Caloianu / Language(s): English Issue: 01/20/2020

TOL’s regional news roundup: Russian government abruptly quits; Slovak journalist’s killer comes clean; victory for Khodorkhovsky at ECHR; a North Macedonian Oscar contender; and a prison sentence for retired Uzbek diplomat.

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„Istočno pitanje“ i balkanski odgovori u idejno-historijskoj perspektivi

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 83-84/2020

Prošlost i sadašnjost su nerazdvojne, jedna tumači drugu. Mnogi procesi „dugog trajanja“ prevazilaze lokalne okvire i regionalne granice.To se odnosi i na složeno „Istočno pitanje“, njegov sadržaj i rukavce koji prelazi granice više stoljeća. Mada je veliki dio svog razdoblja Osmanskocarstvo držalo i do jedne četvrtine onoga što se naziva Evropom, nije smatrano članom evropskog međunarodnog sistema. Ono što je na Zapadu poznato o ovom carstvu, muslimanima i Balkanu, naročito ono što je govorila nauka, ali i ono što je govorila kvazinauka i popularna literatura, nikada nije bilo beznačajno. „Istočno pitanje“ je „višestoljetniproces sukobljavanja Istoka i Zapada, Prednje Azije i Europe, kršćanstvai islama, dviju kultura i civilizacija“. U biti, to je „nastojanje da se Osmanlije i islam izbace iz Evrope“. Stav da su muslimani „tuđinci“ u Evropi dio je mentaliteta poznatog pod imenom „Istočno pitanje“, koje je u Evropi živjelo od Kučuk-Kajnardžijskog mira 1774. do Lozanskogugovora 1923. godine. Mentalitet „Istočnog pitanja“ je nastavio da živi i dalje. Može se koristiti kao „referentni okvir“ za sažimanje i razumijevanje historije muslimana Balkana do kraja XX stoljeća. Ono što je na Zapadu poznato o Osmanskom carstvu, muslimanima i Balkanu, posebno ono što je govorila nauka, ali i ono što je „nudila“ kvazinauka i popularna literatura, nikada nije bilo beznačajno. Nema nacionalizma bez stereotipao “drugima”, bez njih nema stereotipa o “sebi”, niti interesnih manipulacija. Tomovi naučno utemeljenih djela ništa, pak, ne mijenjaju u odnosu prema historiji ukoliko su društvene i političke okolnosti takve daje poželjna drugačija “svijest” i “kultura sjećanja”. Načini prikazivanja historijskih događaja mogu da oblikuju i viđenja aktuelnih društvenih dešavanja. Historija se nikada ne ponavlja doslovno, iako se neke paralele teško mogu izbjeći.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-28 April

Author(s): Ioana Caloianu / Language(s): English Issue: 05/04/2020

Today’s regional news: Prague mayor in danger; Tajikistan and WHO; Serbian solidarity; Stati vs. Kazakhstan; and a Georgian success.

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Transitions Online_Middle Europa-Keep an Eye on the East

Author(s): Martin Ehl / Language(s): English Issue: 05/11/2020

As invisible foreign invaders spark panic around the globe, it’s easy for democrats to get distracted from the all-too-human threats we know so well.

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Private Letters as Visual Evidence for Disclosure of the Totalitarian Regime

Author(s): George Gotsiridze,Ketevan Gigashvili / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2019

The paper aims to prove the impact of the totalitarian regime on individuals, society and interpersonal relationships, reflected in personal letters, as well as the consequences of this impact. The research object includes the epistolary legacy of the 19th-century Georgian poet and public figure, the General of the Russian Army, Grigol Orbeliani, and that of the 20th-century Georgian historian, founder and Rector of Tbilisi State University, Ivane Javakhishvili. They both were members of the Georgian society, on extremely different sides, owing to their beliefs and worldviews: the former was an active participant in the creation of the totalitarian regime and represented the foothold of Russian authority in fulfilling the forcible policy in the Caucasus, and the latter was a victim of the totalitarian regime; by keeping the national values, worldviews, and personal freedom, he opposed authority. As a result, he became an object of persecution and insult. The comparative analysis of the two different epochs has once again revealed that Bolshevism was a logical extension of Tsarist Russia’s imperial policy: in both epochs, the Russian sovereignty used similar methods to implement and maintain a totalitarian regime: obtaining the public confidence, dividing the society, encouraging people to denounce and doom each other in order to create successful careers and so on. By bringing the examples from modern life, the work shows that, despite the fact that communism has fallen, its influence on society is still evident.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-3 July

Author(s): Ioana Caloianu / Language(s): English Issue: 07/06/2020

In the news today: military intelligence in Russia; NATO, Poland and the Baltics; faulty masks flood Europe; Moldova’s bootleg helicopters; and remembering Jan Kuciak through song.

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Zwischen Religion und Ideologie. Kyrill und Method als Erinnerungsort in Bulgarien vor und nach 1989

Author(s): Rumjana Mitewa-Michalkowa / Language(s): German Issue: 3/2008

The saintly brothers Cyril and Methodius were and are one of the central topoi in the remembrance cultures of the Slavic nations. The relation of the histo-political employment of the Slavic apostles and religious tradition has had a sustained effect on the cultural selfdefinition and the politics of history in many East European States. The present article examines continuity and change of the remembrance icons Cyril and Methodius in the European context by means of the Bulgarian example. The notion of "Bulgaria's contribution to civilization" through the introduction and propagation of the Slavic alphabet, shaped and officially articulated by the Socialist State doctrine, not only became manifest in a distinct festival culture and symbolism. It also plays a central role in post-Socialist cultural and foreign politics. With Bulgaria joining the European Union in 2007, the functionalization and stylization of the Slavic apostles as integrating figures was reinforced. In the course of the political transformation of Slovakia, too, Cyril and Methodius were embedded in the nation building myth. This study shows the Cyril-Methodian tradition as opposed between national patterns of interpretation and a trans-national significance as an essential part of post-Communist remembrance cultures.

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ŚWIADOMOŚĆ NARODOWO-HISTORYCZNA ORAZ KWESTIA TOŻSAMOŚCI SPOŁECZEŃSTWA BIAŁORUSKIEGO

Author(s): Grzegorz Baziur / Language(s): Polish Issue: 32/2020

Artykuł zawiera wyniki badań nad świadomością narodową społeczeństwa Białorusi i jej rolą w samoidentyfikacji narodowej Białorusinów. Ocenę stopnia świadomości narodowej autor przedstawił w kontekście polityki historycznej, a zwłaszcza istotnego dylematu (konieczności wyboru) między Zachodem,reprezentowanym przez Polskę i Litwę, a Wschodem, który jest utożsamiany z Rosją?Odrodzenie narodowe Białorusinów ukazane zostało w związku z fiaskiem polityki rusyfikacyjnej władz, realizowanej w latach 1995-2014 – od referendum w sprawie przywrócenia symboliki z czasów Białoruskiej SRR i równości języka rosyjskiego, do aneksji ukraińskiego Krymu i rozpoczęcia wojny hybrydowej w Donbasie. Wspomniane wydarzenia wpłynęły na zmianę postrzegania Rosji przez władze i patriotycznie świadomą część społeczeństwa. Uważana uprzednio za państwo sojusznicze, Rosja stała się w świadomości Białorusinów mocarstwem perspektywicznie zagrażającym niepodległości Białorusi. Jest to widoczne zwłaszcza w obliczu powtarzających się nacisków Rosji na pogłębienie integracji obu państw.

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From the Great Patriotic War to the Second World War - Decommunisation of Ukraine’s memory politics

Author(s): Serhiy Riabenko,Taras Kuzio / Language(s): English Issue: 04 (42)/2020

Until 2014, all Ukrainian presidents except Viktor Yushchenko participated in the celebration of the Soviet and Russian myth of the Great Patriotic War (GPW). Presidents Leonid Kuchma (1994 – 2004) and Viktor Yanukovych (2010 – 2014) participated in official commemorations in Moscow attended by other former Soviet republics. President Yushchenko (2005 – 2010) did not attend the celebration but neither did he seek to remove the GPW from Ukrainian memory politics. Only during Petro Poroshenko’s presidency (2014 – 2019) was the Soviet triumphalist and militaristic narrative of the GPW (1941 – 1945) replaced by commemoration of Ukraine’s participation in Europe’s victory over Nazism and the human suffering of Ukrainians during the Second World War (1939 – 1945) integrated into an overall European tragedy of the loss of millions of lives.

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A deltiology of memory

Author(s): Kinga Anna Gajda / Language(s): English Issue: 04 (42)/2020

Review of: Kinga Anna Gajda - The Geopolitics of Memory. A Journey to Bosnia. By: James Riding. Publisher: Ibidem Verlag, Stuttgart, Germany, 2019

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The Vow to Testify: On the Gulag and Intertextual Economy of Literature (Karlo Štajner, Varlam Shalamov, Danilo Kiš)

Author(s): Danijela Lugarić Vukas / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2019

Departing from the “aesthetics of unrepresentability” of testimonial literature and implied “belatedness and collapse of witnessing” (G. Agamben, Sh. Felman, D. Laub), the paper engages in the economic foundations of literature through analysis of symbolic meanings of economic metaphors in Štajner’s memoirs Seven Thousand Days in Siberia and Shalamov’s story Lend-Lease, and through illuminating different aspects of intertextual and intercultural exchange between Štajner’s memoirs and Kiš’s “pseudo-factual” fiction A Tomb for Boris Davidovich. What is testimony and can it be – considering the nature of the one who testifies and the language in which he testifies – “valid,” “valuable,” “useful,” to use the language of economy? Can we think about Kiš’s literary appropriation of Štajner’s memoirs as an outlet for reclaiming the voice not only of Štajner, but also of Kiš’s father, who perished in Auschwitz? What are the uses of economic hypothesis in literary studies?

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Staging the Lived Experience and Socialist Everyday Life in Post-Yugoslav Theater

Author(s): Iva Kosmos / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2020

Authoritative models of remembering Yugoslavia tend to exclude experiences of living people while often reproducing the memory trope of “totalitarian legacy.” Several theater performances that appeared in 2010 and 2011 challenged these memory models, as they centered on performers’ personal experiences and recollections as legitimate sources of understanding, imagining, and discussing the past. This article investigates how lived experience is (re)constructed in the theater and whether these performances differ from dominant narratives. Reception analysis of selected performances has shown that public and media appear to find affective memories of socialism more acceptable if told from the position of victims and “authentic” witnesses. Performances widened and diversified the cultural memory of socialism and directed attention to positively evaluated experiences of socialist culture and everyday life, such as multicultural and supranational interactions in Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, the dominant representation of Yugoslav state as totalitarian was not challenged, but rather sidestepped. The focus on popular and everyday culture thus remains the predominant memory model for remembering Yugoslavia in theater, which can be seen as a part of wider processes of gradual reevaluation of socialist life in post-socialist Europe.

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“Down with 1989!”: The Peculiar Right-Wing Backlash against 1968 in Poland

Author(s): David Ost / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2019

Whereas much of the European right greeted the fiftieth anniversary of 1968 with a critique of its legacy, Poland’s ruling Law and Justice party was largely silent, both because 1968 did not usher in a counterculture and because the protests were directed against the communist party. And yet the Law and Justice party detests the legacy of 1968, for three reasons: 1968 was shaped by the left, ’68 activists and their values played a key role in the ensuing opposition, and because the right actually sympathizes with the communists of 1968, then dominated by nationalists. The right thus traditionally attacks the legacy of 1968 by attacking 1989 instead, when ’68ers played a central role and new left progressivism could finally emerge. That began changing early in 2018 when Poland’s parliament passed its Holocaust-speech law banning calumny against the “Polish Nation.” The resulting criticism brought 1968 back with a vengeance, with the right openly inhabiting the role of the national-communists, and beginning to attack Poland’s 1968 directly. Shedding new light on the diverse meanings of 1968 and the relationship of the right to national communism, the piece ends by looking at developments through Bernhard and Kubik’s theory of the politics of memory.

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Transitions Online-Around the Bloc-Thursday, 8 October-2020

Author(s): Ioana Caloianu / Language(s): English Issue: 10/12/2020

Regional headlines: Kazakh charged with embezzling billions; Russian hypersonic missile launch; coronavirus in Ukraine; Kosovo in digital limbo; and a trip behind the Iron Curtain.

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Border Trouble: Ethnopolitics and Cosmopolitan Memory in Recent Polish Cinema

Author(s): Simon Lewis / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2019

The border shifts and population exchanges between Central and East European states agreed at the 1945 Potsdam Conference continue to reverberate in the culture and politics of those countries. Focusing on Poland, this article proposes the term “border trouble” to interpret the politicized split in memory that has run through Polish culture since the end of the Second World War. Border trouble is a form of cultural trauma that transcends binaries of perpetrator/victim and oppressor/oppressed; it is also a tool for analyzing the ways in which spatial imagination, memory, and identity interact in visual and literary narratives. A close analysis of four recent feature films demonstrates the emergence of a visual grammar of cosmopolitan memory and identity in relation to borderland spaces. Wojciech Smarzowski’s Róża (“Rose,” 2011) and Agnieszka Holland’s Pokot (“Spoor,” 2017) are both set in territories that were transferred from Germany to Poland in 1945. Wołyń (“Volhynia,” released internationally as “Hatred,” 2016) and W ciemności (“In Darkness,” 2011), also directed by Smarzowski and Holland respectively, are set in regions that were under Polish administration before the war but were transferred to Soviet Ukraine in 1945. All four productions break new ground in the memorialization of the post-war legacy in Poland. They deconstruct hitherto dominant discourses of simultaneity and ethnic homogeneity, engaging in Poland’s wars of symbols as a third voice: anti-nationalist, but also refusing to essentialize cosmopolitan identity. They show the evolution of border trouble in response to contemporary political and cultural developments.

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Memory in Post-communist Europe: Controversies over Identity, Conflicts, and Nostalgia

Author(s): Małgorzata Głowacka-Grajper / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2018

Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the postcommunist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussions about the constant influence of communism on the current situation. This article presents some of the main trends in research on collective memory in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and reveals similarities and differences in the process of memorialization of communism in the countries of the region. Although there are works devoted to a comparative analysis of memory usage and its various interpretations in the political sphere in the countries of Eastern Europe, there are still many issues concerning daily practices (economic, religious, and cultural) associated with varying interpretations of the war and the communist past which needs further elaboration and analysis.

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Communism Equals or Versus Nazism? Europe’s Unwholesome Legacy in Strasbourg

Author(s): Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2016

The accession of post-communist states into the Council of Europe system enlarged greatly the territory of effective protection of human rights in Europe and at the same time compelled the European Court of Human Rights to address the current effects of past violations of human rights by communist regimes. It gave the Court an opportunity to establish a legal standard of how to deal with matters such as the public presence of communist symbols and insignia, de-registration of neo-Communist parties, and the relevance of past membership in the Communist parties for an exercise of electoral rights in a newly democratized state. This opportunity was at the same time a challenge, and the Court was less than successful in meeting this challenge, despite the fact that it had already established the relevant legal standards when deciding about the cases triggered by the Nazi past. Without making it explicit, and without articulating openly the relevant differences, the Court has not established any equivalence between legal treatments of the aftermath of the two types of criminal regimes in the European recent past. The article discusses three recent cases belonging to these categories and concludes that there is a clear contrast between the Court’s treatment of “post-ommunist” cases and the same Court’s earlier treatment of equivalent “post-Nazi” cases; the article offers some explanations for the discrepancy which reflects a broader dualism in European collective memory of the past.

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