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Forced migration is associated with several challenges. The challenges that refugee women faced in their host countries were numerous. There has been a gender bias in Ethiopian literature on refugees. Refugees are homogenized in the existing studies. The gender differences among refugees have an impact on the challenges of forced migration that they encounter and how they handle them. Moreover, no study has been done on the adaptation challenges faced by Yemeni refugee women in Addis Ababa. This study's main objective was to examine the challenges that Yemeni refugee women faced in Addis Ababa. An interpretative phenomenological analysis was employed to achieve that objective. Thirteen Yemeni refugee women were interviewed using a semi-structured interview guide to understand their experiences. Purposive sampling was used to choose study participants. The data was analyzed using interpretive phenomenological analysis procedures. The study's findings revealed that refugee women encountered several challenges that were detrimental to their well-being, including language difficulties, limited income and job opportunities, unrecognized identity papers and price increases, and housing problems. Furthermore, refugee women faced social isolation and sexual harassment. The study concluded that the challenges that Yemeni refugee women faced in Addis Ababa had an enormous impact on their well-being, which demands immediate intervention.
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Problems are inevitable in the subtleties of organizational communication, but it does not mean confronting them is uncontrollable. This paper aims to offer a conceptual structure for investigating contingency theory in Public Relations (PR) during an organizational crisis. The research investigates PR practitioners’ use of advocacy and accommodation in contingency theory to intervene in crisis communication. It also offers insights into the public’s emotional response and coping mechanisms during a crisis, as well as how understanding these emotions (such as anger, anxiety, fear, and grief, among others) could aid PR professionals in developing more effective crisis communication methods. Method. Empirical research was conducted on the basis of literature reviews by observing and analyzing the existing literature on contingency theory, crisis communication in organizations, and public emotions Results. This conceptual paper proposes and empirically tests a few propositions. The implications for future studies are included in the paper. Findings promote the adopting a dual-continuum strategy that might assist public relations professionals in preferring superior crisis management strategies for obtaining desired organizational outcomes. Conclusion. The authors assert that PR professionals must move from embracing Grunig’s four models of excellence to contingency theory for communicating strategically with the public. The authors propose to adopt a dual-continuum approach that varies from advocacy to accommodation and might provide practical guidance to choose a better stance adopted by the organization towards the public during a crisis. The negative emotions of the public influenced by a crisis along with their emotional coping approaches are also discussed.
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The volume “Concepte si metode in cercetarea imaginarului. Invitații Phantasma” [Concepts and methods in the research of the imaginary. Phantasma Invitations] (Polirom 2021), coordinated by Corin Braga, complements the one published in 2007, „Concepte si metode in cercetarea imaginarului. Dezbaterile Phantasma” [Concepts and Methods in the Research of the Imaginary. The Phantasma Debates] (Braga coord., 2007) and continues two thematic areas structured in time, the culturalartistic and social-political research of the imaginary. The present volume maintains the typical of the first meetings, real intellectual experiences in which Phantasma members participated in exciting and “enlightening” debates, which sought to overcome theoretical benchmarks and live the intellectual experience through an original approach to the supporting texts, all to confirm the validity academic research in the field.
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Brazil is the largest producer of sugarcane in the world, the expansion of the sugar–energy sector has been redesigning the agrarian space in the regions of its cultivation, changing the relations of production, replacing crops, concentrating lands and modifying labor relations.
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In this research, we present a first empirical reflection on ‘smart social justice’, its measurement and possible ‘drivers’ and ‘bottlenecks’. The very idea of ‘smart development’ was first proposed by Meadows and has not been really followed up to now in social science ever since. We first provide data on how much ecological footprint is used in the nations of the world system to ‘deliver’ a given amount of democracy, economic growth, gender equality, human development, research and development, and social cohesion. To this end, we first developed UNDP-type performance indicators from current standard international comparative, cross-national social science data on these six main dimensions of development and on the combined performance on the six dimensions (‘human development index plus’). We then show the non-linear standard OLS regression trade-offs between ecological footprints per capita and their square on these six components of development and the overall super-UNDP development performance index, derived from them. The residuals from these regressions are our new measures of smart development: a country experiences smart development, if it achieves a maximum of development with a minimum of ecological footprint. We then look at the cross-national drivers and bottlenecks of this smart social justice and development, using standard cross-sectional data, which operationalize standard economic, sociological and political science knowledge in international development accounting. Finally, we take up income inequality which has been very prominent in recent global public health debate due to its very detrimental effect on life quality.
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During the 1990s, many sub-Sahara African states started the process of regime change so as to join what was referred to as the third wave of democratization. Almost three decades after, apart from South Africa, very few if not none of them have consolidated democracy
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The article is an attempt for general reflection on the sources of place in the contemporary social structure and of access to power. Do both categories result primarily from individual choices and predispositions, or are they related to kinship relationships, which seem to have long since expired? The importance of the latter is indirectly indicated by Pierre Bourdieu’s research, especially his concept of habitus. Bourdieu sees the main source of habitus in the category of cultural capital and the psychology of depth (the level of the unconscious), without going into their biological and genetic basis. According to Bourdieu, habitus is related to the class position, hence the term class habitus, a „common denominator” unifying the practices of members of the same class or faction. This mechanism leads to the reproduction of classes and thus of the entire social structure [Matuchniak-Krasuska 2015, s.93]Contrary to Bourdieu’s theory, sociologists Ulrich Beck and Anthonny Giddens [Giddens 2001] argue that in the late modernity, the place in the social structure no longer depends on the ancestry as much as it once did. They argue that the individualization of responsibility and scope of opportunities, regardless of place of birth in the social structure, has gone so far that one can make groundbreaking choices, having an opportunity for a promotion or, in general, for a change from the starting point, which is considered to be a place on the social ladder at birth and the first years of life. Ulrich Beck in „Risk Society” [Beck 2002] claims that the main burden of promotion is not on the origin, but on the individual characteristics and individual choices (homo eligens). Zygmunt Bauman also came to similar conclusionswhen he wrote about „liquid modernity” [Bauman 2006] and „liquid life” [Bauman 2007]. However, these theories are not fully confirmed by empirical research showing the still existing tightness and control of various categories of power and high places in the social structure. After analyzing some studies on the subject, it seems that kinship remains a key factor in accessing them.
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Based on the review and analysis of scientific and trade unionliterature, as well as the comparison of various primary and secondary researchdata at the level of descriptive statistics, this paper aims at answering some of thequestions that arise in relation to the attitudes of young people in Croatia towardstrade unions: the various reasons for young people’s non-membership or reducedmembership in trade unions, the increase in young people’s distrust of trade unions,and the question of how familiar young people in Croatia are with collective labourrights and, in general, with the work and activities of trade unions in Croatia.The theoretical and empirical findings, presented and analysed, as well as theconclusions of this paper, could contribute to a better understanding of the attitudesof young people in Croatia towards trade unions, and could have an applicationvalue in the design of labour rights education programmes in the framework ofcivic education, as well as in the implementation of various activities to attract newmembers among trade unions themselves in the Republic of Croatia.
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This paper discusses the Trieste Philharmonic Orchestra’s tour in Serbia in the spring of 1946 and its political connotations. A sketch of the orchestra’s foundation in the context of the concurrent political efforts to solve the Trieste question is then followed by a detailed outline of the journey itself, presented from the two points of view. First, the perspective of the Yugoslav authorities is illustrated and then an insight into musician’s everyday life during the tour is given.
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This study explores the collaboration between the soprano Maja Strozzi-Pečić and the composer Petar Konjović. It sheds light on the relations between the star and the musical work, as well as the notions of gender and genre, reinstating the performer to the centre of the historical stage within the epoch and the genre of music not usually associated with stardom. It examines the star as both the product and the producer, and as an embodiment of a national identity, highlighting the star’s agency in the creation of her own persona and the co-authoring of the works that she performed.
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This paper aims to offer epistemic justification of democracy in addition to standard, purely procedural justification. First, we present a cognitive model of collective decision making and point out its advantages in comparison to standard statistical models. The logic underlying the improvement of group, or in our case democratic decision-making is based on a diversity of perspectives, information and arguments. Relying on the assumption of cognitive diversity, we argue that given the complexity of the political issues, majority rule has advantages over the rule of the minority. Second, we draw on the empiricallz demonstrated success of the collective decision-making and the conditions under which it occurs. We argue that a precondition for good political decision is a political system and institutions that will encourage the existence of cognitive diversity of those participating in the democratic process of decision-making.
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This paper has four parts.1 In the first, I discuss criteria for determining whether outcomes of individual and social choice are relevant. I examine the criteria listed in Arrow’s theorem and how they pertain to Arrow’s conclusion that there are no rational outcomes of social choice. In the second part, I discuss values that democratic institutions ought to embody. I try to show that the procedural system of voting does not always embody such values. I then examine differences between procedural and deliberative democracy, the latter being proposed as a potential resolution for the problem of irrationality of social choice. As empirical research shows, however, the level of deliberation is still fairly low. Because the success of deliberative democracy lies in its efficient implementation, in the fourth part of the paper I argue that the best route toward implementing it is not in discussing how deliberative process ought to work, but in developing deliberative education programme.
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This paper approaches the Women’s Strike (2020-2021) from the participants’ perspec- tive. First, the author outlines the political and cultural context, emphasizing the contem- porary debate about abortion in Poland. Then, the analysis of the protests, conducted in line with Butler, Czarnacka, Graff, Korolczuk, and Majewska, is combined with the author’s research outcomes based on the multi-sited participant observation and semi-structured qualitative interviews with participants of the protests. The main argument is that re- evaluating the outcomes of a social movement that did not achieve its goal necessitates expanding the meaning of social change beyond the completion of said goal.
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Since the first annual Eurovision Song Contest in 1956, politics and popularity have intersected to influence the ways in which Eurovision songs have reflected the complex forms of European nationalism. With the Eurovision victory of Marija Šerifović’s “Molitva” at the 52nd Eurovision in Helsinki, the politics of regionalism and nationalism fully enveloped Southeastern Europe, creating the impression that old and new European alignments, from Habsburg nostalgia to an emerging Balkan brotherhood, overwhelmed the criteria that would otherwise mean that the grand prix would go to the best song. Taking Marija Šerifović’s “Molitva” 2007 as a point of departure, this article examines the extremely complex set of networks that intersect at the Eurovision Song Contest and the national rituals and competitions that transform the power and pleasure driving European popular song in the twenty-first century.
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The following work will offer three perspectives or broader contexts within which this important issue of understanding the relationship between dominant ideology and the educational process could be understood and, potentially, open possible directions for changing the entire process along the lines of critical approach elements. The first perspective briefly outlines some key aspects of the intertwining of ideology and the university, using the example of ‘faculties of political or social sciences’ through the socialist, and then contemporary capitalist, or ethnonationalist period. The second part concerns the conceptual analysis of the notion of ‘humanism’ and the duality of the concept of ‘education’ that arises from it, one critical and the other ideological. The third part, only in outlines, attempts to offer some solutions along the lines of John Dewey’s democratic educational theory. Almost no author, such as John Dewey, has deeply considered the importance of education in ‘empowering’ citizenship in its capacities for freely shaping its political community in a participatory-democratic manner.
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The article presents the analysis of structure of blocking, an original research technique based on the voting games theory, but departing from the assumption that all possible coalitions are equally likely. The analysis is focused on the players’ ability to build minimal blocking coalitions, and thus on the structure of blocking for voting game. Blocking coalition is understood as collective veto player, which have the right, under voting rule, to block change of the status quo. The proposed research technique provides an alternative for the application of the power index approach to the voting bodies such as the Council of the European Union. Hence, the aim of this work is to fill methodological gap in the research on the voting systems.
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The article explores Turkey’s ambitions to assume a proactive role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Positioned as a middle power striving to enhance its global standing, Turkey has dedicated itself to striking a delicate balance between Russia and Ukraine in its foreign policy. This is exemplified by Ankara’s engagement in an ambiguous cooperative rivalry with Russia while strengthening its partnership with Ukraine, including military cooperation in the Black Sea Region. Given these circumstances, Turkey sees itself as naturally inclined to act as a facilitator in brokering a ceasefire and bringing about peace between the two conflicting parties. Some successes have already been achieved, with the grain initiative being a primary example thereof.
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Currently, immigration issues occupy an important place in the debate on the future of Europe. One of the central themes of this debate is the issue of security. In spite of the functioning of supranational integration structures, individual states still remain a fundamental factor in shaping migration. In many cases, the issue of immigration is subjected to the process of securitization, framing immigration as a threat. It is the speech act that is important in this respect, being a kind of securitizing tool. Since 2015, one can notice elements indicating that the process of securitization of immigration has been present in Poland, too, which, among other things, is a consequence of the change of the ruling party, the immigration crisis that has taken place in Europe, and the migration situation on Poland’s eastern border. The article presents the factors that influence the process of immigration securitization. Additionally, it includes numerous statements from Polish politicians securitiz- ing the problem of immigrants as well as the results of social surveys on atti- tudes towards immigration. The analysis of the collected material leads to the conclusion that the securitisation of immigration in Poland is not a completed process and that this process concerns a geographically defined group of immigrants.
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This article is a review of basic information on health policies and an introduction to the issue of their design and implementation in the Balkans. The purpose of this article is to discuss the general characteristics of health policies in the Balkans, the challenges and opportunities related to their determination, and implementation in the region and selected countries. The materials used in the preparation of the article are international publications and source documents regulating the issues raised in selected countries as well as studies of the International Health Organization. The methods used in the course of the work were analysis of source documents and data analysis. The work resulted in an article that concisely introduces the reader to the complex issue of health policies in a region still recovering from the armed conflict of the 1990s. The analysis of this issue indicates a deep differentiation of the undertaken activities and financing tools while emphasizing the simi- larity and often commonality of solutions. This is due to the level of develop- ment of individual countries, their economic capabilities, and the degree of advancement in integration processes with the European Union.
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