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After the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's Sokol organisation was legally established in December 1929 and after the gymnastic organisations that refused to join the new Sokol organisation were abolished, a founding session followed, where the statute had to be confirmed and the Sokol organisation brought to life. In the following article we will analyse the formalisation of the new Sokol organisation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.
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In the following discussion the author focuses on the role of Anton Korošec in the railway strike of April 1920, when as a Head of the Slovenian People's Party he was the Minister of Transport in Stojan Protić's government. After the government of the Kingdom of SHS abolished the collective labour agreement for transport workers, in April 1920 transport all over the state was brought to a halt by a railway strike. The workers on strike were joined by the communists, who saw the mobilisation of the workers as a strong political potential. In the years after the establishment of the Kingdom, the communists represented an influential political factor. In November of the same year, after the Constituent Assembly elections, they became the third most powerful party in the country. On 24 April the strike on the streets of Ljubljana transcended any democratic norms. After the police and military intervention, 13 workers died on the Zaloška cesta street. A few days before that, at the assembly of the Slovenian People's Party confidants in Ljubljana, Korošec had cautioned against the danger of the communist movement, while during the strike he refused to communicate with the railway representatives, claiming that the strike was illegal - that is, unannounced.
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After a brief theoretical consideration of the cultural memory and political communication in electoral campaigns, this paper analyses statements of politicians during the 2015 Croatian parliamentary campaign. The main goal of the paper is to establish the manner in which events and happenings from modern Croatian history and the various ‘collective memories' surrounding them were present in the media excerpts analysed. Research of excerpts from the leading Croatian media outlets (daily newspapers, TV stations, web portals) was performed through content analysis. The results show that excerpts including political communication about modern historical themes were present to a significant extent, and that discussions of these topics were most often provoked by the largest political parties, Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). On the level of general conclusion, it can be claimed that the electoral campaign largely became a "site of memory" where further political conflicts surrounding historical issues were generated, while discussions of solutions to numerous social problems were neglected.
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The paper deals with the activities of the Slovene communists in Primorska during the Second World War, where the Communist Party of Slovenia often faced the dilemma of how to reconcile the national interests of its struggle with international ones. The most burning issues for the Slovene communists concerned their relations with the Italian population, the status of Trieste and their cooperation with the Communist Party of Italy in Primorska.
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The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski’s decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called “Kraków School” led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e “talking heads” method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People’s Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox populi. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz’s aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.
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In the following contribution the author analyses the "Slovenian part" of Hungary after the restoration of the constitutional life in the Habsburg Monarchy in the light of democracy and democratisation of society, when nationalism kept increasingly asserting itself in the political life. The author demonstrates that nationalism was far slower to affirm itself among the "Slovenians" on the left bank of the river Mura as among those on the right bank. The link between both banks has existed since the 1860s and was "established" by the Slovenian intellectuals from Carniola and Styria, who were actually only getting to know the people on the other side of Mura. In the time of democratisation, the developments were different in Hungary as in the Austrian part of the Monarchy. If before the turn of the century the Cisleithanian Slovanians acquired certain rights and "transformed" their initial unification policy into a modern plural political party life (in Carniola in the beginning of the 1890s and in Styria after the turn of the century), the "Slovenians" in Hungary have not organised themselves politically until the very dissolution of the double monarchy. Instead they were largely left to the Hungarian national "wave". Only after World War I can we really start talking about the linguistic and cultural unity of the Slovenians from the Prekmurje region with the other Slovenians.
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In the period before the 1990s, in the context of a strong tradition of socialist realism literature, the positive heroes were placed in the center of the literary world; those that were created according to a standard model. They were developed in a linear way and often were incompatible with the internal logic. The tendency to create "social characters" caused the extinction of the particular and loss of curiosity. The characters of these works appear without any dilemmas, without great twists, without spiritual breaks, without vacillation for the life, the world or the human existence. Near the positive character are the others, who worship them or they want to resemble to the heroes; while on the other side, opposite them are the antagonists, the enemies.In Agolli's works, besides these two groups, are those characters that are seen as "weird", “irregulars” or "incorrect". They are not negative characters because they are not "enemies" but they are not even positive characters because do not resemble the standard example at all. This kind is considered as "the other", and actually this is what it is deep inside the unconscious of the author.“The other” is an individual who is perceived by the group as someone who does not belong, as different in an essential way. The group sees themselves as the norm and judges those who do not meet the norm elements. “The other” can have many forms, in the case of Agolli appears as one who is not indoctrinated. He is not interested about politics, but either he is interested in objecting it. His non-inclusion and non-ideology make him different. They reveal an essential feature that differs from others; speak openly and directly and do not have the veil of deceit in front of their eyes and they see the reality as it is, without idealizing it.In some cases at Agolli’s characters, "the other" is ultimately subjected to the group's norm, but also their existence as being different, makes Agolli's works distinct from the others. One form of "the other" can be considered Commander Rrapo in the novel "Commissar Memo" or Mato Gruda in "The Man with the Cannon".There are other cases where Agolli's "the other" it may be someone who shows great passion for life. A way to enjoy life with all the pleasures that it brings, through humor, eating, drinking, dancing, women, as it is Cute Babulja in the novel "The Ark of the Devil". Such a man with great love for life and the pleasures that life brings is not in line with the positive hero “whose character is shaped among the great difficulties". Agolli's literature work is filled with atypical characters, with special features, with individuals in conflict with the society norms, which consists in alienation from the principles of the official frame method.
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The paper titled "The ‚Other‘ in Literary Modernity (Pashku, Kadare, Rrahmani)" examines the problem of the „other“ presence in modern Albanian literature (of the second half of the twentieth century) and aims to give the frameworks of this problem to the authors used as a model and in this literary era.This paper is only an initial, since the problem of the „other" in literature is not only literary, it is also relates to the cultural and the social identity context. So, the basic method of research, is the comparative one, which also verifies the comparative origin of the "other“ in literature.The concept of the „other“, in historical terms, both in psychological and literary terms, takes on a particular character, often dramatic, and conveyed with contradictory views, so our goal is to follow this line of manifestation. Such a problem will undoubtedly be clarified with theoretical arguments.The authors chosen for this case are: Anton Pashku, Ismail Kadare and Zejnullah Rrahmanin, with the works "Tower", "Castles" and "Romani for Kosovo". Selected works are testify to the value of the authors and the ways of presenting the ctagiry of the "other " in modern literature. These authors are representatives of poetic patterns and selected styles of modern Albanian literature, while the problem of the „other“ in literature, in the works of these authors, represents some of the most important variations of his appearance in the Albanin modern literature.Realizing the theme of the „other“ in Albanian literature Pashku, Kadare and Rrahmani make it having primary concern for the Albanian identity and being guided by national motives and patriotism. In this context, the literary concept of the other of these authors, has the meaning of the conqueror, meaning the impersonator of the idea, and therefore, on this look remain foreign forever. The „other one“ in their work is shaped by the fictional world, literary characters, history as time-stamped and as probable evidence, and through literary figuration. But the perception of the other here is distinguished in the thematic plan: in the other side, it is similar to the literary works of Kadare, through historical events (but to one evil only root causes, while the other good can be bad), while to Rrahmani as a personal theme (continuation of the invader). All three of them, as modern authors, are similar to the universality of the subject, so that Albanian issues are treated as human issues and have a wery good histographic and ethnographic knowledge.
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Considering that Gjergj Fishta (1871-1940) is regarded as one of the most prominent writer in Albanian Literature, especially with his epic and satire, the review of the presence and social and literature status of “The Other” in his work is significant not only for his writing but for the whole Albanian literature. The concept of “The Other” in literature has derived from cultural and sociological studies, therefore the study of this concept in literature is also a result of text analysis, in relation with cultural and sociological studies, thus the concept of “The Other” is primarily related to cultural, philosophical, ethical, political and sociological principles. From the prism of the text analysis, several models of “The Other” in Fishta’s texts are identified, however, the source of these models has two common denominators: one, the mentality of a patriarchal and closed society; and two, the moral of a society that has been forced to suffer the status of captivity for a long time.In this article, the models of “The Other” will be defined and argued by the examples from the Fishta’s texts. Based on Fishta’s literary text, conclusions will be provided about the culture of “The Other” in Albanian society of the first half of the 20th century. In this article the experience of English Cultural Studies is used for the concept of “The Other”, especially the studies of Eduard Said, Bozidar Jezernik, Cvetan Todorov, Anthony Giddens, Georg Simmel, etc.
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Death is not only one of the most universal topics, in addition to love, travel, life, beauty, etc., but is also seen as one of the most difficult to deal with, both ethically and psychologically and religiously. The most natural tendency of the last century has been to avoid death as topic, to non-rebound directly, to project it euphemistically into other areas of the individual or collective world.But Kuteli's case is somewhat specific and quite contrary to this trend. Death is so present in Kuteli's narrative prose, that he seems to have explored it with all his techniques and literary means in all of its individual, social, ethical, religious manifestations. We can affirm that he has a special interest in this subject and he's familiar with it."The Death of the Other", however, as a concept explored in his writings, but also in other paraliteratur and nonfictional writings, gives us a complete insight into his ethical, religious, philosophical and literary concepts of death and of life itself."The death of the other," is seen in confrontation and in a comparative way with "my death", in the M. Kuteli's "rrëfenja"-s, but also in other its writings.
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Katarzyna Citkos article is an analysis of Dagmara Drzazga’s film Bez jednego drzewa las lasem zostanie (Without One Tree, a Forest Will Stay a Forest, 2012), an example of a religious and historical documentary. The article describes the film’s depiction of the tragic fate of Jan Macha, a priest who during the Nazi occupation of Poland organized help for victims of German oppression as a co-founder of the Scout organization Konwalia (Lilly). For his work, he was arrested and executed in a prison in Katowice by means of a guillotine that was installed there in 1941. The article also analyses film-making techniques characteristic to documentaries, as well as the specific forms of expression which situate Drzazga’s work in the realm of religious cinema. These documentary techniques include combining photos and archival documentaries, interviews with people who knew Macha, and the opinions of experts, such as historians, clergymen and journalists. Other interesting techniques employed by the director make it possible to describe the film as belonging to religious cinema of the transcendental style, as described by Paul Schrader, which abandons unnecessary suspense in favor of poetic images; focuses on the dynamics and drama of the events rather than an in-depth psychological analysis of characters’ motivations; interweaves first and third person narration, which is carried out by means of both voice over and by people speaking in the film; uses suggestive image editing combined with music which employs the theme of Agnus Dei. All of these features helped Drzazga’s interesting and thought-provoking film win a number of awards at international Catholic film festivals.
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Since the beginning of his career as a Member of Parliament, Lavoslav Gregorec from Styria argued for the idea of "national autonomy" in the National Assembly many times, which was to be achieved by adopting an act implementing Article XIX of the Basic Act of 21 December 1867. He argued for the idea of national autonomy in more detail in his speech in the National Assembly on 3 May 1887 and then also on 17 April 1890. He restated his arguments in the time of the extensive "language discussion" in March and April 1898, encouraged by Thun's government. His ideas became more substantial when he prepared a draft "Language Act for the Protection of National Minorities", which he submitted to the National Assembly on 16 December 1899. His proposal was one of the most interesting attempts at solving the linguistic and national issues in the time of mounting national conflicts in Austria.
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This article analyzes the views of ordinary Ukrainian citizens of their state. To this end, consider the results of sociological surveys of research on public opinion of Ukrainians and public institutions in the context of creating a positive internal image of Ukraine. The conclusion is that efforts to improve the image of Ukraine, will not be productive without a real change in Ukrainian reality.
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The article analyzes constructions of parenthood and childcare in childcare advice—disseminated through books, TV broadcasts, and websites—by popular Ukrainian pediatrician Evgenii Komarovskii. The article consists of three parts. The first part deals with the public, social, and pedagogical discourses of parental (ir)responsibility and (in)competence in Ukraine, as well as conceptions of parental competence in Doctor Komarovskii’s advice as the alternative to this discourse. The second part aims to evaluate the peculiarities of constructions of maternal and paternal roles and childcare in his advice. The author explores Evgenii Komarovskii’s role in the discursive actualization of parenting and childcare as important sociopolitical issues in the third part. The article draws on work in the sociology of parenting, exploring the role of expert knowledge in its construction.
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The process of Bulgaria's EU integration is a multifaceted political, institutional, economic, socio-structural, and psychological process. It is essentially a complex social transformation aimed at establishing particular public structures, standards, consensual attitudes, and strategies, compatible with EU and acceptable to its member countries. This process involves diverse actors who cannot be reduced solely to the efforts of state institutions and above all, of the legislature and the executive. One of the most powerful, though frequently overlooked, channels bringing Bulgaria closer to EU, are political parties. The inclusion of political parties in the domestic political process cannot be reduced exclusively or primarily to the time in which they exercise executive power. In opposition or even outside parliament, political parties can still occasionally exert considerable influence over the conditions in which foreign policy is conceived and implemented. Parties can sometimes be an exceptionally important source for Bulgaria's international image which strongly influences the positions of the country's international partners, and in particular, the EU member states, in terms of Bulgaria's accession to EU. Political parties, along with everything else, have several essential functions immediately related to Bulgaria's integration in EU: • they are very frequently the channels for the introduction of European po-litical standards in Bulgarian politics; • they represent the Bulgarian political palette of strategies and ideas; • they create an additional lobby network among the EU political class in favor of Bulgaria's accession; • they are in position to structure political life in Bulgaria in line with EU standards. That is why the study of the role of political parties in the process of Bulgaria's EU integration is an essential element of the conception of a general idea, and theoretical model, of the process. In theoretical terms, parties are part of the political system and a connecting link between the political, and civil, society. Their role in foreign policy is typically related to positions of power. But the in-ternationalization of party life in the past decade has provided parties with new opportunities for participation in the foreign political process. In Bulgarian political life parties are an important, if not the chief, instrument for assimilation of foreign political experience. Their activity as international actors, their international contacts, the international forums organized by them, are an irreplaceable channel through which public opinion in Bulgaria gets informed about foreign political standards, about the rules and norms of political life in EU countries, for instance. Naturally, the influence of parties on the foreign policy and international image of a given country is a function of its political system and above all, of the role, status, and functions of political parties within it. Since 1989 Bulgaria has developed a "European" type of party system, in which political organizations are institutional structures striving to represent politically significant social interests. Under this model, parties are involved in the domestic political process as representatives of a certain part of public opinion. In the U.S., along with that function, parties are involved in foreign policy mainly through the influence they have in various foundations which sponsor projects and research institutions. In a sense, the American party-system model is based more on the "expert" participation of political parties in the foreign policy making. In Bulgaria there are few elements of expert participation of parties in the foreign political process, though certain "think tanks", related in some form or other to political parties, do exert some influence, largely through developing and presenting before foreign partners alternatives to government policies.
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The current report reviews existing policies for energy sustainability in Bulgaria and the EU, the main achievements and challenges in their implementation, and discusses the central issues to Bulgaria’s sustainable development agenda. The report presents a summary of the transition to sustainable development in Bulgaria, and offers policy recommendations for improving the governance of the Bulgarian green energy sector. Achieving security, sustainability, and competitiveness in the energy sector is a daunting task for a union of twenty-seven states, especially since the issue of securing the supply of energy has traditionally been a national matter. In their drive to reach climate change and energy targets during the past decade, European governments have utilized quick fix solutions like turning to nuclear power or replacing coal with gas, thus burdening future generations with nuclear waste disposal and increasing EU’s energy dependence on Russia. Yet, two major events – the gas crisis of January 2009 and the Fukusima nuclear disaster of March 2011 – have reshaped the thinking and rekindled the debate on the ways of achieving energy security and stability of supply in Europe.
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This publication reviews the policies and institutional mechanisms for countering police corruption in several EU member states. To be effective, anti-corruption efforts should be based on a system of independent and mutually accountable institutions which are sufficiently empowered to implement their objectives. This report emphasises the last two decades of experience in the UK, Belgium and Austria in modernising their anti-corruption policies and institutions. In addition to the institutional and legal framework, concrete measures and methods (risk assessment, integrity tests, etc.) are also examined. The Bulgarian and Romanian experience in countering corruption in law enforcement institutions is also reviewed with an emphasis on some of the main problems and gaps that undermine effective counter measures.
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Corruption and measures to counteract it have been subject to so much research and political attention that it would seem that their every aspect must have been explored. Yet corruption proves bafflingly resilient, always finding new conduits for spreading; squeezed temporarily out of one public sector, it reappears in another. It could only benefit the anticorruption effort, therefore, if novel methods for analysis and prevention were found. It is in response to this need that the current report seeks to build bridges between the evaluation of anticorruption policies and the measurement of corruption. Monitoring Anticorruption Policy Implementation (MACPI) was born of the understanding that innovation in anticorruption is as important as it is in other social and economic fields. MACPI provides the anticorruption community with a precision-guided tool, which gives exhaustive feedback on the enforcement of policies.
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