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After a brief theoretical consideration of the cultural memory and political communication in electoral campaigns, this paper analyses statements of politicians during the 2015 Croatian parliamentary campaign. The main goal of the paper is to establish the manner in which events and happenings from modern Croatian history and the various ‘collective memories' surrounding them were present in the media excerpts analysed. Research of excerpts from the leading Croatian media outlets (daily newspapers, TV stations, web portals) was performed through content analysis. The results show that excerpts including political communication about modern historical themes were present to a significant extent, and that discussions of these topics were most often provoked by the largest political parties, Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). On the level of general conclusion, it can be claimed that the electoral campaign largely became a "site of memory" where further political conflicts surrounding historical issues were generated, while discussions of solutions to numerous social problems were neglected.
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The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski’s decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called “Kraków School” led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e “talking heads” method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People’s Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox populi. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz’s aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.
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Katarzyna Citkos article is an analysis of Dagmara Drzazga’s film Bez jednego drzewa las lasem zostanie (Without One Tree, a Forest Will Stay a Forest, 2012), an example of a religious and historical documentary. The article describes the film’s depiction of the tragic fate of Jan Macha, a priest who during the Nazi occupation of Poland organized help for victims of German oppression as a co-founder of the Scout organization Konwalia (Lilly). For his work, he was arrested and executed in a prison in Katowice by means of a guillotine that was installed there in 1941. The article also analyses film-making techniques characteristic to documentaries, as well as the specific forms of expression which situate Drzazga’s work in the realm of religious cinema. These documentary techniques include combining photos and archival documentaries, interviews with people who knew Macha, and the opinions of experts, such as historians, clergymen and journalists. Other interesting techniques employed by the director make it possible to describe the film as belonging to religious cinema of the transcendental style, as described by Paul Schrader, which abandons unnecessary suspense in favor of poetic images; focuses on the dynamics and drama of the events rather than an in-depth psychological analysis of characters’ motivations; interweaves first and third person narration, which is carried out by means of both voice over and by people speaking in the film; uses suggestive image editing combined with music which employs the theme of Agnus Dei. All of these features helped Drzazga’s interesting and thought-provoking film win a number of awards at international Catholic film festivals.
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This article analyzes the views of ordinary Ukrainian citizens of their state. To this end, consider the results of sociological surveys of research on public opinion of Ukrainians and public institutions in the context of creating a positive internal image of Ukraine. The conclusion is that efforts to improve the image of Ukraine, will not be productive without a real change in Ukrainian reality.
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The article analyzes constructions of parenthood and childcare in childcare advice—disseminated through books, TV broadcasts, and websites—by popular Ukrainian pediatrician Evgenii Komarovskii. The article consists of three parts. The first part deals with the public, social, and pedagogical discourses of parental (ir)responsibility and (in)competence in Ukraine, as well as conceptions of parental competence in Doctor Komarovskii’s advice as the alternative to this discourse. The second part aims to evaluate the peculiarities of constructions of maternal and paternal roles and childcare in his advice. The author explores Evgenii Komarovskii’s role in the discursive actualization of parenting and childcare as important sociopolitical issues in the third part. The article draws on work in the sociology of parenting, exploring the role of expert knowledge in its construction.
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Political parties in a democratic system, are trying to get his/her vote by convincing voters. Parties make political campaign which is a political communication activities to convince voters. Parties use election promises as an important instrument of political campaign in order to be attracted the vote of the electorate. Promises which are made to answer the main problems of the country, the electorate’s expectations and demand’s, function as an effective tool to convince. In this study, it is appeared that how the economic promises which are used in AK Party’s political campaign in 1 November general election affect the election results.
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1920-1950s, national-spiritual ideals of the Azerbaijan literature in the servitude of the judge ideology. This article is dealt from in which condition was national-spiritual ideals of Azerbaijan literature in the servitude of the soviet ideology and problems of Azerbaijani writers lived during this period.
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Between 1950 and 1960, various incidents occurred both in Turkey and in the world. These kinds of events have created a great influence in the country, especially in the written press and publications. These issues could be seen in the local press as well as in the national press. While international issues were being processed in the national press, these issues also took their place in the local press. Ağrı, which is at the farthest point of the country, has not remained indifferent to such matters. In particular, the activities of Turkey on international platforms was included in the local press of Ağrı with various positive and negative criticisms. In addition to the international events, various national issues and events that influenced both the region and the period were also included in the press. Reflections of some national and international events between 1950-1960 on Ağrı press were tried to be studied in the study.
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Energy consumption and the need to continue on a global scale, as in the past and in recent years. Oil and natural gas will continue to be the primary energy source until 2030 despite all the alternatives to meet this need. As a result of this situation, energy resources will continue to be one of the most important determinants of the twenty-first century. In addition, at least a half century, dominance of oil in the field of energy will continue to. Energy experts frequently reported that the “cheap oil” era has ended and price volatility in the oil market will continue to today.The Caucasus and Turkestan (Central Asia) regions including the Turkish Republics maintained its importance throughout history due to various reasons. Today, however, due to the rich energy resources, especially oil and natural gas, they took part in the world’s agenda. In this study, the important actors of the energy wars and reserve status of the energy resources of the Turkish Republics in the Caucasus and Turkestan regions were briefly described. In addition, as well as importance of energy resources for the region and the world’s nations, beginning in the late twentieth century and growing competition over energy resources of the Caspian Sea were discussed today.
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Chinese literary modernization movement, which began in the years 1917-1918, initially attracted only attention of intellectuals and did not spread to the whole country. Throug the outbreak of the May 4th movement, there are important developments and changes in society, education, culture, art, politics and most importantly literature in 1919. With this movement in mind, the youth and intellectuals embraced the western culture with great enthusiasm. The years between 1917 and 1919 in Chinese literary history were highly productive years for the prolific authors. Among these authors Zhu Ziqing, who synthesized the East-West cultures, was the pioneer of Modern Chinese Literature. Zhu Ziqing not only glorifies love for father but also yearns for is childhood in his proses, especially in “Beiying”, which is one of his memorable works. Trough the ages, “Beiying” which can be translated “Ardindan” into Turkish, is a great inspiration source to the young authors.
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The present article examines the connection between Cage’s politics and aesthetics, demonstrating how his formal experiments are informed by his political and social views. In 4’33’’, which is probably the best illustration of Cage’s radical aesthetics, Cage wanted his listeners to appreciate the beauty of accidental noises, which, as he claims elsewhere, “had been discriminated against” (Cage 1961d: 109). His egalitarian stance is also reflected in his views on the function of the listener. He wants to empower his listeners, thus blurring the distinction between the performer and the audience. In 4’33’’ the composer forbidding the performer to impose any sounds on the audience gives the audience the freedom to rediscover the natural music of the world. I am arguing that in his experiments Cage was motivated not by the desire for formal novelty but by the utopian desire to make the world a better place to live. He described his music as “an affirmation of life – not an attempt to bring order out of chaos nor to suggest improvements in creation, but simply a way of waking up to the very life we’re living, which is so excellent once one gets one’s mind and desires out of its way and lets it act of its own accord” (Cage 1961b: 12).
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In this study, socio-economic aspects of Honaz Township in the first quarter of XVIth century, which was an important township of Kutahya City which was a state of Ottoman Empire in its golden age, will be examined in the framework of Anatolian Accounting Register which dates from 1530 and numbered 438. The register mentioned above has all necessary sources such as wealth sources, population movements, ethnic structure, foundations, administrative and military structure, system of the state. The main aim of this work is to eliminate the deficiencies by evaluating all data in the register written in Suleyman The Magnificent’s time and works about Honaz and its income sources, settlement, population, foundations, socio-cultural structure of that period and also provide materials which can be used safely and easily by the historians who search this topic.
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The review of: Ignác Romsics: Bethlen István. Politikai életrajz (István Bethlen. A Political Biography); Budapest: Magyarságkutató Intézet, 1991, 356 pp.
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The labels we attach today to distinguish political regimes have histories. Applying them without understanding these histories is sometimes anachronistic and ethnocentric. I have little new to say about “democracy” and “dictatorship”, so that the discussion of these concepts is just a reminder. “Authoritarianism”, however, is a dubious neologism. I advance two claims: (1) In all regimes the power to command and be obeyed entails some dose of reason-giving, (2) What distinguishes regimes is the form and the extent to which the authority of rulers is monopolised by physical force. I conclude that the concept of “authoritarianism” adds little to the distinction between democracy and dictatorship.
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The review of: Köztársaság az Újvilágban: Az Egyesült Államok születése, 1763-1789 (Republic in the New World: The Birth of the United States, 1763-1789) by Aladár Urbán; Budapest: Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, 1994, 378 pp.
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Citizens’ political participation is a key issue of a democratic political system. The starting point of the paper is political participation of young people in democratic institutions is not merely a question of young people’s interest in politics, but also the result of institutional opportunities and mobilization channels that are available for them. The present article aims to interpret the political participation of Hungarian youth is interpreted more broadly than in former studies. On the one hand it shows how a change of attitudes occurred among Hungarian youth concerning the perception of political participation perception. On the other hand it describes the institutional and social context where participation of Hungarian young people is taking place today
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Over the last fifteen years, the concept of globalization has proved to be one of the most essential topics in political science research. Yet this term hides a plurality of meanings, thus creating ambiguity to some extent. Many authors view globalization in an economic perspective (Cox, 1993: 259-289), as the product of evolution of capitalism subject to its dictates and constraints. Some stress out the decisive influence of technological breakthroughs, and communication and information exchange networks (Frederic, 1992: 74-97) at the emergence of a globalized world. Others, on the other hand, stress the cultural logic which underlines the phenomenon of globalization (Jameson, 1991).
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In an era of generalized communication, democratic societies cannot escape the radical changes that the development of different types of communication claims. Political communication determines new types of political practice and adhesion. As in the case of postmodern communication in general, in political communication, expressions of symbolic communication characteristic for traditional societies are still being used, even if those expressions are presented as contemporary symbolic constructs, as for example the construct of “postmodern tribes”. This text focuses on how these elements are highlighted in the socio-analysis of Vasile Sebastian Dâncu, one of the most renowned experts in the Romanian political culture. The public space, shaped in the past by the intellectual elite, bearer of values and symbolic conscience, is being seized by television stars, by the online communication specialists. This leads to new fragmentations in and coagulation of political space, and to a prevalence of sentimentalities, mythical stories, and mystical experiences at the expense of rationality, civic involvement and ideologies. The new configuration of political groups of interest and the new ways of adhesion typical for “political followers” belonging to the Facebook generation are regarded from a mythic– symbolic mentality which links them to a behavior and a kind of solidarity characterizing tribal groups which are acting on a postmodern political scene.
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