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"COFOLA INTERNATIONAL 2016. Resolution of International Disputes Public Law in the Context of Immigration Crisis

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The conference “COFOLA = Conference for Young Lawyers” is annualy organized by the Masaryk University, Faculty of Law from 2007. The main aim of this conference is to give floor to the doctoral students and young scientists at their early stage of career and enable them to present the results of their scientific activities. Since 2013 COFOLA has been enriched by special part called “COFOLA INTERNATIONAL”. COFOLA INTERNATIONAL focuses primarily on issues of international law and the regulation of cross-border relations and is also oriented to doctoral students and young scientists from foreign countries.

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"Islam" u anti-multikulturnoj retorici političara i antropologa Zapadne Evrope: kongruencija ili koincidencija?

Author(s): Marko Pišev,Miloš Milenković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2013

The recent rhetoric of the "end" or "failure" of multiculturalism in Europe and beyond came as no surprise to anthropologists. Moreover, the statements made by leading politicians of key European economies seem as though they are based on the decades old anthropological critique of the consequences of the failed implementation of multicultural policies in Europe and on the global level. It is as though the messages we have been getting over the course of the last few years – that multicultural policies are contraindicated, that they weaken the contacts between cultures, rob individuals of the right to change and chose their identities and strengthen intra-cultural mediators of power, with patriarchy, violence against women and children, leaving school, religious fundamentalism and even terrorism as main consequences – are being read by politicians from anthropological analyses of abuses of collective "cultural" rights. The paper considers the nature of this similarity between the discourse of politicians and anthropologists with a special emphasis on the status of "Islam" in them, and discusses whether it is congruence or mere coincidence of stances toward minorities, immigrants and cultural differences, as toward the regulations which were tasked with protecting this diversity as a fundamental European value which today, at least at the rhetorical level, seems to be fading.

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"Két otthon között valahol félúton" – Az identitás meghatározása az új migrációban a hollandiai magyarok példáján

Author(s): Szilvia Batyi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2020

Identity is a complex and dynamic concept as it is composed of many subsystems (e.g. sex, culture, language, social network, etc.) and it can change due to internal (age) or external (change of circumstances) influences. Migration can be considered as an emotional event resulting in identity alteration as it resonates with subsystems. This study focuses on the identity patterns and components of Hungarians who have been migrated to the Netherlands at least seven years prior to data collection. The sample of the study is comprised of 20 participants who have been interviewed and asked to fill in the Social Personal Background questionnaire, which serves as the basis of this study. The results show that almost all of the participants are new emigrants who arrived to the Netherlands at the end of the 20th century and that they are not an integral part of any Hungarian organization, unlike the migrants who arrived pre-1970. However, it is important to note that based on the interviews it is clear that the majority of the participants maintain their Hungarian language and culture and chose integration as an accommodation strategy in their new environment. In their transcultural self, they flexibly select the values and habits from both cultures (Hungarian and Dutch).

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"Korak naprijed". Češka manjina između Marseilleskoga atentata (1934.) i Masarykove smrti (1937.)

Author(s): Vlatka Dugački / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 4/2019

This work analyzes key segments of the activity of the Czech minority on Croatian territory from the assassination of King Alexander in 1934 up to the death of the first President of Czechoslovakia, T. G. Masaryk in 1937, two individuals who left an indelible mark on the political, cultural and economical life of the Czech minority community. Although Czechs supported the idea of Yugoslavian unitarianism and centralism from the moment the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was founded, for which they were awarded (in the 1931 Yugoslav Constitution) with the right to establish private (minority) schools and to put members of the Czech and Slovak minorities as substitutes on the government list for the 1931 elections, systematic prolonging in dealing with the issues of nationality for a large number of the members of the Czech minority and general impoverishment of Czech peasants and craftsmen in smaller rural communities due to the effects of the larger economical crisis and corruption of the Yugoslavian government apparatus led to the political stratification of the Czech minority. While the Czech intelligentsia, mostly employed in the government, for its own benefit continued to support state unitarianism and centralism, Czech peasants started to side with the opposing Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS), which offered solutions for their economical problems, and by publicly admitting Czech cultural and national individuality, Maček insured the support from some of the intelligentsia that, through the articles in the Jugoslávští Čechoslováci newspaper, began to openly advocate for dealing with the Croatian issue.

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"MALE" MANJINE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Prerastanje nacionalizma u vladajuću ideologiju neizbežno je zaoštrilo problem manjina. Na etnički izmešanim teritorijama primena načela "jedna nacija jedna država" nije bila moguća bez nasilja nad pripadnicima manjina. Doduše, nasilje nije bilo jednako upereno prema svim manjinama – neke manjine su stavljane u "izlog" i služile su, pre svega, u legitimacijske svrhe režima, dok je protiv drugih mobilisana javnost, a primeri nasilja nad njima tolerisani. Smenom Miloševićevog režima nestalo je straha da će manjine biti ponovo podvrgnute represiji. Budući da su i same u velikoj meri doprinele krahu starog režima, manjine su od nove vlasti očekivale da, u skladu sa deklarisanim ciljevima – integracije zemlje u međunarodnu zajednicu i izgradnje društva gde manjine neće biti tretirane kao javni neprijatelji – stvori novi institucionalni poredak u kome bi na lakši i efikasniji način ostvarivale svoja prava i unapređivale svoje interese. Zakon o zaštiti prava i sloboda nacionalnih manjina, usvojen od strane Savezne skupštine krajem februara 2002. godine, tim zahtevima izlazi ususret, pre svega tako što inovira institucionalni poredak. Najvažnija institucija, Nacionalni saveti, pobudili su veliko interesovanje manjina, jer se preko njih ostvaruje manjinska samouprava u oblastima važnim za očuvanje nacionalnog identiteta manjina – obrazovanju, kulturi, informisanju i službenoj upotrebi jezika. Osim ove, Zakon predviđa stvaranje još dve institucije – Saveznog saveta za nacionalne manjine i Saveznog fonda za nacionalne manjine. Cilj osnivanja prve institucije je očuvanje, unapređenje i zaštira posebnosti manjina i njihovih prava, a druge podsticanje kulturnog, društvenog i opšteg razvoja nacionalnih manjina. Spomenuti zakon je, kao što je poznato, naišao na pohvalne ocene predstavnika međunarodne zajednice, kao i predstavnika manjina koji su učestvovali u njegovoj izradi. No, na račun ovoga zakona izrečene su i vrlo oštre kritike. Interesantno je da u kritikama i razgovorima o spomenutom zakonu nije posebno tematiziran položaj "malih" manjina. Po mišljenju Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji, Zakon o manjinama više odgovara Bošnjacima i Mađarima, nego Česima ili Nemcima, dakle uticajnijim i velikim, nego malobrojnim manjinama, iako bi bilo posve logično da on više izlazi ususret manjinama koje su, upravo zbog malobrojnosti i oskudnih kapaciteta, daleko više podložne asimilaciji od manjina koje imaju snažnu elitu, izgrađenu infrastrukturu, organizacije, medije i političke partije. Uveren da od brojnosti neke manjine ne zavise i njena prava, Helsinški odbor je pažnju posvetio upravo "malim" manjinama, podrazumevajući pri tome Jevreje, Čehe, Ukrajince, Nemce, Aškalije i Makedonce. U Vojvodini, kao izrazito etnički i kulturno heterogenoj sredini, postoje i manjine koje su malobrojnije od spomenutih. Prema rezultatima prošlogodišnjeg popisa, u Vojvodini je, na primer, registrovan 101 pripadnik vlaške zajednice. No, za razliku od Vlaha ili, pak, Bošnjaka (na popisu je 417 građana deklarisalo svoju pripadnost bošnjačkoj zajednici), pripadnici manjina kojima se bavilo ovo istraživanje čine napore da očuvaju svoj identitet. Osim toga, većina pripadnika ovih manjina živi skoncentrisana upravo u Vojvodini, što se za Vlahe ili Bošnjake ne može reći, jer prvi u najvećem broju žive u istočnoj Srbiji, a drugi u Sandžaku. Izuzetak su Makedonci. Više pripadnika ove manjine živi u centralnoj Srbiji, nego u Vojvodini. Makedonci su interesantni zbog još jednog razloga. Oni su (11.785) najbrojnija od svih gore pomenutih manjina. Zapravo, makedonska zajednica u Vojvodini broji više pripadnika nego sve spomenute manjine zajedno (10.498). Njih smo uvrstili zato što je proces asmilacije pripadnika ove zajednice najdalje odmakao. Recimo, kada je reč o ostvarivanju nekih kolektivnih prava, kao što je pravo na informisanje, Makedonci se nalaze u najnezavidnijoj situaciji, jer nemaju čak ni interna glasila kakvi su, na primer, bilteni. Tek u poslednjih nekoliko godina oni čine stanovite napore da očuvaju svoju nacionalnu posebnost. Jedan od ciljeva ovog projekta je bio upravo to da skrene pažnju javnosti na položaj i probleme sa kojima su suočene "male" manjine, da o nekima od tih problema organizuje javnu debatu i, napokon, naznači određena rešenja. U tom pogledu razgovori sa pripadnicima "malih" manjina pokazali su se kao veoma dragoceni u identifikovanju problema, a rasprave na Helsinškom forumu kao značajne i korisne u sugerisanju određenih preporuka i rešenja. Projekat "Male manjine" elaboriran je u vidu Monitoring missions, Helsinškog foruma i tribina.

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"Malenkij robot" a plány o československom národnom štáte

Author(s): Attila Simon / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

This study details how forced labour of Hungarians in the Soviet Union - also referred to as "málenkij robot" meaning "little work" in Russian - affected Hungarians in Slovakia. The author provides a short introduction to the historiography of the subject and outlines the history of abductions, but the study's core rests with the examination of what was the attitude of the Czechoslovak government toward the repatriation of Hungarians abducted from the territory of the then northern Hungary, currently southern Slovakia. The author observes that the Prague government pursued a selective repatriation policy and it made every effort to prelude their return to their homeland. That means the abducted Hungarian population of southern Slovakia became victim of the autocratic Soviet power and, at the same time, of the ambitions to build a Czechoslovak nation state.

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"Romanii ar trebui sa isi spuna deschis parerea despre autonomia asa-zisului tinut secuiesc”

Author(s): Pop Lucreía / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2012

Interviu cu domnul prof. univ. dr. IOAN SABAU POP

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"Vráťme si mesto!" Prejavy nespokojnosti "mestského občana" v politickom diskurze v Prešove 1918 - 1938

Author(s): Veronika Szeghy-Gayer / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 2/2015

The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.

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"We are Gypsies, not Roma!" Ethnic Identity Constructions and Ethnic Stereotypes – an example from a Gypsy Community in Central Romania

Author(s): Elena MARIN / Language(s): English

The author of this paper proposes to open a discussion about the terms 'Gypsy' and 'Roma'. The analysis follows the idea that the terms as they are mostly used today in several fields, have a simplifying and homogenizing tendency. Based on a two-month research in a Gypsy community in the Brasov area the author argues that the use of the terms in everyday life varies greatly and their meaning depends on the person and on the situation. The definitions offered by the interviewees rarely correspond to the use of the terms in political and official discourses. Interviews with Gadje and Gypsies evealed the fact that there is a great complexity behind these terms. The paper demonstrates the role of stereotypes and prejudices in defining ethnicity and the everyday strategies of fighting against these stereotypes are also presented.

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"Želimo biti enakopravni in enakovredni državljani". Gregorčev predlog jezikovnega zakona za zaščito nacionalnih manjšin iz leta 1899

Author(s): Janez Cvirn / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2009

Since the beginning of his career as a Member of Parliament, Lavoslav Gregorec from Styria argued for the idea of "national autonomy" in the National Assembly many times, which was to be achieved by adopting an act implementing Article XIX of the Basic Act of 21 December 1867. He argued for the idea of national autonomy in more detail in his speech in the National Assembly on 3 May 1887 and then also on 17 April 1890. He restated his arguments in the time of the extensive "language discussion" in March and April 1898, encouraged by Thun's government. His ideas became more substantial when he prepared a draft "Language Act for the Protection of National Minorities", which he submitted to the National Assembly on 16 December 1899. His proposal was one of the most interesting attempts at solving the linguistic and national issues in the time of mounting national conflicts in Austria.

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"Немачко удружење Адам Беренц" и ревитализација етничког идентитета Немаца у Апатину

Author(s): Aleksandar Krel / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2010

At the time of the violent interethnic conflict in the former Yugoslavia, ethnic Germans in Serbia became publicly active for the first time after decades of "ethnic mimicry", founding ethnic German societies. It is through these societies that the process of revitalization and (re)construction of their ethnic and cultural identity has been taking place. There are about a dozen such societies active in Vojvodina today, one of them being the Adam Berenz German Society in the town of Apatin. The paper looks at the conceptualization and symbolization, analysis of ethnic strategies and presentation of modalities by means of which the Apatin association seeks to preserve and revive certain specific ethnic and cultural elements of the German ethnic community.

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"Ханска Украйна - Мукатаа Томбасар" (края на XVII-XVIII век)

Author(s): Alexander Sereda / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.

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(In)visible spaces and tactics of transnational engagement: A multi-dimensional approach to the Kurdish diaspora

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(In)visible spaces and tactics of transnational engagement: A multi-dimensional approach to the Kurdish diaspora

Author(s): Bahar Başer,Ann-Catrin Emanuelsson,Mari Toivanen / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015

The Kurdish diaspora has been transnationally active and efficient in terms of raising awareness of the plight of the Kurds in Europe and elsewhere. However, there is a clear need to situate the current analysis of the diaspora in the context of rapidly changing political landscapes that includes both local and global power relations conditioning the diaspora’s transnational participation, political mobilisation and action. This special issue contributes to the abundant stream of research by including articles that touch upon various issues regarding Kurdish diasporic behaviour. We hope this will provide new openings for scholars working on the Kurdish diaspora. We present articles from diverse disciplines in social sciences including sociology, anthropology, and political science. This interdisciplinary approach not only enriches the analysis related to Kurdish diaspora mobilisation, but also highlights new perspectives emerging from this initiative.

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(Ne) budi ovca. O etničkoj diskriminaciji u BiH

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

(Ne) budi ovca: o etničkoj diskriminaciji predstavlja izabrane analize objavljene na web portalu koalicije Jednakost (www.jednakost.ba), u okviru koje organizacije koje su njen dio imaju za cilj ukidanje etničke diskriminacije konstitutivnih naroda i Ostalih na cijelom prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Formalna i faktička diskriminacija u ostvarivanju ličnih i političkih prava, a dalje i kulturnih, ekonomskih i socijalnih, utječe na samorealizaciju i samostalnost svih individua koje žive na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Sloboda i jednakost, bez obzira da li se one ostvaruju individalno ili kroz kolektiv, neotuđiva su ljudska prava i ne trebaju biti ovisna od drugog kolektiva ili pojedinaca_ki. U prvom dijelu brošure predstavljene su analize pozicije Ostalih u dijelovima pravnog i političkog sistema Bosne i Hercegovine, dok je drugi dio fokusiran na široke posljedice etničke diskriminacije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Tekstovi naglašavaju potrebu uvođenja principa jednakosti kako za konstitutivne narode, tako i za pripadnike_ice koji_e se ne izjašnjavaju kao konstitutivni narodi, odnosno pripadaju grupi Ostalih; moguće modele njihove reprezentacije u političkom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine; oblastima u kojima i dalje na normativnom nivou postoji etnička diskriminacija, te model Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine kao potencijalno dobrog modela političke participacije i uključivanja svih segmenata društva u proces odlučivanja. Drugi dio brošure fokusiran je na primjere etničke diskriminacije na pojedinim nivoima vlasti; potrebi suočavanja sa prošlošću kao osnovi za gradnju povjerenja; etničkim podjelama u obrazovanju i njihovim posljedicama na etničke manjine; diskriminaciji u medijima, ekonomiji, kao i drugim oblastima života. Analize, iako obrađuju kompleksne pravne i društvene probleme Bosne i Hercegovine, razumljive su i osobama kojima pitanje etničke diskriminacije Ostalih i nije oblast posebnog interesovanja, ali je njen cilj da na jedan inovativan i provokativan način aktualizira sveprisutnu etničku diskriminaciju u Bosni i Hercegovini.

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(NE)NAMJERNA NEOBAVIJEŠTENOST O NEKIM NEUTEMELJENIM ETNIČKIM RAZVRSTAVANJIMA STANOVNIŠTVA STAROG BARA U NOVIJOJ ISTOGRAFSKOJ I ETNOGRAFSKOJ PUBLIKACIJI

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(NE)NAMJERNA NEOBAVIJEŠTENOST O NEKIM NEUTEMELJENIM ETNIČKIM RAZVRSTAVANJIMA STANOVNIŠTVA STAROG BARA U NOVIJOJ ISTOGRAFSKOJ I ETNOGRAFSKOJ PUBLIKACIJI

Author(s): Suljo Mustafić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 37-38/2007

Stari Bar, sve do početka 20. stoljeća, jedino urbano gradsko jezgro na ovom području, kroz svoju burnu i bogatu prošlost mijenjao je i svoju etničku strukturu. Teško je danas pouzdano utvrditi ko su bili njegovi prastanovnici, o kojima se tek ponešto saznaje na osnovu arheoloških nalaza i iskopina; malo se zna o tome ko su bili njegovi prvi graditelji, a ko rušitelji ili osvajači. Sigurno je da je dominantno ilirsko i romansko stanovništvo preplavljeno slovenskim osvajanjima, te da je u simbiozi tih skupina nastajao i prvi grad, kakvih ga, makar u razvalinama, danas zatičemo. Kasnije je to je bio jedan od centara prve slovenske države Duklje. Vladala je njime i Vizantija i Raška, pa kroz veoma dug period i Mletačka republika. Više od tri stoljeća Barom dominira Osmanska imeprija, da bi se od 1878. godine našao u granicama Crne Gore.

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(Un)doing Polishness: Negotiation of Ethnic Belonging in Personal Narratives about Karta Polaka

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(Un)doing Polishness: Negotiation of Ethnic Belonging in Personal Narratives about Karta Polaka

Author(s): Olga Sasunkevich / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2021

The article is based on a qualitative study of how Polishness is constructed in personal narratives about Karta Polaka (the Polish Card, Polish Charter). The interviews with possessors of the Polish Card, a document issued by the Polish state to the citizens of the former USSR identifying themselves as Poles, was conducted in 2015 in the city of Hrodna in western Belarus. The article uses the example of Karta Polaka to show how people who apply for the Polish Card perceive, negotiate, and reconstruct the idea of Polishness that this document implies. The author suggests that the demand for Karta Polaka among citizens of Belarus cannot be explained by ethnic opportunism entirely. Pragmatic and symbolic reasoning to apply for the document often overlap. Moreover, as the author argues, Karta Polaka evokes the process of negotiating ethnic belonging among participants of the study. The article departs from the theoretical standpoint that ethnic belonging is neither merely a matter of individual choice nor a passive absorption of ethnic discourses produced by states, laws, or ethnic entrepreneurs. Combining the premises of performative and dialogical approaches to identity construction, the author shows empirically which discourses influence people’s sense of ethnic belonging and how these discourses are negotiated in their personal stories.

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(Не)видљиви мигранти: миграције назарена у Северну Америку током комунизма у Југославији

Author(s): Aleksandra Đurić-Milovanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2017

The migration of religious minorities from the region of Southeast Europe to North America was not in the focus of ethno-anthropological, sociological and historiographical research until recently. In the last two decades, the main focus in migration studies was on labor and economic migration, and only indirectly to the religious identity of migrants. This paper discusses the migration of one neo-Protestant religious minority – the Nazarenes, who emigrated massively from Yugoslavia to North America after the Second World War. The Nazarenes were pacifists, refusing to bear arms, take an oath, or to be members of political organizations. By adhering to their strict religious beliefs, the Nazarenes came into conflict with the state authorities. After the Second World War, the communist state considered Nazarenes as disloyal citizens and a threat to the government. From 1949, the Nazarenes were condemned to severe prison sentences in the worst prisons such as Goli оtok. In this period, the illegal emigration of Nazarenes to North America started. The material collected for the purposes of this paper came to be the result of empirical research, conducted in the United States (March-June 2015) with members of the Nazarene community who emigrated from Yugoslavia between 1950 and 1975. Emphasizing the role of religion in the process of migration, as well as the transformation of the community after several decades in their new setting, this paper analyzes the oral history of emigration of the Nazarenes during communism, where emigration is seen as 'survival strategy' for this religious minority.

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(С)поделена природа? Природно наследство и местно развитие в един регион от българо-сръбското пограничие

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(С)поделена природа? Природно наследство и местно развитие в един регион от българо-сръбското пограничие

Author(s): Ivaylo Markov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2017

The article is focused on a border region between Bulgaria and Serbia which is geographically dominated by Ruy Mountain (whose ridge is the boundary between Bulgaria and Serbia) and the valley of Erma river forming two huge defiles along its way in this mountainous region – the Lomnishko defile (in Bulgaria) and the Poganovsko defile (in Serbia). The micro region (from natural and geographical point of view) shared until 1919 several cultural, social and economic characteristics (from an anthropological point of view), thus forming a common historical and geographical entity. The demarcation of the boundary between Bulgaria and Serbia as a result of the Treaty of Neuilly split the region between the two countries. The border regime, which was rigid and impermeable through the whole second half of the 20th century, made the zones on the both sides of the border well guarded, but industrially underdeveloped periphery. With the opening of the border in the period after 1989 and especially with the intensification of the European integration processes the character of the Bulgarian-Serbian border is undergoing changes and is gradually turning into a bridge for diverse trans-border initiatives. A great deal of these initiatives are connected with the well preserved ecology of the region, which is evaluated at present as a treasure by the local authorities and communities who believe it to be an important resource and instrument for the overcoming of the peripheral position of the region.

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...Pâinea noastră cea de toate zilele... (grâul şi pâinea rituală la sârbii mureşeni)

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...Pâinea noastră cea de toate zilele... (grâul şi pâinea rituală la sârbii mureşeni)

Author(s): Iavorca MARCOV IORGOVAN / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 27/2013

Код Срба из Поморишја (Румунија) жито и хлеб прате човека током целог живота, а њихово присуство у најразноврснијим ритуалима, магијским обредима и народним веровањима просто фасцинира.Цео наш живот, заправо, и тече између два хлеба – слатке погаче за новорођенче и погаче, исто слатке, за покој душе…а између њих: погача “поступовница”, која се прекрје на детињој глави, када дете прохода, колач за кућни светац, велики божићни колач, колачићи за коринђаше, “здравље”, “сунце”,”месец”, “волови у јарам”, “гувно” (“авлија”), поскурице за задушнице, младина погача, колач за кума, колач за скоро удату кћер, колачићи за парастос, погача за привеђе (даћу),...Жито, то зрно на чијем је телу исклесан човечији лик (богочовека) – као носиоц жртвене, магијске и апотропејске улоге.У нашој етнологији, хлеб је један од најприсутнијих симбола.Хлеб (колач, погача, зрно) центар свих знаменитих догађаја, хлеб се преплиће са животом и уплиће у живот нашег Банаћанина.Мало је прича тако фантастичних и свеобухватних као што је она о хлебу.Јер, то није само прича о храни насушној, већ и прича о човеку кроз сво ово време.

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1.5-generation immigrant adolescents’ autonomy negotiations in transnational family contexts

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1.5-generation immigrant adolescents’ autonomy negotiations in transnational family contexts

Author(s): Elina Turjanmaa,Anne Alitolppa-Niitamo,Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

This study explored how 1.5-generation immigrant adolescents negotiate their autonomy with their parents in a new cultural context. The studied adolescents are immigrants with African, Middle Eastern, Southern Asian, and EU/FSU background in Finland. The study is built on the ecological framework, which looks at development within the context of social systems. The study combines perspectives of cross-cultural psychology, acculturation research, and developmental psychology to explore autonomy in a transnational developmental context. The data consists of 80 semi-structured interviews with immigrant adolescents aged 13 to 18. Our results suggest that adolescents’ autonomy is negotiated within local family circumstances, while the transnational context becomes particularly crucial in the negotiation categories of peer relations and cultural continuity. Cultural differences in using different negotiation categories are discussed.

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