"COFOLA INTERNATIONAL 2016. Resolution of International Disputes Public Law in the Context of Immigration Crisis

Author(s): Klára Drličková,Anita Garnuszek,Slavomir Halla,Miloslav Kabrhel,Silvie Mahdalová,Ľubica Martináková,Aleksandra Orzeł,Mária Pastorková,Kateřina Remsová,Iva Šimková,Lucie Zavadilová,Ivan Cisár,Tomáš Kozárek,Ivan Puškár,Martin Švec,Pavel Loutocký,Dóra Bogárdi,Gergő Kocsis,Soňa Ondrášiková,Eszter Lilla Seres / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

The conference “COFOLA = Conference for Young Lawyers” is annualy organized by the Masaryk University, Faculty of Law from 2007. The main aim of this conference is to give floor to the doctoral students and young scientists at their early stage of career and enable them to present the results of their scientific activities. Since 2013 COFOLA has been enriched by special part called “COFOLA INTERNATIONAL”. COFOLA INTERNATIONAL focuses primarily on issues of international law and the regulation of cross-border relations and is also oriented to doctoral students and young scientists from foreign countries.

"Islam" u anti-multikulturnoj retorici političara i antropologa Zapadne Evrope: kongruencija ili koincidencija?

Author(s): Marko Pišev,Miloš Milenković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2013

The recent rhetoric of the "end" or "failure" of multiculturalism in Europe and beyond came as no surprise to anthropologists. Moreover, the statements made by leading politicians of key European economies seem as though they are based on the decades old anthropological critique of the consequences of the failed implementation of multicultural policies in Europe and on the global level. It is as though the messages we have been getting over the course of the last few years – that multicultural policies are contraindicated, that they weaken the contacts between cultures, rob individuals of the right to change and chose their identities and strengthen intra-cultural mediators of power, with patriarchy, violence against women and children, leaving school, religious fundamentalism and even terrorism as main consequences – are being read by politicians from anthropological analyses of abuses of collective "cultural" rights. The paper considers the nature of this similarity between the discourse of politicians and anthropologists with a special emphasis on the status of "Islam" in them, and discusses whether it is congruence or mere coincidence of stances toward minorities, immigrants and cultural differences, as toward the regulations which were tasked with protecting this diversity as a fundamental European value which today, at least at the rhetorical level, seems to be fading.

"Korak naprijed". Češka manjina između Marseilleskoga atentata (1934.) i Masarykove smrti (1937.)

Author(s): Vlatka Dugački / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 4/2019

This work analyzes key segments of the activity of the Czech minority on Croatian territory from the assassination of King Alexander in 1934 up to the death of the first President of Czechoslovakia, T. G. Masaryk in 1937, two individuals who left an indelible mark on the political, cultural and economical life of the Czech minority community. Although Czechs supported the idea of Yugoslavian unitarianism and centralism from the moment the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was founded, for which they were awarded (in the 1931 Yugoslav Constitution) with the right to establish private (minority) schools and to put members of the Czech and Slovak minorities as substitutes on the government list for the 1931 elections, systematic prolonging in dealing with the issues of nationality for a large number of the members of the Czech minority and general impoverishment of Czech peasants and craftsmen in smaller rural communities due to the effects of the larger economical crisis and corruption of the Yugoslavian government apparatus led to the political stratification of the Czech minority. While the Czech intelligentsia, mostly employed in the government, for its own benefit continued to support state unitarianism and centralism, Czech peasants started to side with the opposing Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS), which offered solutions for their economical problems, and by publicly admitting Czech cultural and national individuality, Maček insured the support from some of the intelligentsia that, through the articles in the Jugoslávští Čechoslováci newspaper, began to openly advocate for dealing with the Croatian issue.

"MALE" MANJINE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Prerastanje nacionalizma u vladajuću ideologiju neizbežno je zaoštrilo problem manjina. Na etnički izmešanim teritorijama primena načela "jedna nacija jedna država" nije bila moguća bez nasilja nad pripadnicima manjina. Doduše, nasilje nije bilo jednako upereno prema svim manjinama – neke manjine su stavljane u "izlog" i služile su, pre svega, u legitimacijske svrhe režima, dok je protiv drugih mobilisana javnost, a primeri nasilja nad njima tolerisani. Smenom Miloševićevog režima nestalo je straha da će manjine biti ponovo podvrgnute represiji. Budući da su i same u velikoj meri doprinele krahu starog režima, manjine su od nove vlasti očekivale da, u skladu sa deklarisanim ciljevima – integracije zemlje u međunarodnu zajednicu i izgradnje društva gde manjine neće biti tretirane kao javni neprijatelji – stvori novi institucionalni poredak u kome bi na lakši i efikasniji način ostvarivale svoja prava i unapređivale svoje interese. Zakon o zaštiti prava i sloboda nacionalnih manjina, usvojen od strane Savezne skupštine krajem februara 2002. godine, tim zahtevima izlazi ususret, pre svega tako što inovira institucionalni poredak. Najvažnija institucija, Nacionalni saveti, pobudili su veliko interesovanje manjina, jer se preko njih ostvaruje manjinska samouprava u oblastima važnim za očuvanje nacionalnog identiteta manjina – obrazovanju, kulturi, informisanju i službenoj upotrebi jezika. Osim ove, Zakon predviđa stvaranje još dve institucije – Saveznog saveta za nacionalne manjine i Saveznog fonda za nacionalne manjine. Cilj osnivanja prve institucije je očuvanje, unapređenje i zaštira posebnosti manjina i njihovih prava, a druge podsticanje kulturnog, društvenog i opšteg razvoja nacionalnih manjina. Spomenuti zakon je, kao što je poznato, naišao na pohvalne ocene predstavnika međunarodne zajednice, kao i predstavnika manjina koji su učestvovali u njegovoj izradi. No, na račun ovoga zakona izrečene su i vrlo oštre kritike. Interesantno je da u kritikama i razgovorima o spomenutom zakonu nije posebno tematiziran položaj "malih" manjina. Po mišljenju Helsinškog odbora za ljudska prava u Srbiji, Zakon o manjinama više odgovara Bošnjacima i Mađarima, nego Česima ili Nemcima, dakle uticajnijim i velikim, nego malobrojnim manjinama, iako bi bilo posve logično da on više izlazi ususret manjinama koje su, upravo zbog malobrojnosti i oskudnih kapaciteta, daleko više podložne asimilaciji od manjina koje imaju snažnu elitu, izgrađenu infrastrukturu, organizacije, medije i političke partije. Uveren da od brojnosti neke manjine ne zavise i njena prava, Helsinški odbor je pažnju posvetio upravo "malim" manjinama, podrazumevajući pri tome Jevreje, Čehe, Ukrajince, Nemce, Aškalije i Makedonce. U Vojvodini, kao izrazito etnički i kulturno heterogenoj sredini, postoje i manjine koje su malobrojnije od spomenutih. Prema rezultatima prošlogodišnjeg popisa, u Vojvodini je, na primer, registrovan 101 pripadnik vlaške zajednice. No, za razliku od Vlaha ili, pak, Bošnjaka (na popisu je 417 građana deklarisalo svoju pripadnost bošnjačkoj zajednici), pripadnici manjina kojima se bavilo ovo istraživanje čine napore da očuvaju svoj identitet. Osim toga, većina pripadnika ovih manjina živi skoncentrisana upravo u Vojvodini, što se za Vlahe ili Bošnjake ne može reći, jer prvi u najvećem broju žive u istočnoj Srbiji, a drugi u Sandžaku. Izuzetak su Makedonci. Više pripadnika ove manjine živi u centralnoj Srbiji, nego u Vojvodini. Makedonci su interesantni zbog još jednog razloga. Oni su (11.785) najbrojnija od svih gore pomenutih manjina. Zapravo, makedonska zajednica u Vojvodini broji više pripadnika nego sve spomenute manjine zajedno (10.498). Njih smo uvrstili zato što je proces asmilacije pripadnika ove zajednice najdalje odmakao. Recimo, kada je reč o ostvarivanju nekih kolektivnih prava, kao što je pravo na informisanje, Makedonci se nalaze u najnezavidnijoj situaciji, jer nemaju čak ni interna glasila kakvi su, na primer, bilteni. Tek u poslednjih nekoliko godina oni čine stanovite napore da očuvaju svoju nacionalnu posebnost. Jedan od ciljeva ovog projekta je bio upravo to da skrene pažnju javnosti na položaj i probleme sa kojima su suočene "male" manjine, da o nekima od tih problema organizuje javnu debatu i, napokon, naznači određena rešenja. U tom pogledu razgovori sa pripadnicima "malih" manjina pokazali su se kao veoma dragoceni u identifikovanju problema, a rasprave na Helsinškom forumu kao značajne i korisne u sugerisanju određenih preporuka i rešenja. Projekat "Male manjine" elaboriran je u vidu Monitoring missions, Helsinškog foruma i tribina.

"Malenkij robot" a plány o československom národnom štáte

Author(s): Attila Simon / Language(s): Slovak / Publication Year: 0

This study details how forced labour of Hungarians in the Soviet Union - also referred to as "málenkij robot" meaning "little work" in Russian - affected Hungarians in Slovakia. The author provides a short introduction to the historiography of the subject and outlines the history of abductions, but the study's core rests with the examination of what was the attitude of the Czechoslovak government toward the repatriation of Hungarians abducted from the territory of the then northern Hungary, currently southern Slovakia. The author observes that the Prague government pursued a selective repatriation policy and it made every effort to prelude their return to their homeland. That means the abducted Hungarian population of southern Slovakia became victim of the autocratic Soviet power and, at the same time, of the ambitions to build a Czechoslovak nation state.

"Vráťme si mesto!" Prejavy nespokojnosti "mestského občana" v politickom diskurze v Prešove 1918 - 1938

Author(s): Veronika Szeghy-Gayer / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2015

The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.

"Želimo biti enakopravni in enakovredni državljani". Gregorčev predlog jezikovnega zakona za zaščito nacionalnih manjšin iz leta 1899

Author(s): Janez Cvirn / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

Since the beginning of his career as a Member of Parliament, Lavoslav Gregorec from Styria argued for the idea of "national autonomy" in the National Assembly many times, which was to be achieved by adopting an act implementing Article XIX of the Basic Act of 21 December 1867. He argued for the idea of national autonomy in more detail in his speech in the National Assembly on 3 May 1887 and then also on 17 April 1890. He restated his arguments in the time of the extensive "language discussion" in March and April 1898, encouraged by Thun's government. His ideas became more substantial when he prepared a draft "Language Act for the Protection of National Minorities", which he submitted to the National Assembly on 16 December 1899. His proposal was one of the most interesting attempts at solving the linguistic and national issues in the time of mounting national conflicts in Austria.

"Немачко удружење Адам Беренц" и ревитализација етничког идентитета Немаца у Апатину

Author(s): Aleksandar Krel / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2010

At the time of the violent interethnic conflict in the former Yugoslavia, ethnic Germans in Serbia became publicly active for the first time after decades of "ethnic mimicry", founding ethnic German societies. It is through these societies that the process of revitalization and (re)construction of their ethnic and cultural identity has been taking place. There are about a dozen such societies active in Vojvodina today, one of them being the Adam Berenz German Society in the town of Apatin. The paper looks at the conceptualization and symbolization, analysis of ethnic strategies and presentation of modalities by means of which the Apatin association seeks to preserve and revive certain specific ethnic and cultural elements of the German ethnic community.

"Ханска Украйна - Мукатаа Томбасар" (края на XVII-XVIII век)

Author(s): Alexander Sereda / Language(s): English,Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.

#17 Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria

Author(s): Tihomir Bezlov,Martin Dimov,Philip Gounev,Nikoleta Yordanova / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2006

Between June and December 2005 the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research, supported by the Open Society Justice Initiative carried out a study of police stops. The resulting report Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria examines the use of stops by the Bulgarian police, focusing on the practices of disproportionate stops of members of the Roma ethnic minority. The report also highlights issues related to police abuse during stops as well as crime among in Roma communities. The study is part of a Europe-wide initiative aimed to map discriminatory police practices across Europe. In addition to Bulgaria, research was carried out in Spain, Hungary and Russia indicating that there is disproportionate treatment of minorities by the police in all these countries. Police stops are the main point of contact between officers and citizens. Police officers view stops as essential for detecting and preventing crime. Therefore, the appropriate use of this tool is crucial to police efficiency, whereas when used in the wrong way, it could seriously deteriorate the relations between citizens and the police. The findings and the report were launched at a public meeting of the National Crime Prevention Commission on September 19, 2006.

#32 Radicalisation in Bulgaria: Threats and Trends

Author(s): Rositsa Dzhekova,Mila Mancheva,Maria Doichinova,Lyubomira Derelieva,Tihomir Bezlov,Maria Karayotova,Yavor Tomov,Dimitar Markov,Miryana Ilcheva / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The phenomena of radicalisation today develop and change at high speed, with their extreme forms manifested globally. The destructive dimensions of (violent) Islamist or right-wing radicalisation have become dramatically visible in Europe posing serious challenges to European societies at large. This report aims to address a knowledge gap with regard to how and to what extent internationally observed radicalisation processes are manifested in Bulgaria. Four different forms of radicalisation are investigated, including Islamist radicalisation, right-wing and left-wing radicalisation, as well as football hooliganism. The report provides policy makers and the expert community with a systematic overview of the main risks to which the Bulgarian society is exposed, as well as of the main actors and ideas, the repertoire of actions and the groups at risk associated with radicalisation. The report outlines recommendations for improvement of the policy and institutional response with regard to radicalisation by way of monitoring and prevention measures as well as multi agency collaboration and community engagement.

#69 ‘Wrong number?’ The Use and Misuse of Asylum Data in the European Union

Author(s): Minos Mouzourakis / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is a policy area particularly evocative of the ‘politics of numbers’. The European Union has at its disposal a wide array of sources providing detailed information about its member states’ asylum systems’ capacities and pressures. This paper discusses thecontent of asylum data and the evolving interaction between its different sources, ranging from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to the European Commission’s EUROSTAT and DGHOME, the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), FRONTEX, the European Migration Network (EMN) and national databases. However, the way in which such data are often misused, or even omitted,in political debate exerts a strong impact on the soundness of policy decisions in the CEAS.

(GEO)POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF ROMA MINORITIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION. FESEABLE SOLUTION FOR INTEGRATION

Author(s): Ionel Stoica / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2011

The crisis generated by the expulsion of the Romania’s and Bulgaria’s Roma from France has showed that there was no strategy related to Roma issue at the European level, although it is extremely necessary1 . In spite of the numerous and heated debates at the European level on this issue, the European officials are still disagreeing on the concretization and effective implementation of a strategy. This article underlies that the attempts to solve the issue at the national level represent narrow approaches, that seek to gain benefits on short term and do not analyze the potential benefits on long term of the continental approach, in accordance with the endeavors and exigencies stated by the European Union’s officials. Starting from the premise that the integration of the Roma communities exceed – by its geographical extension, but also by the intellectual and financial resources which it claims – the national background, this paper presents a point of view regarding the directions of action to be followed. In the author’s opinion, these directions should encompass two main coordinates: “land binding” of the Roma, respectively, their education in the spirit of the development of better social adaptation/integration. Both coordinates are analyzed and commented in this paper from the perspective of their strong and weak points. At the same time, there are proposed some feasible solutions for integrating Roma communities at the national and European level.

(In)visible spaces and tactics of transnational engagement: A multi-dimensional approach to the Kurdish diaspora

Author(s): Bahar Başer,Ann-Catrin Emanuelsson,Mari Toivanen / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

The Kurdish diaspora has been transnationally active and efficient in terms of raising awareness of the plight of the Kurds in Europe and elsewhere. However, there is a clear need to situate the current analysis of the diaspora in the context of rapidly changing political landscapes that includes both local and global power relations conditioning the diaspora’s transnational participation, political mobilisation and action. This special issue contributes to the abundant stream of research by including articles that touch upon various issues regarding Kurdish diasporic behaviour. We hope this will provide new openings for scholars working on the Kurdish diaspora. We present articles from diverse disciplines in social sciences including sociology, anthropology, and political science. This interdisciplinary approach not only enriches the analysis related to Kurdish diaspora mobilisation, but also highlights new perspectives emerging from this initiative.

(Ne) budi ovca

O etničkoj diskriminaciji u BiH

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

(Ne) budi ovca: o etničkoj diskriminaciji predstavlja izabrane analize objavljene na web portalu koalicije Jednakost (www.jednakost.ba), u okviru koje organizacije koje su njen dio imaju za cilj ukidanje etničke diskriminacije konstitutivnih naroda i Ostalih na cijelom prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Formalna i faktička diskriminacija u ostvarivanju ličnih i političkih prava, a dalje i kulturnih, ekonomskih i socijalnih, utječe na samorealizaciju i samostalnost svih individua koje žive na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Sloboda i jednakost, bez obzira da li se one ostvaruju individalno ili kroz kolektiv, neotuđiva su ljudska prava i ne trebaju biti ovisna od drugog kolektiva ili pojedinaca_ki. U prvom dijelu brošure predstavljene su analize pozicije Ostalih u dijelovima pravnog i političkog sistema Bosne i Hercegovine, dok je drugi dio fokusiran na široke posljedice etničke diskriminacije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Tekstovi naglašavaju potrebu uvođenja principa jednakosti kako za konstitutivne narode, tako i za pripadnike_ice koji_e se ne izjašnjavaju kao konstitutivni narodi, odnosno pripadaju grupi Ostalih; moguće modele njihove reprezentacije u političkom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine; oblastima u kojima i dalje na normativnom nivou postoji etnička diskriminacija, te model Brčko distrikta Bosne i Hercegovine kao potencijalno dobrog modela političke participacije i uključivanja svih segmenata društva u proces odlučivanja. Drugi dio brošure fokusiran je na primjere etničke diskriminacije na pojedinim nivoima vlasti; potrebi suočavanja sa prošlošću kao osnovi za gradnju povjerenja; etničkim podjelama u obrazovanju i njihovim posljedicama na etničke manjine; diskriminaciji u medijima, ekonomiji, kao i drugim oblastima života. Analize, iako obrađuju kompleksne pravne i društvene probleme Bosne i Hercegovine, razumljive su i osobama kojima pitanje etničke diskriminacije Ostalih i nije oblast posebnog interesovanja, ali je njen cilj da na jedan inovativan i provokativan način aktualizira sveprisutnu etničku diskriminaciju u Bosni i Hercegovini.

(Ne)konzistentnost „diferenciranog građanstva“ u Preporukama za promjenu Ustava Federacije BiH

Author(s): Nedim Kulenović / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

U ovom veoma kratkom osvrtu razmotrene su posljedice koje dalja institucionalizacija „diferenciranog građanstva“ ima po prava pripadnika grupe koja se prethodno imenovala kao „Ostali“. Iako nisu provedena dublja teorijska razmatranja samog koncepta „diferenciranog građanstva“, i njegove opravdanosti u bosanskohercegovačkom kontekstu, uočen je značajan stepen nekonzistentnosti u njegovom modeliranju u Preporukama ekspertne grupe. Naime, ovakvo rješenje može rezultirati daljim različitim postupanjem, sada između dvije kategorije „Ostalih“, odnosno pripadnika nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenih, a čije je barem pravno opravdanje veoma upitno. Ako je ovo zaista bila namjera Ekspertne grupe takva vrsta sistematskog isključivanja jedne kategorije građana iz participacije u strukturama vlasti FBiH zahtijevala bi naročitu vrstu opravdanja – kako s aspekta prava, tako i političke teorije – a koja ni u Preporukama, ni u Analizi, nije ponuđena. Ukoliko je, međutim, ovo posljedica omaške u formulisanju preporuka, nužno je pristupiti njihovom temeljitom usklađivanju, od definicije Federacije pa na dalje, s obzirom da se ova „greška“ spominje u više od dvadeset preporuka. Mora se na kraju upozoriti da još uvijek postoji teorijsko neslaganje u pogledu izvršenja balansiranja između etničkog i građanskog elementa u ustavnopravnom uređenju BiH. To je rezultiralo različitim institucionalnim modelima, od onog na nivou države i entiteta, do Brčko Distrikta BiH, odnosno Kantona Sarajevo, koji se karakterišu različitim intenzitetom etniziranja prava, odnosno diferenciranja građanstva. Nužno je biti pažljiv kako se u daljim pokušajima pluralizacije postojećih etnokratskih aranžmana na nivou entiteta ne bi prekludirala mogućnost da se naročito u kantonima – koji će sada postojati kao pojedinačne „laboratorije etničkog upravljanja“ – osigura veći spektar prava pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenim od onoga što je moguće ostvariti na Federalnom i višim nivoima vlasti.

(NE)NAMJERNA NEOBAVIJEŠTENOST O NEKIM NEUTEMELJENIM ETNIČKIM RAZVRSTAVANJIMA STANOVNIŠTVA STAROG BARA U NOVIJOJ ISTOGRAFSKOJ I ETNOGRAFSKOJ PUBLIKACIJI

Author(s): Suljo Mustafić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 37-38/2007

Stari Bar, sve do početka 20. stoljeća, jedino urbano gradsko jezgro na ovom području, kroz svoju burnu i bogatu prošlost mijenjao je i svoju etničku strukturu. Teško je danas pouzdano utvrditi ko su bili njegovi prastanovnici, o kojima se tek ponešto saznaje na osnovu arheoloških nalaza i iskopina; malo se zna o tome ko su bili njegovi prvi graditelji, a ko rušitelji ili osvajači. Sigurno je da je dominantno ilirsko i romansko stanovništvo preplavljeno slovenskim osvajanjima, te da je u simbiozi tih skupina nastajao i prvi grad, kakvih ga, makar u razvalinama, danas zatičemo. Kasnije je to je bio jedan od centara prve slovenske države Duklje. Vladala je njime i Vizantija i Raška, pa kroz veoma dug period i Mletačka republika. Više od tri stoljeća Barom dominira Osmanska imeprija, da bi se od 1878. godine našao u granicama Crne Gore.

(red.) Grażyna Firlit-Fesnak, Justyna Godlewska-Szyrkowa, Cezary Żołędowski: Migracje i migranci w pismach Ludwika Krzywickiego, Floriana Znanieckiego, Józefa Chałasińskiego. Wybór tekstów

Author(s): Anna Karnat / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2018

Review of: Anna Karnat - Migracje i migranci w pismach Ludwika Krzywickiego, Floriana Znanieckiego, Józefa Chałasińskiego. Wybór tekstów, (red.) Grażyna Firlit-Fesnak, Justyna Godlewska-Szyrkowa, Cezary Żołędowski, Oficyna Wydawnicza Aspra, Warszawa 2013, s. 232

(Н)и овде (н)и тамо: Етнички идентитет Срба у Мађарској на крају XX века

Author(s): Mladena Prelić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2008

(Не)видљиви мигранти: миграције назарена у Северну Америку током комунизма у Југославији

Author(s): Aleksandra Đurić Milovanović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2017

The migration of religious minorities from the region of Southeast Europe to North America was not in the focus of ethno-anthropological, sociological and historiographical research until recently. In the last two decades, the main focus in migration studies was on labor and economic migration, and only indirectly to the religious identity of migrants. This paper discusses the migration of one neo-Protestant religious minority – the Nazarenes, who emigrated massively from Yugoslavia to North America after the Second World War. The Nazarenes were pacifists, refusing to bear arms, take an oath, or to be members of political organizations. By adhering to their strict religious beliefs, the Nazarenes came into conflict with the state authorities. After the Second World War, the communist state considered Nazarenes as disloyal citizens and a threat to the government. From 1949, the Nazarenes were condemned to severe prison sentences in the worst prisons such as Goli оtok. In this period, the illegal emigration of Nazarenes to North America started. The material collected for the purposes of this paper came to be the result of empirical research, conducted in the United States (March-June 2015) with members of the Nazarene community who emigrated from Yugoslavia between 1950 and 1975. Emphasizing the role of religion in the process of migration, as well as the transformation of the community after several decades in their new setting, this paper analyzes the oral history of emigration of the Nazarenes during communism, where emigration is seen as 'survival strategy' for this religious minority.