Around the Bloc: European Central Bank Enraged by Police Raid in Slovenia’s Central Bank
ECB President Mario Draghi lodges protest over seizure of sensitive ECB data as part of a pre-criminal investigation.
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ECB President Mario Draghi lodges protest over seizure of sensitive ECB data as part of a pre-criminal investigation.
More...Zwischen alter und neuer Transformation
Grundlage der heutigen polnischen Demokratie und der mit der Transformation verbundenen wirtschaftlichen Veränderungen ist die Erfahrung der Solidarnosc, der großen, aus den Streiks im August 1980 hervorgegangenen Bewegung, die zugleich eine Bürgerbewegung, eine nationale Bewegung und eine Gewerkschaftsbewegung war. Die Solidarnosc, die Polen 1989 die Unabhängigkeit brachte, übernahm nach den Gesprächen am »Runden Tisch« eine ungemein schwierige Rolle.
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Die Frage, ob Polen zum Westen gehört oder nicht, ist nicht leicht zu beantworten. Sie hängt von der Wahrnehmung ab, und Wahrnehmungen ändern sich. Das heutige Polen ist ein interessantes Beispiel, an dem sich die Verwestlichung untersuchen lässt. Als zweitgrößtes Land in der Region hat es den radikalsten Versuch unternommen, das kommunistische System zu verändern (Solidarnosc 1980/81 ), als erstes Land begann es mit dem radikalen Übergang zur Marktwirtschaft, und es gilt als eines der erfolgreichsten Transformationsländer. Die Marktreformen werden fortgesetzt, die Demokratie funktioniert, die Medien sind frei, die Menschenrechte werden eingehalten. Wenn man durchs Land fährt, sind die Straßen voller westlicher Autos, die Tankstellen tragen die Namen bekannter Konzerne, und man sieht viele der sprichwörtlichen McDonald's-Restaurants. In Warschau wird fast jeden Monat ein neuer Büroturm oder Supermarkt eingeweiht. Visa und Mastercard werden überall anerkannt, und selbst in einem Provinzstädtchen fühlt ein Tourist oder Geschäftsmann sich nicht verloren, wie er es vor zwanzig und selbst noch vor zehn Jahren getan hätte.
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In this paper, I examine differentiation, the policy approach implemented by “old” Member States of the European Union that are also members of the eurozone. The aim of the paper is twofold. First, it shows that while pro-integration attitudes are well-developed among the eurozone states, the policy model used (in the long run) comes at the expense of other states such as Poland. Second, it demonstrates that differentiation creates a serious impact both on Poland’s government policies with regard to its future membership in the eurozone and on Polish society, which is becoming less supportive of the changeover from zloty to euro. Thus, it is argued, that there is a strong relationship between the avidity of Poland to fulfil the convergence criteria and the external political conditions of membership in the eurozone.
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The object of my initial analysis are Germany’s relations with the non-European parts of the world and chosen powers which are not Germany’s traditional partners. The selection is based on their level of socio-economic development as well as their sufficient capability connected with the definite will to have an important impact on the dynamic international order, globally and regionally. If we employ the German-language terminology, the object of analysis are relations of Germany with Schwellenländer or Gestaltungsmächte. Having outlined the trends in power distribution, characteristic for the contemporary world economy and politics, I examine the relevant documents and the specific activities within German foreign policy (foreign visits of the chancellor and of foreign ministers from 2005 to 2015). The foreign trade outcomes lead to the opinion that these efforts so far are partially fruitful. Clearly outstanding are the relations, intensively developed in economic and political fields, beween Germany and China.
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W artykule zaprezentowano zmiany granic w Afryce w ostatniej dekadzie XX w. oraz pierwszym piętnastoleciu XXI w., czyli w okresie wielkich transformacji ustrojowych związanych z zanikiem bipolarnego podziału świata i upadkiem systemu komunistycznego. W Afryce okres ten wiązał się z wyzwoleniem się kilkunastu państw spod radzieckiej dominacji politycznej, odrzuceniem systemu socjalistycznego w ekonomice i powrotem do wolnorynkowej gospodarki kapitalistycznej. Zakwestionowano także zasadę nienaruszalności granic państwowych w Afryce. W omawianym okresie następowały liczne zmiany granic politycznych, przeprowadzane zarówno na drodze pokojowej, przy mediacji organizacji międzynarodowych, jak i na drodze zbrojnej; te jednak nadal nie znajdują akceptacji społeczności międzynarodowej i rzadko kończą się powodzeniem w dłuższej perspektywie.The paper presents border changes occurring in Africa in the last decade of the 20th century and the first fifteen years of the 21st century – the period of grand political transformations caused by the disappearance of the bipolar division of the world and the fall of Communism. In Africa, this period was associated with the release of a dozen countries from Soviet domination, the rejection of socialism in economics and the return to free-market capitalism. The principle of the inviolability of African state borders was also questioned. During the period, numerous political border shifts occurred peacefully, with international mediation or by military force, though the latter are still not accepted by the international community and rarely end with long-lasting success.
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The main aim of this paper is to answer the following questions: does the present model of local government, professional associations and self-regulatory business associations fulfil the idea of decentralisation? Does it meet the expectations of the authors of the 1989 system reform? The currently functioning model of administration assumes the execution of administrative tasks by both the centralised governmental administration and a multifarious system of independent bodies and institutions which carry out public tasks vested in them by legislation. Apart from some obligatory units, like the units of local government, there are some other entities which have a significant role in the pub- lic sphere: professional associations and self-regulatory business associations.
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Export Controls are becoming an increasingly important dimension of international relations, however there is still relatively little literature on their usage and implementation. The following article attempts to show the development and problems surrounding export controls in a new area: surveillance technologies. These have recently been integrated into international frameworks for export controls, bringing with them a row of challenges and questions for policy makers. Based on extensive conversations with practitioners and key experts in the field, this paper attempts to sketch out key ideas and solutions in this area as well as important responses that have been developed to (perceived) challenges.
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The Scottish National Party initially pursued a maximum autonomy of Scotland (Home Rule). Since 1943, it has been a nationalist party fighting for the restoration of Scottish statehood. For most of its history, the party has not been a very attractive one for most of the Scottish electorate due to its minority status in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, unrealistic plan for achieving independence, and scepticism towards Scotland’s participation in the process of European integration and its NATO membership. In the last thirty years, the Scottish National Party has been presenting a more pragmatic programme, has become officially pro-European, and has supported Scotland’s NATO membership while its concept of independence has become one close to a confederation. This significant evolution coincided with the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, paving the wayfor the Scottish National Party to electoral victory and organization of a Scottish independence referendum.
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The article refers to the information policy conducting by the European Commission in 2010–2014. In examined period the European Union faced the Eurozone crisis and substantial drop in trust in itself and its institutions. The paper looks for answers a question „in which way the European Commission information policy has coped with these two prob- lems”. In order to find the answer it was reminded the ways the European Commission in its information policy reacted to crisis situations in 1993–2009 and then it was compared to its response to the last crisis. The analysis has encompassed the structure of institutions responsible for the policy execution, the strategic documents, the main information initiatives and cooperation with the member states. In the results it was established that in examined period the European Commission did not present true plan of information activities which would be able to support the process of overcoming the crisis. The process of minimisation of the information activities was also noticed clearly what proves the unbelief in its effectiveness. This is demonstrated also by institutional solutions in the European Commission. The information policy from the priority position was put on the sidelines of the European Union interests.
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In public discourse, the policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin are primarily based on the ideology of „Russkiy mir” (Russian World), which is a prerequisite for the construction of a new Russian empire as a union or a bloc of countries with historical and cultural links to Russia. „Russkiy mir” implies the community of nations and states, but the annexation of the Crimea and the war in Ukraine have undermined this community. Does this mean that the concept of „Russkiy mir” is fading? Definitely not.
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Ukraine’s multi-vector policy in foreign affairs is currently failing. With the right tools and reforms however, balancing between Russia and the EU could be ideal for Ukraine as it continues to form its own national identity.
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The current transformation Egypt is experiencing can be analysed in terms of many different research concepts. They provide a more or less exhaustive picture of the individual processes, determinants and events. Whereas many research concepts focus on the issues related to the Arab Spring, democratisation and the transformations the Middle East is undergoing, much less attention is paid to presenting different factors that pose a threat or impede democratisation in Egypt. The article aims to illustrate and systemise these factors. The following questions – corresponding with the book Democration in the Arab World – are asked: to what extent have the above-mentioned factors occurred in Egypt? Do they pose a threat to Egyptian democracy? Can they contribute to diluting the democratic tendencies in Egypt further in the future?
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The article presents the results of research carried out mainly on Mahatma Gandhi’s written statements which the authors refer to both a historical and socio -political background. It is the first part of the planned two -part study on mutual relations between Mahatma Gandhi’s satyagraha and South Africa, therefore it is focused on the interdependencies between the origin of the idea and the place where it was invented. The authors seek to answer two main questions: 1) whether Gandhi has entered into a dialogue with the native people of South Africa, and 2) whether Gandhi’s idea of non -violent fighting for social rights included the native population of South Africa. The study also presents an outline of the evolution of Gandhi’s attitudes towards Africans and the Coloured People.
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Caste has been in existence for centuries in South Asia, though its forms and contents vary across the region. Caste is a mode of power, a weapon of action and one of the criteria of making people’s collective identity within groups. I argue, in this paper, that caste is a product of complex histories and exists today in multiple forms. There has been a major change from treating caste as a rigid ritual stratum to caste as “identity to negotiate power and resources.” It operates as a symbol of collective identity and a basis for collective bargaining of limited resources and representation in various organizations and administrative institutions. The caste system eroded at the ritual level, but emerged at the political and economic levels in India and Nepal.
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On Sunday, Hungarians will express just how much they fear an influx of refugees.
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This article discusses how Russia treats two foreign region initiatives of EU – Northern Dimension and Black Sea Synergy and how it responds to the EU-Russia bilateral relations. These two initiatives have been chosen because both of them directly border Russia and both concern Kremlin’s foreign policy. The problem arises from the fact that European Union sees its outer policy as a tool for development of cooperation and prosperity, whereas Russia wants to dominate or has a right to influence all the processes which are going on at its borders and Kremlin does not want any other huge player appear at its borders. Consequently, such a situation directly influences the bilateral relations between EU and Russia.
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