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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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Interview with Aureliu Busuioc. The discussion is focused on the "violent and primitive communism" that the citizens of Moldova are experiencing, the political engagement of the Moldavian writers, the works of Aureliu Busuioc and the general literary lansdcape in Moldova.
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Gaza Strip, a small area located in the South East shore of the Mediterranean sea in a unique political territorial entity which fro time to time catch the headline as rockets are sent from it to Israel and Israel retaliating by army force. It is part of the non - independence Palestinian Authority, not recognized as a separated area by no-one, behave independently toward the world. It was created by a series of political agreements, military activities, citizen wars, United Nation resolutions and agreements, more the 10 times during the last 100 years, and its future is still to be seen.
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After the 1st World War, the British government oriented its influence in the Southern Caucasus to sut up a Caucasian wall composed of the three regional countries, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, in order to stop the Bolshevik Russia and to separate the latter from Turkey. Situation changed after the White Army was defeated in the Northern Caucasus, and the three Caucasian states were brought under Soviet control. On the one hand, Turkey considered the Bolshevik Russia as a natural ally against The Western imperialist forces, then invading many parts of Turkey, and on the other hand, made use of the rise of Bolshevism as a cause against the imperialist forces, thus became very strong diplomatically.
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Recent events that we have witnessed in the Arab world are haveing not only global dimension but also an effect upon the world history. Incredible social energy, courage and boldness have been displayed in the Arab societies that has not been seen since the classic era of the Islamic history. In Egypt we have seen a man, a citizen, being set free from within himself, and that freedom is spreading through the Arab world with that same speed with which the sublime strength and the beauty of the poem of Um-l Qulthum had spread through the Arab world. The Arab world is ready for a change, for establishment of some new system of government, kind of new democracy, pluralism and human rights and that does not necessarily have to be of the European type. It should be some kind of ‘democracy in Islamic form’ as was the case of the former Yugoslavia that was said to be ‘socialism in human form’. Western democracy with all its virtues can by no means be literally applied in societies with Muslim majorities. There can be various aspects of discussion about legal and political climate or legal and political climates of various Arab states affected by these proceses or about the institutional elements that stend behind or in some way are carring out or initiating these processes. We can, however,be certain about one thing: demonstrators in the Arab world are not moved neither by the religion nor by any ideology but by the aspiration to have a decent, normal and democratic government. Forum ‘meaning of the events in the Arab world’ was held in bosnjacki institut in Sarajevo on March 28th year 2011.
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This article reconceptualizes analytical tools suitable to theorizing the European migration regime by employing concepts developed by philosophers of biopolitics. By referring to border and migration studies, it diagnoses both the crisis of the traditional conceptualization of the border and the crisis of the post-Westphalian political order in Europe. Identifying the end of bordering practices as a result of the intertwining of sovereignty, territory, and population in the context of a neoliberal regime of capital accumulation, the article proposes to treat borders as productive apparatuses (dispositifs). While they support the desirable flows of people, they block the undesirable forms of circulation. In conclusion, the article argues that the co-existence of borderless spaces within the European Union with the arbitrary mechanisms of mobility control applied to non-EU migrants is impossible to maintain in the long run. Keeping the current status quo will result in the obliteration of the inside/outside division and a rupture in the strong link between borders and territory. In effect, the same apparatuses which aimed to make free mobility possible are becoming its main source of danger.
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The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.
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Vyšehradská skupina, tak ako napokon celá Európska únia, čelila aj v roku 2015 výzvam prichádzajúcim z vonkajšieho prostredia a v menšom meradle tiež takým, ktoré súviseli s jeho vnútorným fungovaním. Napriek pokračujúcemu rusko ukrajinskému konfliktu sa dominantnou témou vo vyšehradskom i európskom (nielen zahraničnopolitickom diskurze) stala migračná a utečenecká kríza. Postoj k nej ovplyvňoval tak vnútornú dynamiku Vyšehradu, ako aj jeho vnímanie v rámci EÚ. Vyšehradské krajiny čelili zhoršenej reputácii v očiach niektorých členských krajín Únie, ktoré kritizovali ich nesolidárny postoj v otázke redistribučných kvót. Prirodzene, značná časť vyšehradskej agendy sa niesla v znamení kontinuity, čo sa týka slovenského aj českého predsedníctva. Významnými oblasťami spolupráce tak boli naďalej napríklad energetika či bezpečnosť a obrana. Spolupráca s krajinami východného susedstva a západného Balkánu tvorili piliere formátu V4 plus, ktorý sa rozšíril o ďalších partnerov. Jedným z významných zadaní pre obe predsedníctva bolo vyvažovať spoluprácu s nevyšehradskými krajinami s vnútornou súdržnosťou V4. Potvrdilo sa, že vyšehradská spolupráca zostáva imúnna voči vnútropolitickému vývoju v jednotlivých krajinách. Hoci májové prezidentské i októbrové parlamentné voľby v Poľsku znamenali diametrálnu zmenu v oblasti poľskej vnútornej politiky, na vzťahoch v rámci V4 sa to neprejavilo.
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In this article the author argues that contemporary political practice supersedes political theory and political philosophy that are still not able to comprehend and articulate its movement. The author argues that what is lacking is not only „the name“ for political subjectivity but understanding of its meaning and possibility of appearance. Contrasting biopolitics – as antipolitics proper – to the political, in the second part the author discusses current theoretical trends of biopolitics (neoliberalism and postmodernity) and traces the conditions necessary to answer it.
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The article is focused on a border region between Bulgaria and Serbia which is geographically dominated by Ruy Mountain (whose ridge is the boundary between Bulgaria and Serbia) and the valley of Erma river forming two huge defiles along its way in this mountainous region – the Lomnishko defile (in Bulgaria) and the Poganovsko defile (in Serbia). The micro region (from natural and geographical point of view) shared until 1919 several cultural, social and economic characteristics (from an anthropological point of view), thus forming a common historical and geographical entity. The demarcation of the boundary between Bulgaria and Serbia as a result of the Treaty of Neuilly split the region between the two countries. The border regime, which was rigid and impermeable through the whole second half of the 20th century, made the zones on the both sides of the border well guarded, but industrially underdeveloped periphery. With the opening of the border in the period after 1989 and especially with the intensification of the European integration processes the character of the Bulgarian-Serbian border is undergoing changes and is gradually turning into a bridge for diverse trans-border initiatives. A great deal of these initiatives are connected with the well preserved ecology of the region, which is evaluated at present as a treasure by the local authorities and communities who believe it to be an important resource and instrument for the overcoming of the peripheral position of the region.
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We can call it "coup d'état" for the removal of the ruling political entity in a country by force by the armed groups. The Republic of Turkey first encountered this situation on 27 May 1960. Later on September 12, 1980, the country, once again exposed to the same situation, faced the 1971 Muharra, the February 28 Post-Modern coup and the April 27 e-muhar, respectively. Similar to the situation in the Republic of Turkey on July 15, 2016, almost everywhere in the country, the people were standing on the streets and avoiding the coup attempt together with the unincorporated people. While these conditions affect the political balances of the country on the one hand, they also cause economic crises, inflation and devaluation on the other side. After all these negativities were overcome, the defense mechanism of the state became active and the coup supporters started to be taken into custody. This situation has not turned into the most important agenda item both in public and nationally and at the same time. During the study, 7 journalists who were broadcasting in Diyarbakır tried to examine the views of the ashlaresi who lived during the raid between July 15 and August 1.
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From the middle of the 19th century onwards, whose territorial integrity left to the Great Powers assurance, the Ottoman Empire remained in between the Russo-British struggle in the Near East. Britain tried to resist the Russian march towards the south by keeping the Ottoman territorial unity. After the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-78, when the Ottomans were defeated and forced to sign the Treaty of St. Stefano, the British being disturbed by the new situation in the Balkans, initiated a congress in Berlin and modified it by the Berlin Treaty. Britain in doing this, did not consider the interests of the Ottoman Empire, but her own. In a similar condition, in 1945 when the USSR demanded a base in the Straits and revision of the Turkish northeastern borders, since it arouse old “Russian fear” in Turkey, they resorted to the US. In this period, having inherited the British Empire’s imperial mission, the Straits were also important for the US. Same as the British, the American would also not allow the Soviet Union crossing the Straits and penetrating to the Mediterranean. But Turkey did not recognize the US strategic vulnerability and by paying unnecessary prices, she got both economic and military aids from the US and bounded her to it. The prices paid for the security against the USSR to US are non-equivalent what Turkey gained from the US both military assistance and economic aid. However, how Britain did not allow the Russians to threaten the Straits in 1878 by herself, so would the US and her allies stop the USSR in the Straits in 1945 by themselves. Because, although the political conditions and states alters, geostrategic position does not change.
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This study aims to analyses socio-political structure of Samsun at the basis of the results of Turkish Local elections since 1973 up to date. Documentary and historical research techniques will be used during the study.
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Gradeći i razvijajući program i organizacijski portfelj za ženska ljudska prava, brzo smo uvidjeli_e nedostatak intenzivnijeg i vidljivog tematizovanja ”ženske” istorije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Iako postoji veliki broj publikacija i nekoliko aktivističkih inicijativa koje obrađuju određene fragmente, pojave, periode ili regije, ne postoji institucionalizirano pamćenje niti se ono podstiče. Akademska zajednica je, nažalost, zakazala kada govorimo o ovoj temi. Istorija žena i njihov doprinos i dalje ostaju na marginama akademskog života.
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Preparation of the Slovak Republic for membership in NATO in 2001 first followed the Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 approved by the Government of the SR on 27th September 2000 and subsequently the Updated Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 (UANP PRENAME 2001) approved by the Government of the SR on 28th March 2001.In the UANP PRENAME 2001 the goals and tasks of preparation of the SR were set on national level and were divided in accordance with the Membership Action Plan - (MAP) into five chapters: 1. Political and economic issues; 2. Defence and military issues; 3. Sources; 4. Security issues; 5. Legal issues. By fulfilment of tasks and goals of the UANP PRENAME 2001 the preparation of the SR to take over the commitments resulting from the expected future membership in the Alliance shifted to a qualitatively higher level. At the same time the structures and mechanisms of the process of preparation of the SR for the NATO membership were improved within the whole PRENAME system and in single participating resorts. Fulfilment of conditions for integration of the SR to the Alliance had a complex nature and concerned many aspects of the society life.
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