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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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Interview with Aureliu Busuioc. The discussion is focused on the "violent and primitive communism" that the citizens of Moldova are experiencing, the political engagement of the Moldavian writers, the works of Aureliu Busuioc and the general literary lansdcape in Moldova.
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Gaza Strip, a small area located in the South East shore of the Mediterranean sea in a unique political territorial entity which fro time to time catch the headline as rockets are sent from it to Israel and Israel retaliating by army force. It is part of the non - independence Palestinian Authority, not recognized as a separated area by no-one, behave independently toward the world. It was created by a series of political agreements, military activities, citizen wars, United Nation resolutions and agreements, more the 10 times during the last 100 years, and its future is still to be seen.
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Using the method of assigning attributes, the image of political parties represented in the Croatian parliament was researched. This research was conducted on a sample of Zagreb University’s students. The image was determined, as was its associations, and positiveness. Through factor analysis four dimensions were found, in which the first and most important is related to the image of democratic activity of the party, while the other three are indicative of political platforms - social, traditional and nation building. The political parties were found to differ significantly according to their position on each dimension.
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After the 1st World War, the British government oriented its influence in the Southern Caucasus to sut up a Caucasian wall composed of the three regional countries, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, in order to stop the Bolshevik Russia and to separate the latter from Turkey. Situation changed after the White Army was defeated in the Northern Caucasus, and the three Caucasian states were brought under Soviet control. On the one hand, Turkey considered the Bolshevik Russia as a natural ally against The Western imperialist forces, then invading many parts of Turkey, and on the other hand, made use of the rise of Bolshevism as a cause against the imperialist forces, thus became very strong diplomatically.
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Recent events that we have witnessed in the Arab world are haveing not only global dimension but also an effect upon the world history. Incredible social energy, courage and boldness have been displayed in the Arab societies that has not been seen since the classic era of the Islamic history. In Egypt we have seen a man, a citizen, being set free from within himself, and that freedom is spreading through the Arab world with that same speed with which the sublime strength and the beauty of the poem of Um-l Qulthum had spread through the Arab world. The Arab world is ready for a change, for establishment of some new system of government, kind of new democracy, pluralism and human rights and that does not necessarily have to be of the European type. It should be some kind of ‘democracy in Islamic form’ as was the case of the former Yugoslavia that was said to be ‘socialism in human form’. Western democracy with all its virtues can by no means be literally applied in societies with Muslim majorities. There can be various aspects of discussion about legal and political climate or legal and political climates of various Arab states affected by these proceses or about the institutional elements that stend behind or in some way are carring out or initiating these processes. We can, however,be certain about one thing: demonstrators in the Arab world are not moved neither by the religion nor by any ideology but by the aspiration to have a decent, normal and democratic government. Forum ‘meaning of the events in the Arab world’ was held in bosnjacki institut in Sarajevo on March 28th year 2011.
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This article reconceptualizes analytical tools suitable to theorizing the European migration regime by employing concepts developed by philosophers of biopolitics. By referring to border and migration studies, it diagnoses both the crisis of the traditional conceptualization of the border and the crisis of the post-Westphalian political order in Europe. Identifying the end of bordering practices as a result of the intertwining of sovereignty, territory, and population in the context of a neoliberal regime of capital accumulation, the article proposes to treat borders as productive apparatuses (dispositifs). While they support the desirable flows of people, they block the undesirable forms of circulation. In conclusion, the article argues that the co-existence of borderless spaces within the European Union with the arbitrary mechanisms of mobility control applied to non-EU migrants is impossible to maintain in the long run. Keeping the current status quo will result in the obliteration of the inside/outside division and a rupture in the strong link between borders and territory. In effect, the same apparatuses which aimed to make free mobility possible are becoming its main source of danger.
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This article analyzes the views of ordinary Ukrainian citizens of their state. To this end, consider the results of sociological surveys of research on public opinion of Ukrainians and public institutions in the context of creating a positive internal image of Ukraine. The conclusion is that efforts to improve the image of Ukraine, will not be productive without a real change in Ukrainian reality.
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Explication of conception "cultural tourism" is given in the article, principles of tourist activity are determined in the context of cultural politic of Ukraine. The analysis of the axiology’s measurings of tourism is given. Tourist activity is characterized in the context of dialog of cultures.
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The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.
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Vyšehradská skupina, tak ako napokon celá Európska únia, čelila aj v roku 2015 výzvam prichádzajúcim z vonkajšieho prostredia a v menšom meradle tiež takým, ktoré súviseli s jeho vnútorným fungovaním. Napriek pokračujúcemu rusko ukrajinskému konfliktu sa dominantnou témou vo vyšehradskom i európskom (nielen zahraničnopolitickom diskurze) stala migračná a utečenecká kríza. Postoj k nej ovplyvňoval tak vnútornú dynamiku Vyšehradu, ako aj jeho vnímanie v rámci EÚ. Vyšehradské krajiny čelili zhoršenej reputácii v očiach niektorých členských krajín Únie, ktoré kritizovali ich nesolidárny postoj v otázke redistribučných kvót. Prirodzene, značná časť vyšehradskej agendy sa niesla v znamení kontinuity, čo sa týka slovenského aj českého predsedníctva. Významnými oblasťami spolupráce tak boli naďalej napríklad energetika či bezpečnosť a obrana. Spolupráca s krajinami východného susedstva a západného Balkánu tvorili piliere formátu V4 plus, ktorý sa rozšíril o ďalších partnerov. Jedným z významných zadaní pre obe predsedníctva bolo vyvažovať spoluprácu s nevyšehradskými krajinami s vnútornou súdržnosťou V4. Potvrdilo sa, že vyšehradská spolupráca zostáva imúnna voči vnútropolitickému vývoju v jednotlivých krajinách. Hoci májové prezidentské i októbrové parlamentné voľby v Poľsku znamenali diametrálnu zmenu v oblasti poľskej vnútornej politiky, na vzťahoch v rámci V4 sa to neprejavilo.
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In this article the author argues that contemporary political practice supersedes political theory and political philosophy that are still not able to comprehend and articulate its movement. The author argues that what is lacking is not only „the name“ for political subjectivity but understanding of its meaning and possibility of appearance. Contrasting biopolitics – as antipolitics proper – to the political, in the second part the author discusses current theoretical trends of biopolitics (neoliberalism and postmodernity) and traces the conditions necessary to answer it.
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The continuing conflict between Russia and Ukraine, together with the increased tension in relations between Russia and the West, have led the Belarusian authorities to attempt to redefine their country’s foreign policy by stressing neutrality towards the two sides in the conflict. As a result, over the last year or so Belarus has clearly adopted a non-committal stance. Minsk is trying to play the part of a neutral mediator in the hope that this will safeguard it in the event of escalation of tensions between Russia and the West, which is seen as the greatest threat to the country’s security at the present time. Thus Minsk is returning to the notion, discussed in the early 1990s, of Belarus striving for neutrality. Officially, the goal of neutrality is still stated in the Belarusian Constitution. However there are serious limitations to the effectiveness of this new strategy, due to Minsk’s close military alliance with Moscow, and therefore Belarus will not be entirely credible on the international stage as a country that wishes to remain neutral.
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The article is focused on a border region between Bulgaria and Serbia which is geographically dominated by Ruy Mountain (whose ridge is the boundary between Bulgaria and Serbia) and the valley of Erma river forming two huge defiles along its way in this mountainous region – the Lomnishko defile (in Bulgaria) and the Poganovsko defile (in Serbia). The micro region (from natural and geographical point of view) shared until 1919 several cultural, social and economic characteristics (from an anthropological point of view), thus forming a common historical and geographical entity. The demarcation of the boundary between Bulgaria and Serbia as a result of the Treaty of Neuilly split the region between the two countries. The border regime, which was rigid and impermeable through the whole second half of the 20th century, made the zones on the both sides of the border well guarded, but industrially underdeveloped periphery. With the opening of the border in the period after 1989 and especially with the intensification of the European integration processes the character of the Bulgarian-Serbian border is undergoing changes and is gradually turning into a bridge for diverse trans-border initiatives. A great deal of these initiatives are connected with the well preserved ecology of the region, which is evaluated at present as a treasure by the local authorities and communities who believe it to be an important resource and instrument for the overcoming of the peripheral position of the region.
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We can call it "coup d'état" for the removal of the ruling political entity in a country by force by the armed groups. The Republic of Turkey first encountered this situation on 27 May 1960. Later on September 12, 1980, the country, once again exposed to the same situation, faced the 1971 Muharra, the February 28 Post-Modern coup and the April 27 e-muhar, respectively. Similar to the situation in the Republic of Turkey on July 15, 2016, almost everywhere in the country, the people were standing on the streets and avoiding the coup attempt together with the unincorporated people. While these conditions affect the political balances of the country on the one hand, they also cause economic crises, inflation and devaluation on the other side. After all these negativities were overcome, the defense mechanism of the state became active and the coup supporters started to be taken into custody. This situation has not turned into the most important agenda item both in public and nationally and at the same time. During the study, 7 journalists who were broadcasting in Diyarbakır tried to examine the views of the ashlaresi who lived during the raid between July 15 and August 1.
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