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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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Interview with Aureliu Busuioc. The discussion is focused on the "violent and primitive communism" that the citizens of Moldova are experiencing, the political engagement of the Moldavian writers, the works of Aureliu Busuioc and the general literary lansdcape in Moldova.
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Gaza Strip, a small area located in the South East shore of the Mediterranean sea in a unique political territorial entity which fro time to time catch the headline as rockets are sent from it to Israel and Israel retaliating by army force. It is part of the non - independence Palestinian Authority, not recognized as a separated area by no-one, behave independently toward the world. It was created by a series of political agreements, military activities, citizen wars, United Nation resolutions and agreements, more the 10 times during the last 100 years, and its future is still to be seen.
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Recent events that we have witnessed in the Arab world are haveing not only global dimension but also an effect upon the world history. Incredible social energy, courage and boldness have been displayed in the Arab societies that has not been seen since the classic era of the Islamic history. In Egypt we have seen a man, a citizen, being set free from within himself, and that freedom is spreading through the Arab world with that same speed with which the sublime strength and the beauty of the poem of Um-l Qulthum had spread through the Arab world. The Arab world is ready for a change, for establishment of some new system of government, kind of new democracy, pluralism and human rights and that does not necessarily have to be of the European type. It should be some kind of ‘democracy in Islamic form’ as was the case of the former Yugoslavia that was said to be ‘socialism in human form’. Western democracy with all its virtues can by no means be literally applied in societies with Muslim majorities. There can be various aspects of discussion about legal and political climate or legal and political climates of various Arab states affected by these proceses or about the institutional elements that stend behind or in some way are carring out or initiating these processes. We can, however,be certain about one thing: demonstrators in the Arab world are not moved neither by the religion nor by any ideology but by the aspiration to have a decent, normal and democratic government. Forum ‘meaning of the events in the Arab world’ was held in bosnjacki institut in Sarajevo on March 28th year 2011.
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This article reconceptualizes analytical tools suitable to theorizing the European migration regime by employing concepts developed by philosophers of biopolitics. By referring to border and migration studies, it diagnoses both the crisis of the traditional conceptualization of the border and the crisis of the post-Westphalian political order in Europe. Identifying the end of bordering practices as a result of the intertwining of sovereignty, territory, and population in the context of a neoliberal regime of capital accumulation, the article proposes to treat borders as productive apparatuses (dispositifs). While they support the desirable flows of people, they block the undesirable forms of circulation. In conclusion, the article argues that the co-existence of borderless spaces within the European Union with the arbitrary mechanisms of mobility control applied to non-EU migrants is impossible to maintain in the long run. Keeping the current status quo will result in the obliteration of the inside/outside division and a rupture in the strong link between borders and territory. In effect, the same apparatuses which aimed to make free mobility possible are becoming its main source of danger.
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The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.
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Vyšehradská skupina, tak ako napokon celá Európska únia, čelila aj v roku 2015 výzvam prichádzajúcim z vonkajšieho prostredia a v menšom meradle tiež takým, ktoré súviseli s jeho vnútorným fungovaním. Napriek pokračujúcemu rusko ukrajinskému konfliktu sa dominantnou témou vo vyšehradskom i európskom (nielen zahraničnopolitickom diskurze) stala migračná a utečenecká kríza. Postoj k nej ovplyvňoval tak vnútornú dynamiku Vyšehradu, ako aj jeho vnímanie v rámci EÚ. Vyšehradské krajiny čelili zhoršenej reputácii v očiach niektorých členských krajín Únie, ktoré kritizovali ich nesolidárny postoj v otázke redistribučných kvót. Prirodzene, značná časť vyšehradskej agendy sa niesla v znamení kontinuity, čo sa týka slovenského aj českého predsedníctva. Významnými oblasťami spolupráce tak boli naďalej napríklad energetika či bezpečnosť a obrana. Spolupráca s krajinami východného susedstva a západného Balkánu tvorili piliere formátu V4 plus, ktorý sa rozšíril o ďalších partnerov. Jedným z významných zadaní pre obe predsedníctva bolo vyvažovať spoluprácu s nevyšehradskými krajinami s vnútornou súdržnosťou V4. Potvrdilo sa, že vyšehradská spolupráca zostáva imúnna voči vnútropolitickému vývoju v jednotlivých krajinách. Hoci májové prezidentské i októbrové parlamentné voľby v Poľsku znamenali diametrálnu zmenu v oblasti poľskej vnútornej politiky, na vzťahoch v rámci V4 sa to neprejavilo.
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In this article the author argues that contemporary political practice supersedes political theory and political philosophy that are still not able to comprehend and articulate its movement. The author argues that what is lacking is not only „the name“ for political subjectivity but understanding of its meaning and possibility of appearance. Contrasting biopolitics – as antipolitics proper – to the political, in the second part the author discusses current theoretical trends of biopolitics (neoliberalism and postmodernity) and traces the conditions necessary to answer it.
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Preparation of the Slovak Republic for membership in NATO in 2001 first followed the Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 approved by the Government of the SR on 27th September 2000 and subsequently the Updated Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 (UANP PRENAME 2001) approved by the Government of the SR on 28th March 2001.In the UANP PRENAME 2001 the goals and tasks of preparation of the SR were set on national level and were divided in accordance with the Membership Action Plan - (MAP) into five chapters: 1. Political and economic issues; 2. Defence and military issues; 3. Sources; 4. Security issues; 5. Legal issues. By fulfilment of tasks and goals of the UANP PRENAME 2001 the preparation of the SR to take over the commitments resulting from the expected future membership in the Alliance shifted to a qualitatively higher level. At the same time the structures and mechanisms of the process of preparation of the SR for the NATO membership were improved within the whole PRENAME system and in single participating resorts. Fulfilment of conditions for integration of the SR to the Alliance had a complex nature and concerned many aspects of the society life.
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Preparation of the Slovak Republic for membership in NATO in 2001 first followed the Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 approved by the Government of the SR on 27th September 2000 and subsequently the Updated Annual National Programme PRENAME 2001 (UANP PRENAME 2001) approved by the Government of the SR on 28th March 2001.In the UANP PRENAME 2001 the goals and tasks of preparation of the SR were set on national level and were divided in accordance with the Membership Action Plan - (MAP) into five chapters: 1. Political and economic issues; 2. Defence and military issues; 3. Sources; 4. Security issues; 5. Legal issues. By fulfilment of tasks and goals of the UANP PRENAME 2001 the preparation of the SR to take over the commitments resulting from the expected future membership in the Alliance shifted to a qualitatively higher level. At the same time the structures and mechanisms of the process of preparation of the SR for the NATO membership were improved within the whole PRENAME system and in single participating resorts. Fulfilment of conditions for integration of the SR to the Alliance had a complex nature and concerned many aspects of the society life.
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At the beginning of the 2010–2014 term of the Government, we considered it inevitable to introduce and bring new quality and new dimension to our foreign policy; a valuebased approach to formulate our clear positions on particular issues.
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Post-independence Kosovo comes complete with a female president, a gender quota in parliament, a memorial devoted to women’s sacrifices during the war and art installations recognising the trauma of wartime rape in the country. Yet, just like Kosovo’s political independence, the status of women is not what it seems.
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The Ukrainian-Russian war has prompted Bratislava, Prague and Budapest to take a new look at their eastern neighbourhood. Cooperation with Ukraine is gaining momentum, although relations with Russia are still the top priority for the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. Diplomatic contacts with Kyiv have been rekindled, and the Visegrad Group has intensified its political support for Ukraine within the EU. The big success in the relationship between the V4 countries and Ukraine has been their booming energy cooperation. However, the pro-Russian gestures made by some leading politicians from the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary remain a challenge for relations between Bratislava, Budapest, Prague and Kyiv. Co-operation between Budapest and Kyiv is further complicated by the dispute over the Hungarian minority in Ukraine. Kyiv's top priority in foreign policy has traditionally been cooperation with wealthier countries, as well as those states seen as the key players in NATO and the EU (especially the US, Germany and France). Kyiv treats the Visegrad Group primarily as a useful forum for lobbying for Ukraine's interests in the EU and NATO. On the other hand, it is less interested in using the V4 as a platform for strengthening regional and bilateral cooperation with the countries of Central Europe.
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Historically speaking, the region of Central Europe has provided an extraordinary plethora of narratives illustrating an inability to create super-national structures – political entities that go beyond national borders or create political unions. This was the failure of the Habsburgs, Hungary, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union – and it is the failure of the European Union today.
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