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The massive anti -regime demonstrations in Arab coun tries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked - the adjective "Arab" superceded "Muslim" in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.
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Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.
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Interview with Aureliu Busuioc. The discussion is focused on the "violent and primitive communism" that the citizens of Moldova are experiencing, the political engagement of the Moldavian writers, the works of Aureliu Busuioc and the general literary lansdcape in Moldova.
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Gaza Strip, a small area located in the South East shore of the Mediterranean sea in a unique political territorial entity which fro time to time catch the headline as rockets are sent from it to Israel and Israel retaliating by army force. It is part of the non - independence Palestinian Authority, not recognized as a separated area by no-one, behave independently toward the world. It was created by a series of political agreements, military activities, citizen wars, United Nation resolutions and agreements, more the 10 times during the last 100 years, and its future is still to be seen.
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Using the method of assigning attributes, the image of political parties represented in the Croatian parliament was researched. This research was conducted on a sample of Zagreb University’s students. The image was determined, as was its associations, and positiveness. Through factor analysis four dimensions were found, in which the first and most important is related to the image of democratic activity of the party, while the other three are indicative of political platforms - social, traditional and nation building. The political parties were found to differ significantly according to their position on each dimension.
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After the 1st World War, the British government oriented its influence in the Southern Caucasus to sut up a Caucasian wall composed of the three regional countries, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, in order to stop the Bolshevik Russia and to separate the latter from Turkey. Situation changed after the White Army was defeated in the Northern Caucasus, and the three Caucasian states were brought under Soviet control. On the one hand, Turkey considered the Bolshevik Russia as a natural ally against The Western imperialist forces, then invading many parts of Turkey, and on the other hand, made use of the rise of Bolshevism as a cause against the imperialist forces, thus became very strong diplomatically.
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Në prag të nënshkrimit të Asociim Stabilizimit me Bashkimin Evropian, në shtypin shqiptar nisën replikat e ashpra midis Ismail Kadaresë dhe Rexhep Qoses, jehona e të ciht vazhdon edhe sot. Prej këtij debati, ku u përshinë gati të gjithë intelektualët dhe opinionbërësit më në zë brenda dhe jashtë kufirit shtetëror (deri te arbëreshët, shih Mandala & Marku, 2006), si edhe prej debateve të tjerë të ngjashëm që janë shfaqur më parë dhe herë pas here në shtypin shqiptar, krijohej përshtypja se çështja e integrimit të Shqipërisë në BE po debatohet seriozisht në publik. Mirëpo nuk është kështu. Si ndodh rëndom në këtë vend, debati Kadare-Qose, si edhe shumë të tjerë para tij, ishte tejet provincial, me gjithë përfshitjen në të të intelektualëve tanë të shquar. E quaj provincial, sepse nuk u fol mbi përfitimet e shoqërisë shqiptare prej procesit të anëtarësimin, detyrimet e Shqipërisë në këtë fazë të re të rrugës së integrimit, mbi ecurinë e reformave, mbi ngadalësimin apo edhe dështimin e tyre të dukshëm në disa drejtime, mbi altemativat e ofiuara për realizimin sa më mirë të objektivave të integrimit etj. E thënë shkurt, nuk ishte një debat politik. Debati u soll në mënyrë të ngushtë rreth pyetjes së çuditshme: a janë apo jo evropianë shqiptarët? Pse ndodhi kjo? Pse mendimi intelektual shqiptar është i paaftë të gjenerojë një debat politik mbi integrimin dhe ta lerë "integrimin" të përdoret vetëm në rrafshin e propagandës elektorale dhe të garës së rëndomtë të partive pohtike për të marrë flamurin e evropianizmit? Pse jem i një vendperiferik duhet të zhvillojmë vetëm debate publikeprovinciale?
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Recent events that we have witnessed in the Arab world are haveing not only global dimension but also an effect upon the world history. Incredible social energy, courage and boldness have been displayed in the Arab societies that has not been seen since the classic era of the Islamic history. In Egypt we have seen a man, a citizen, being set free from within himself, and that freedom is spreading through the Arab world with that same speed with which the sublime strength and the beauty of the poem of Um-l Qulthum had spread through the Arab world. The Arab world is ready for a change, for establishment of some new system of government, kind of new democracy, pluralism and human rights and that does not necessarily have to be of the European type. It should be some kind of ‘democracy in Islamic form’ as was the case of the former Yugoslavia that was said to be ‘socialism in human form’. Western democracy with all its virtues can by no means be literally applied in societies with Muslim majorities. There can be various aspects of discussion about legal and political climate or legal and political climates of various Arab states affected by these proceses or about the institutional elements that stend behind or in some way are carring out or initiating these processes. We can, however,be certain about one thing: demonstrators in the Arab world are not moved neither by the religion nor by any ideology but by the aspiration to have a decent, normal and democratic government. Forum ‘meaning of the events in the Arab world’ was held in bosnjacki institut in Sarajevo on March 28th year 2011.
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This article reconceptualizes analytical tools suitable to theorizing the European migration regime by employing concepts developed by philosophers of biopolitics. By referring to border and migration studies, it diagnoses both the crisis of the traditional conceptualization of the border and the crisis of the post-Westphalian political order in Europe. Identifying the end of bordering practices as a result of the intertwining of sovereignty, territory, and population in the context of a neoliberal regime of capital accumulation, the article proposes to treat borders as productive apparatuses (dispositifs). While they support the desirable flows of people, they block the undesirable forms of circulation. In conclusion, the article argues that the co-existence of borderless spaces within the European Union with the arbitrary mechanisms of mobility control applied to non-EU migrants is impossible to maintain in the long run. Keeping the current status quo will result in the obliteration of the inside/outside division and a rupture in the strong link between borders and territory. In effect, the same apparatuses which aimed to make free mobility possible are becoming its main source of danger.
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This article analyzes the views of ordinary Ukrainian citizens of their state. To this end, consider the results of sociological surveys of research on public opinion of Ukrainians and public institutions in the context of creating a positive internal image of Ukraine. The conclusion is that efforts to improve the image of Ukraine, will not be productive without a real change in Ukrainian reality.
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Explication of conception "cultural tourism" is given in the article, principles of tourist activity are determined in the context of cultural politic of Ukraine. The analysis of the axiology’s measurings of tourism is given. Tourist activity is characterized in the context of dialog of cultures.
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The aim of the paper is to explore the region of Northwest Black Sea lands in the early 17th-18th centuries, in the context of the Ottoman and Crimean administrative and territorial structure; the political preconditions for the formation of Khan Ukraine - special administrative and territorial unit with the Ukrainian-Kazakh population under Crimean governance; the organization of the economical and fiscal district "Muqataa Tombasar" in the framework of Khan Ukraine. It presents the defter (register) of the revenues and expanses in Muqataa Tombasar and localizes the settlements and their population in the Northwest Black Sea region.
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Vyšehradská skupina, tak ako napokon celá Európska únia, čelila aj v roku 2015 výzvam prichádzajúcim z vonkajšieho prostredia a v menšom meradle tiež takým, ktoré súviseli s jeho vnútorným fungovaním. Napriek pokračujúcemu rusko ukrajinskému konfliktu sa dominantnou témou vo vyšehradskom i európskom (nielen zahraničnopolitickom diskurze) stala migračná a utečenecká kríza. Postoj k nej ovplyvňoval tak vnútornú dynamiku Vyšehradu, ako aj jeho vnímanie v rámci EÚ. Vyšehradské krajiny čelili zhoršenej reputácii v očiach niektorých členských krajín Únie, ktoré kritizovali ich nesolidárny postoj v otázke redistribučných kvót. Prirodzene, značná časť vyšehradskej agendy sa niesla v znamení kontinuity, čo sa týka slovenského aj českého predsedníctva. Významnými oblasťami spolupráce tak boli naďalej napríklad energetika či bezpečnosť a obrana. Spolupráca s krajinami východného susedstva a západného Balkánu tvorili piliere formátu V4 plus, ktorý sa rozšíril o ďalších partnerov. Jedným z významných zadaní pre obe predsedníctva bolo vyvažovať spoluprácu s nevyšehradskými krajinami s vnútornou súdržnosťou V4. Potvrdilo sa, že vyšehradská spolupráca zostáva imúnna voči vnútropolitickému vývoju v jednotlivých krajinách. Hoci májové prezidentské i októbrové parlamentné voľby v Poľsku znamenali diametrálnu zmenu v oblasti poľskej vnútornej politiky, na vzťahoch v rámci V4 sa to neprejavilo.
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Formulations such as ‘hybrid war’ that have been used to try and explain Russia’s political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to direct military operations, and it is this kind of ‘political war’ that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.
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Trwający konflikt rosyjsko-ukraiński i wzrost napięcia w stosunkach Rosji z Zachodem skłonił władze białoruskie do podjęcia próby redefinicji polityki zagranicznej w kierunku zaakcentowania neutralności wobec skonfliktowanych stron. W rezultacie w okresie ostatnich kilkunastu miesięcy w retoryce Białorusi zaczęła wyraźnie dominować narracja niezaangażowania. Mińsk usiłuje odgrywać rolę neutralnego mediatora, licząc, że taka strategia będzie zabezpieczeniem przed skutkami eskalacji napięcia między Rosją a Zachodem, co postrzegane jest obecnie jako największe zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa państwa. Tym samym Mińsk powraca do dyskutowanej na początku lat 90. idei dążenia Białorusi do neutralności, która wciąż jest formalnie zapisana w białoruskiej konstytucji. Skuteczność nowej strategii poważnie ograniczona jest jednak pozostawaniem Mińska w ścisłym sojuszu wojskowym z Moskwą. W związku z czym Białoruś jako państwo aspirujące do neutralności nie będzie w stanie uzyskać pełnej wiarygodności na arenie międzynarodowej.
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In theoretical discussions the concept of sovereignty relates exclusively to political communities and denotes the highest, indivisible and inalienable power at their disposal. In discussions in Yugoslavia the expression »economic sovereignty« extends the use of this concept into the economic sphere. Since sovereign power requires someone to sustain it, namely a sovereign, it cannot be depersonalized; the author therefore tries to establish the consequences (for the economic relations between federal units) of the fact that — in the constitutional arrangements of 1974 — sovereignty does not have a real subject to sustain it. Unable to discover a concrete subject of responsibility the author concludes that this is the consequence of deriving the concept of sovereignty from that of nation. A federal system based on relationships between nations can easily turn into an autocratic system. Only two ways of limiting the consequences of the sovereign power of a nation or of a constitutional person are historically known to exist — parliamentary government and a federal system of state government.
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