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The authors comment on revisionism in Croatia during the 1990s, assessing it as a protracted socio-political anomaly. As opposed to western countries, since 1990 the new political government in Croatia has tolerated and encouraged historical revisionism – sometimes even including it in their political programs – by fetishizing the state and the Croatian state-building idea.
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This article analyzes the history of the “Victory Day” (V-Day) commemorative celebrations and compares it to the 1995 Liberation of Sarajevo. By tracing how the narrative of V-Day evolved over the past half century, Dujmović describes how the government used this celebration to mystically connect the past to the present, to manipulate history in the interest of contemporary political ideologies, and to symbolize the beginning of a new society and government. She notes that the purpose of such a celebration was to demonize the previous system and diminish its successes, to establish and strengthen notions of a homogenous community defined in opposition to its enemies, and to lay the foundations for a de-secular value system which can unify society. The celebration reveals, however, that a universal principle of citizenship is in a serious crisis; that community loyalty exists but that individuals are wary of it. Although the community is maturing, it is difficult for individuals to find alternatives to homogenous and isolated identities.
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The past matters in any process of transformation of the society, and sure plays an important role in the processes of transition and consolidation of democracy. It is important not only in the sense of „path dependency“ that I do not want to concentrate on in this paper but mainly as the form of legitimizing the political goals of the elites, as part of the political competition about the future orientation of the country. We can stress two basic aspects of how past is treated that are mostly mutually interconnected. The first one concentrates on the “choice” of the history – on the way how history is reconstructed, preserved and interpreted in the collective memory. The second aspect deals with the question what to do with the “physical relicts” of the past, with the personnel of the “ancient” regime. Both aspects have its impact on the character of future development, integrity of the society, forms of inclusion or exclusion, the understanding of justice, the rule of law, space for political competition, etc.
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In this paper I will try to outline the context of transition opening in the two largest former Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia. The break-up of ideological consensus in socialist Yugoslavia opened the door to creating new ideological concepts, which led to the disintegration of the state. In such circumstances, transition in Croatia and Serbia was opened. More prominent political and social crisis led to a gradual loss of legitimacy of the governing communist Party, which will enable a certain degree of liberalization and abated authoritarian regime. Apart from these internal factors, the important role in transition opening was played by external factors, collapsing socialist bloc and the break-up of the USSR.
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Health care reforms defined as changes in two basic areas: legal (regulatory) and functional have been taking place in Poland within the broader framework of democratisation of the political system and introduction of market mechanisms in the Polish economy. Democratic principles and liberalization of production and trade constituted the new political and economic regimes after 1989 in Poland.
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Globalization is a broad concept and a complex social phenomenon which is very difficult to determine precisely. However, it might be said that it is primarily a process of economic, and then of a general connectivity of various societies and states, by which, historically, a new type of their multifold mutual interconnections and interferences is established. Although it is originally an economic concept (global economy, world market, economic integrations, international relations, etc), globalization should be understood primarily as a direct or indirect influence (not only economic, but also cultural, political and social) of the most powerful world societies on all of the others. Therefore, globalization implies the spreading and interpolation of the same or similar social structures, forms, values and norms into other social areas. That also implies mutual influence and mixture of elements of different cultures. That influence and mixture don’t go one way, (although there is dominance of the developed societies over undeveloped ones).
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The founders of Fidesz seem to have borrowed the lines from the opening sequence of Andrzej Wajda’s 1975 film The Promised Land. The film’s protagonists,three friends who have just finished high school at the dawn of capitalism, symbolically hold hands and declare on a hill towering above the smokestacks of Łódź, notorious for its textile factories: “You have nothing and I have nothing, and we’ve got just enough to set up a factory!”This slogan has guided the activities of the Fidesz founding fathers.The dormitory residents who founded Fidesz and their family members,that is, a circle of friends (the “family”), established a series of companies in 1992 and after a few years vanished with debt owed to the state.
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In its first administration, the Orbán government had already recognized the potential opportunities in the banking sector. Out of the possible ways that the government could have managed the near-bankruptcy of Postabank,one was chosen that promised to provide a financial payout as well as a political one: it dismissed the bank’s managers in the summer of 1998 and made a move for its revenue.
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The present article analyses the factors influencing the development of criminal transitional justice in post-communist Romania. In this study, we shall approach the trials against communist dignitaries, responsible for crimes and abuses committed between 1945 and 1989, other than repressing the demonstrations leading to the fall of Ceausescu regime in December 1989. We find this type of trial particularly significant as far as dealing with the past is concerned, as it tackles the injustices of the communist regime as a whole and not only its traumatic end. We find that, while the events of December 1989 were the object of numerous criminal trials (Mioc 2004, Stan 2008), post-communist justice stood almost still concerning the political crimes and abuses committed during 45 years of dictatorship. Despite protests from civic organizations and victims associations, in Romania, an official state policy regarding decommunization and punishing the political actors involved in repression was never implemented. From 1990 to date, only four indictments of crimes committed by members of the repressive apparatus have been filed, only two of which were finalized by verdicts of condemnation.
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The autonomy of Kosovo and Metohia has been existing within the Republic of Serbia for six decades. The roots of establishing this Region can be found in historical, economical, rational, generally traditional and other characteristics of this region as well as in different political and ideological combinations of political movements but in the first place in the communist party. So ones having been established, this autonomy has had its developing path that has influenced its constitutional and legal transformation.The constitutional and legal state of the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohia has on the other hand shared the destiny of constitutional and legal development of the former Yugoslav Federation and The Republic of Serbia, being a member of this Federation within which was also this autonomy.In particular periods of time when the central power has grown, the role of the Federation units and so also of the Autonomy has weakened.. In ther periods of time being characterized by its decentralization process, the constitutional and legal position of the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohia has strengthened. According to the Constitution of 1974 the autonomy was not only equalized with the federal unit in the frame of which it has existed , but has had a superior position in many authorities. This has caused different tensions which has lead in some periods of time to suspension of these competences up to proclaiming the state of emergency and even the military regime. There have been also armed conflicts and the international community has intervened drastically punishing The Republic of Serbia in the frame of which this Region exists, by military intervention, i.e. bombardment. After that, in 1999 this Region has been put under the jurisdiction of the international forces till the final solution to its status is found. As, due to unwillingness to negotiate of the representatives of the Albanians from Kosovo and Metohia, the attempts to come to a compromising solution have failed. The Albanian party has proclaimed the onesided independence of this Region. Though some countries have recognized Kosovo and Metohia as independent state, its status is still uncertain, as it has not been recognized by the United nations and cannot become a member of other international organizations. On the other hand this onesided secession has not been recognized by The Republic of Serbia which does not agree with the separation of its own territory.
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Die Instrumentalisierung des Titoismus ist die Asymmetrie der verschiedenen Perspektiven und hegemonialen Erinnerungsrahmen Thema. In gewisser Weise ist Tito die Signatur des postjugoslawischen Raums geblieben. Im schon zu Lebzeiten kontroversen Machthaber sieht Author eine „vielschichtige Figur" die aus drei unterschiedlichen Perspektiven betrachtet werden kann: Aus der heute vorherrschenden „Froschperspektive" erscheint Tito als der große, unantastbare, totalitäre Herrscher. Dazu gehören die Nationalisten, die davon überzeugt sind, der Titoismus sei von außen in die Nationalgemeinschaft hineingetragen worden. Die „Vogelperspektive" zeigt hingegen, dass Jugoslawien unter dem autoritären Herrscher Tito einen außerordentlichen Modernisierungs- und Mobilitätsschub erlebte. Die „Flugzeugperspektive" legt eine SichtaufTito als den„letzte Habsburger des Balkans" nahe - wobei Habsburg hier als „Metapher für den Herrscher in einem multinationalen Staat" gilt. Hier werden die Grundmerkmale der postkommunistischen Erinnerungskulturen der postjugoslawischen Staaten rekapituliert Einen differenzierten Blick auf den Titoismus, der dem Balkan fast fünfzig Jahre des Friedens ermöglichte, so lautet das Zwischenfazit, gibt es bisher nicht. Stattdessen dominiert eine einseitig dämonisierende Form der Vergangenheitsbewältigung. Das führte zu einer sehr selektiven Geschichtsauffassung.
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Moto za ovu knjigu preuzeo sam od »Duhovne republike Zicer«, osnovane u klubu Zicer u Novom Sadu još godine 1992. s ciljem da spriječi mobilizaciju za rat koji se vodio u Hrvatskoj. Jugoslavija je tada već bila raskomadana, bile su prekinute komunikacije između novih država, a sve informacije strogo kontrolirane i cenzurirane. Tako sam za tu »republiku«, koja je bila dio širokog antiratnog pokreta u Vojvodini, doznao tek u ljeto 2014. iz tjednika Novosti, koji je prenio dio teksta iz projeka »Living Together« (Živjeti zajedno), financiranog od Europske unije. Naravno, patetična optužba tog mota nije sasvim pravedna, točnije, ne odnosi se na sve ljude. Nasilje, zločini i laži proizveli su kolektivnu paranoju, a nacionalizam je jedan od njenih najstrašnijih oblika. Osim toga čini se kako je u prirodi čovjeka da kao normalna prihvaća pravila uspostavljena u sredini u kojoj živi, iako se ona ponekad mijenjaju nevjerojatnom brzinom. Dra-matičan primjer je njemačka zdravstvena služba koja je već na početku Hitlerove vladavine, /kao normalni dio brige o zdravlju nacije, prihvatila kastraciju svakog tko je bio proglašen psihičkim bolesnikom. Ponašanje mnogih ljudi kod nas, u proteklih četvrt stoljeća, slijedilo je isti obrazac. Ali za one koji se smatraju mislećim dijelom nacije i koji su imali prilike govoriti, gornji moto ima punu vrijednost. Nije zanemariv ni broj onih koji su toga bili svjesni, a nisu šutjeli, iako su bili izloženi raznim pritiscima i šikaniranjima. Istovremeno su vladari novih država počeli kontrolirati sve medije i javne tribine na kojima su postali dobrodošli samo zagovornici nacionalističke mržnje.
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A man can be deprived of his house and land, he can lose money and health and homeland, but something will always remain to provide strength and will for a new start. But take away a man’s dignity and there will appear an emptiness that nothing can assuage, and it will fill him with disappointment and anxiety. Thus he will lose the last foot¬hold from which he has drawn the strength needed to overcome all the trials and tribulations, to stay and survive.
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“It is not easy to predict the future course of events, which will depend to a large extent on the overall political situation in the USSR” is the cautious evaluation of the confidential expert report for the North Atlantic Council in October 1989. In 1988‒1991, the relationship was fundamentally transformed between the Western alliance system led by the United States and the East European socialist bloc dominated by the Soviet Union. The military, political, cultural, and ideological confrontation – with the weakening of Moscow and the collapse of its empire – was replaced during a few months by a new type of cooperation of the parties separated previously by the Iron Curtain. The eight reports from the NATO Archives (formerly classified confidential), published in the present volume for the first time in English, illuminate the East European events of these four eventful years from the perspective of expert advisors of the alliance. How were these dramatic changes in Eastern Europe perceived and interpreted in Brussels?
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For the European Union, the development of closer ties with Tajikistan within the context of the recently launched Strategy for Central Asia represents a significant opportunity. Tajikistan occupies a geographically peripheral position, but it is precisely this location outside the limelight – and therefore less subject to the pressures of geopolitics and the strugglefor energy resources that shapes much of the politics of the rest of the region – that could allow the EU to foster new forms of cooperation with the local authorities. Policies should be devised that aim at strengthening the Tajik state’s capacities and stability, there by significantly assisting reform and development in the country.
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This edited volume seeks to address the current issues of trade unions, trade unionism and labour, of its present and of its future. It is divided into three parts: I. Workers’ dilemma - the crisis of the trade union; II. Trade unions and workers: case studies of BiH, Croatia and Serbia and III. Trade unions in the social teachings of the Catholic Church. The book offers sociological, historical, philosophical, and political science and activist views on labour, trade unions and capital. Contributions use case studies, surveys, interviews, content analysis, discourse analysis, and analysis of documents to bring new and relevant findings. The articles also propose some solution models to the current crisis. This collection holds valuable lessons for both union leadership and membership.
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In former ‘hard’ versions of ‘real socialistic’ societies where trade unions were weak already at the beginning of the transition process, at the end of Europeanisation - i.e. inclusion into the European market, the weak unions were marginalised and/or partially vanished. This process corresponds to the civil society interest atomization. Within the resulting environment nationalistic authoritarian ‘re-integration’ of these societies has solid conditions for growth. Comparison of the three post–Yugoslav societies and Hungary suggests that in spite of the devastating crisis and wars (within which the transitions to the ‘market economy’ were concluded) in post–Yugoslav societies trade unions still exist. The different types of ‘real-socialist’ societies explain this difference. In Yugoslav socialism workers had a voice in their factories. It was a basis of the workers movement from the late 1980s and the emerging trade unions in post–Yugoslav societies. The comparable workers voice simple did not exist in other ‘real-socialistic societies’.
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The article examines the causes of the decline in social power of trade union organizations in Serbia. Some of them are indirectly related to global socio-economic opportunities and changes in the labor market, but in this article the causes arising from the specifics of the Serbian transicional society are analyzed in more detail. The article searches for answers to the following questions: In which direction the trade union should be reformed? How to define a union strategy for the 21st century and increase the social power of trade union?
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